History of Demography

Konar-göçerlerin hareketleri, nüfusun arttığı ve daha önemlisi devlet otoritesinin zayıfladığı dönemlerde, yerleşik köylünün yerini yurdunu terk etmesi için önemli bir unsur olmuştur. Nüfusun fazla olmadığı ve tarım alanının görece geniş olduğu ilk devirlerde, devlet otoritesi de güçlü olduğundan, konar-göçerlerin hareketleri bir sıkıntı oluşturmazken, ne yazık ki sonraki dönemlerde işler değişmiştir. Nüfusun artması, yerleşme dokusunun yoğunlaşması, tarım alanlarının artık yetersiz kalması ve hepsinden önemlisi, devlet otoritesinin zayıflaması ile konar-göçerler rahat ve pervasız hareketler yapmaya başlamışlardır. Yerleşik nüfusun ekim alanlarına zarar verdikleri gibi insanların canlarına kast etme ve hatta eşkıyalık yapma gibi kanun dışı işlere de başlamışlardır. Dolayısıyla yerleşik köylü bu sıkıntılar ile mücadele etmektense, kolay olanı tercih ederek yerini yurdunu terk etmişlerdir. Osmanlı iskân tarihi için önemli bir problem olan terk edilmiş/kaybolan köyler meselesini müstakil bir çalışmada ilk ifade eden kişi Suraiya Faroqhi’dir. 1976 yılında sunduğu “Anadolu İskanı ile Terkedilmiş Köyler Sorunu” başlıklı bildirisiyle araştırmacıların ilgisini bu konuya çekmek istemiştir. Fakat 1976 yılından yakın döneme kadar bu konuda müstakil bir çalışma yapılmamıştır. Bu çalışmada konar-göçer yerleşik mücadelesi Osmanlı Devleti’nde önemli bir problem olan terk edilmiş/kaybolan köyler problemi çerçevesinde değerlendirilecektir.
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The movements of nomads are an important factor for that settled peasants left their country in the periods of weak of state authority and increased population. In the first periods that there isn’t more population and relatively large agricultural area, the movements of nomads didn’t create a problem because of the strong state authority;  but in the last periods unfortunately things changed. The increase in population, the intensification of settlement pattern is now inadequate for agriculture and most of all, the state authority weaken so, the nomads started to do ease and reckless moves. They caused damage to the plantations of the resident population and also they begun to works even illegal as banditry. So, settled peasants choosed easy thing rather than dealing with these problems and they left their country. The abandoned lost village is a serious problem of the Ottoman settlement history and It is firstly mentioned by Suraiya Faroqhi. She wanted to draw researchers’ attention of this issue with the article that she presented named “Anadolu İskanı ile Terkedilmiş Köyler Sorunu” in 1976.But until recently since 1976, there is not an independent study on this issue. In this study, struggle between nomad and settlements in the Ottoman State will be evaluated in the context of the problem about abandoned/lost villlages.

Population Politics in the Tropics explores colonial population policies in Angola between 1890 and 1945 from a transimperial perspective. Using a wide array of previously unused sources and multilingual archival research from Angola, Portugal and beyond, Samuël Coghe sheds new light on the history of colonial Angola, showing how population policies were conceived, implemented and contested. He analyses why and how doctors, administrators, missionaries and other colonial actors tried to grasp and quantify demographic change and 'improve' the health conditions, reproductive regimes and migration patterns of Angola's 'native' population. Coghe argues that these interventions were inextricably linked to pervasive fears of depopulation and underpopulation, but that their implementation was often hampered by weak state structures, internal conflicts and multiple forms of African agency. Coghe's fresh analysis of demography, health and migration in colonial Angola challenges common ideas of Portuguese colonial exceptionalism.

In this chapter, I will discuss the meaning and stylistic conventions of
photography in the discourse on Dutchness on the basis of the publication of the two best-known books on folklore, which appeared in the late 1930s.This case study shows how concepts of an embodied national identity were not limited to a specific visual genre or scientific domain, but came about in a wide range of practices of observation, measurement and dialogue.

Article en français/article in French
Abstract
The cartography of demographic phenomena has been hindered for a long time by the difficulty in finding a symbolism which integrated the spatial variations of quantitative data. The first attempts were made by statisticians or technicians and remained
quite formalist. The graphic language of demogeography came gradually into being through the first works of pionneers, such as Frère de Montizon, Ch. Dupin, and the engineers of bridges and roads, L. Lalanne and C. J. Minard.

Résumé
La cartographie des phénomènes démographiques a longtemps été retardée par les difficultés à forger un symbolisme qui puisse exprimer les variations spatiales de données quantitatives. Les premiers essais sont l'oeuvre de statisticiens ou de techniciens et restent assez formalistes. Le langage graphique de la démogéographie s'est progressivement constitué avec l'apparition de cartes et de méthodes pionnières, conçues par  Frère de Montizon, Ch. Dupin, et les ingénieurs des ponts et chaussées L. Lalanne and C. J. Minard.

Abstract
Current approaches to the history of early modern population thought focus on the state and secular governance, while standard treatments of Restoration and Augustan “political arithmetic” emphasize its economic or social-scientific content. This article recovers nonsecular uses of demographic quantification, excavating the use of political arithmetic in religious polemic between ca. 1660 and ca. 1750. As a form of empirical natural philosophy, political arithmetic suited the polemical needs of latitudinarian Anglicans and others combating deism, atheism, and preadamism; the demographic regularities it revealed furnished evidence of providential solicitude, while the history of population growth was a potential prop for scriptural chronologies. A strand of “sacred” political arithmetic thus contributed to natural theology while modeling—albeit inconsistently—new historical applications for empirical methodology. The article concludes by considering possible causes for the decline of this “sacred” strand of demographic quantification, while suggesting connections between it and better-known secular forms of Enlightenment-era population thought.
Keywords
political arithmetic; population; quantification; physico-theology; sacred history; providence; latitudinarians; Enlightenment; chronology; atheism; deism; preadamism

Until the second half of the 19 th century, abortion in the Ottoman Empire was one of the issues that the state considered a part of the sharia. As in other religions, abortion is completely forbidden in Islam but according to some schools of fiqh with the exception of the mother's life being in danger; in that case, abortion was allowed until the foetus's age of 40-120 days. After Tanzimat, which brought changes to the Ottoman State, the matter was dealt with differently. Ongoing wars and the resulting losses of land and people, furthermore outbreaks of disease and poor living conditions in general, caused a decline of the population. For this reason, the Ottoman state began to handle the problem on a secular basis, considering the state's needs in terms of taxes and military. The state was consequently not only interested in a quantitative growth of the population, but rather in a qualitative improvement of the peoples' state of health. In this context, the formal discourse shifted to the fertility of women and thereby, the roles of women in social and political contexts were being (redefined d. However, even when abortion was a matter of the state, religious norms were being used to emphasise the notion of " sin " in trying to prevent a rise in the number of abortions. Our approach to this topic is to reflect on the framework given by the Ottoman state's population policy on the basis of state documents.

Forgotten unfortunately as a physician-statistican: Károly Tormay (Krenmüller, 1804–1871)
Károly Tormay (Krenmüller, 1804−1871) as one of the pre-eminent 19th century Hungarian physicians however forgotten unfortunately by the posterity was born in Vác/Hungary. He graduated as MD in Pest 1829 and following short studies in Western Europe was employed as assistant professor of the medical faculty in veterinary medicine. Since 1832 he was appointed as a honorary chief medical officer (since 1842 regular) in Tolna County and as director of the Szekszárd Hospital at the
same timer and later as a judge of the Court of the County. He was solicitous for the general public health matters of the County and reforms of physicians’ corporation as well. He developed the hospital in his charge, published information booklets and took actively part in the dialogs of medical associations. His articles were regularly published in the “Orvosi Tár” paper and was elected member of Hungarian Royal
Society. As the County’s chief medical officer, he had to write annual reports ordered and determined professionally by Joseph II to the Hungarian Royal Council of Governor. We may assume that these reports based his interest for medical statistics. Beyond official reports and alone among all contemporary colleagues he published the concerning County experiences (population, medical personnel, weather,
significant diseases, health policy, state of hospitals and pharmacies, smallpox vaccinations) in the “Orvosi Tár” and the Annals of Physicians and Surgeons. During the Freedom Fight as appointed concillor of the Health Department of Ministry of Defence, he was engaged primarily in the organization of field hospitals. Since 1850 he was appointed concillor of the Royal Council of Governor and chief medical officer of city Pest. That time he published the city’s medical topography which was his first one of this kind and up to the level of former reports by Sámuel Benkő about Miskolc in 1782 and by Antal Jankovich about Pest-Buda in 1838. In the second half of the 1850s he published a series of articles similar that of Tolna County about the epidemiological and demographical status of Pest. As a summary of his works he dedicated a special presentation about medical statistics in 1869.
This study presents Károly Tormay (Krenmüller)’s works partly printed partly in manuscripts (e.g. the report 1847 about the intermittent fever) that are pre-eminent sources in our days too for exploring the history of medicine and demography.
Keywords: Karl Tormay (Krenmüller), Tolna County, Pest, chief medical officer, report, medical topographie, medical statistics

Through the example of Portuguese Angola, this article examines why, how and to what effect colonial doctors in interwar tropical Africa engaged with studying the demography of ‘native’ populations. It shows that doctors‘ demographic endeavours were underwritten by widespread anxieties of depopulation and intimately connected to innovations in colonial healthcare. It argues that, despite the multiple difficulties in collecting accurate data, doctors often drew far-reaching conclusions from them. By claiming that, compared to Europeans, Angola’s ‘native’ population was characterized by a different demographic regime with both higher fertility and higher infant mortality rates, they also reinforced ideas of racial difference.

Социологически проблеми (Sociological Problems), 48/2016, Issue 3-4, p.142-155. Language: Bulgarian
Published by: Институт за изследвания на обществата и знанието при БАН
Keywords: biopolitics; biopower; Moheau; demography; population; body; reproduction; human vital milieu

Summary/Abstract: This article discusses the concept of “biopower” in the light of Michel Foucault’s courses at the Collège de France, especially his lectures between 1978 and 1980. After having offered a definition of “biopower” and “biopolitics”, I will discuss in more details Foucault’s reading of the great book of the French protodemography Recherches et Considérations sur la population de la France [Researches and Considerations on the Population of France] by Jean-Baptiste Moheau. I will try then to answer the question: Why has Foucault defined this book being “the first great text of biopolitics”? My answer points out that in Moheau the government of the human life is not restricted to a technique of intervention in the vital human milieu; it rather formulates explicitly the principles of a “government of morals” – one that addresses particularly the human reproduction. As a result, it is getting clear that the “biopolitical governmentalization of life” must have already been a response of another project of mastering one’s own body and one’s own descendance – a project that was visible namely by the extension of the contraceptive techniques in the popular milieus in France, starting in the middle of the 18th century. To sum up, my thesis has not been designed as a discussion of the Foucauldian thesis; it is rather an extension of his theorizing on biopower, and it has been made possible namely through the lectures Foucault had done at the Collège de France.

From the study of an unpublished Projet de dénombrement dénombrement Census proposal dating from the early days of the First Empire one sees how at the start of the 19th century a population census can still be seen as an essential instrument of surveillance for the State Analysis of this manuscript reveals how the emerging statistical tools could be placed at the service of the police Locating and identifying individuals would be based on assigning each citizen a written, fixed and objective identity on the basis of censuses. Every person would be given a personal identification number according to where they lived. By imposing written certificates of identity on the entire population, the author of the manuscript wanted to make the identity of every individual immediately readable and decipherable. This text illustrates the linkage between a science of population which was gaining autonomy, and policing know-how. It shows the difficulty with which the "science of the State" freed itself from its origins in policing and taxation.

Im Jahr 2004 kürte eine Jury aus Sprachkritikern den Begriff ›Humankapital‹ zum ›Unwort des Jahres‹. Gerügt wurde, dass sich der Gebrauch dieses Wortes aus der Wirtschaftsfachsprache zunehmend auch in nichtfachlichen Bereichen ausbreite und damit die primär ökonomische Bewertung aller denkbaren Lebensbezüge fördere. Der Mensch werde damit zu einer nur noch ökonomisch interessanten Größe degradiert. In der aktuellen öffentlichen Diskussion entstand dann der Eindruck, als ob der Begriff Humankapital eine Erfindung profitversessener Neoliberalisten aus den 1990er Jahren sei. Doch es handelt sich um einen Begriff mit Vergangenheit: Im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert galt die Größe der Bevölkerung als wichtiger Indikator für die militärische Macht eines Staates und zugleich als Anhaltspunkt für die ökonomische Planung und damit zur Vermeidung von Armut. Im Zuge der Industrialisierung interessierte Ökonomen, Politiker und Mediziner schon bald nicht mehr allein die Menge sondern auch die Qualität der Bevölkerung. Im industriellen Arbeitsprozess wurde nun auch der Mensch als Produktionsfaktor betrachtet.