- History of Capitalism, Postcolonialism, Global History, History of Migration, Urban History, Urban Studies, and 21 moreFrench Studies, French colonialism, French colonial Algeria, Migration Studies, Mobility/Mobilities, History of knowledge, Architectural History, Urban Anthropology, Race and Racism, Immigration, Architecture and Urban Planning, Post-Colonialism, Environmental History, Social History, Temporality, Migration, Anthropology of ethics and morality, British History, European History, British Imperial and Colonial History (1600 - ), and Modern British Historyedit
- Current Position Chair of Modern European History; also associated member of the interdisciplinary Research Group "Th... moreCurrent Position
Chair of Modern European History; also associated member of the interdisciplinary Research Group "The Production of Knowledge on Migration" at the Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural Studies (IMIS), University of Osnabrueck, Germany
I am a historian of Modern Europe, specialising in migration history, urban history and the history of the social sciences. In my work, I mostly focus on 19th- and 20th-century British, French and German history, whereby I seek to investigate these Western European histories as part of broader transnational processes such as globalization and decolonization. In my first book, Grenzen der Freizügigkeit: Migrationskontrolle in Großbritannien und Deutschland, 1880-1930 (München: Oldenbourg, 2010), I have explored the tension between globalized movement and state control in the late 19th and early 20th century. Comparing practices of immigration control in the British and German migration regime, I seek to understand how they helped produce ‘illegal migration’ as a new administrative category.
In my new book on “Urban Problem Zones in (Post)Colonial France and West Germany” I investigate a shift from “class” to “race” and “ethnicity” in the construction of social problems in late 20th century-Western Europe. Focussing on different forms of urban marginality in peripheral shanty-towns, high-rise housing estates and so-called “migrant quarters”, the book is based on my habilitation thesis.
Education
PhD Humboldt-University Berlin (2008)
M.A. Humboldt-University, Berlin (Modern History and Modern German Literature, 2003)
M.A. University College London (Modern History, 2001)
Research Interest
-Migration History (with a particular view to the history of migration regimes and the tension between modern state practices, territorialisation and globalised migration)
-Urban History (with a particular view to urban inequality and segregation and to the history of urban renewal and large high-rise housing estates)
-History of the Social Sciences (in particular with a view to the production and circulation of knowledge on inequality, on class, gender and race)edit
Dass Migration in den westeuropäischen Gesellschaften des späten 20. und frühen 21. Jahrhunderts lange Zeit in erster Linie als Problem und zumal als ‚Integrationsproblem‘ dargestellt wurde, ist in der jüngeren Migrationsforschung... more
Dass Migration in den westeuropäischen Gesellschaften des späten 20. und frühen 21. Jahrhunderts lange Zeit in erster Linie als Problem und zumal als ‚Integrationsproblem‘ dargestellt wurde, ist in der jüngeren Migrationsforschung intensiv diskutiert worden. An diese Debatten anknüpfend, beleuchtet der Beitrag den Einfluss, den sozialwissenschaftliche Daten und Narrative auf die Genese des Integrationsdispositivs im postkolonialen Frankreich und der Bundesrepublik nahmen. Mit Hilfe wissensgeschichtlicher Ansätze wird analysiert, auf welche Weise der prozentuale Anteil an ‚Ausländern‘, ‚Immigranten‘ oder ethnisch definierten Gruppen an der städtischen Wohnbevölkerung zu einem Problemfaktor gemacht wurde, der mit Desintegration und sozialen Problemen gleichgesetzt wurde und in beiden Ländern wohnpolitische Maßnahmen anleitete. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse stehen die Soziologisierung städtischer Wohnpolitiken seit den 1960er Jahren und die Effekte einer stark von global zirkulierenden Daten und ‚racial narratives‘ geprägten Auseinandersetzung mit der wachsenden Diversität der städtischen Wohnbevölkerung.
The fact that migration in the Western European societies of the late 20th and early 21st century was primarily perceived as a problem and especially as an 'integration problem', has been intensively discussed in recent migration research. Based on these debates, this article examines how social scientific data and narratives influenced the genesis of the integration dispositif in postcolonial France and the Federal Republic of Germany. It analyses from a history of knowledge perspective how the percentage of 'foreigners', 'immigrants' or ethnically defined groups in the urban population was made into an indicator of disintegration and social problems that came to be employed in both countries' housing policies. The analysis focuses on the sociologisation of urban housing policies since the 1960s and examines how globally circulating data and 'racial narratives' impacted on the ways in which the growing diversity of the urban residential population was dealt with.
The fact that migration in the Western European societies of the late 20th and early 21st century was primarily perceived as a problem and especially as an 'integration problem', has been intensively discussed in recent migration research. Based on these debates, this article examines how social scientific data and narratives influenced the genesis of the integration dispositif in postcolonial France and the Federal Republic of Germany. It analyses from a history of knowledge perspective how the percentage of 'foreigners', 'immigrants' or ethnically defined groups in the urban population was made into an indicator of disintegration and social problems that came to be employed in both countries' housing policies. The analysis focuses on the sociologisation of urban housing policies since the 1960s and examines how globally circulating data and 'racial narratives' impacted on the ways in which the growing diversity of the urban residential population was dealt with.
Research Interests:
In order to explore the changing relationship between migrants and papers, cities and states in the early 20th century, this article takes two capital cities as starting points. It compares the use of police registries, identity papers,... more
In order to explore the changing relationship between migrants and papers, cities and states in the early 20th century, this article takes two capital cities as starting points. It compares the use of police registries, identity papers, and deportations in London and Berlin at that time and analyses how migrants sought to circumvent the attempts to control immigration, for example by forging papers or by crossing borders clandestinely. The analysis thus seeks to understand how ‘illegal migration’ came to be produced as a new administrative and social category. Pointing to the complex interactions between local actors, state officials and migrants in the field of migration control, it proposes to investigate modern states not as single entities, but as multi-sided assemblages of actors and infrastructures.
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In French historiography the period between the mid-1940s and the mid-1970s is often characterized as a 'glorious' period dominated by economic growth, modernization, and the emergence of a more equal society. However, while still... more
In French historiography the period between the mid-1940s and the mid-1970s is often characterized as a 'glorious' period dominated by economic growth, modernization, and the emergence of a more equal society. However, while still frequently employed, this narrative is currently under scrutiny. The article follows this critical perspective and discusses how it affects the analysis of later decades. Exploring representations of " modern " and " backward " living in modern mass housing and French shanty towns, it argues that contemporaries doubted the merits of urban modernization from early on. It points to the continuities in urban inequality and its perception from the late 1950s onwards.
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Concentrating on the production of knowledge of poverty and homelessness, this article discusses how particular spatial settings influenced the construction of social problems in the 1960s and 1970s. Exploring the practices of three kinds... more
Concentrating on the production of knowledge of poverty and homelessness, this article discusses how particular spatial settings influenced the construction of social problems in the 1960s and 1970s. Exploring the practices of three kinds of knowledge producers – social scientists in academic circles, 'practitioners cum activists' engaging in advocacy research and experts in governmental committees – the analysis focuses on the early stages of a rediscovery of poverty in Western Europe as it was debated in international fora as well as in West Germany and France. It shows that the way in which poverty was represented as a new challenge to Western 'affluent societies' was in many respects an urban story, as the ongoing housing crisis and newly defined problem areas served as major points of reference for the revived interest in social deprivation. Moreover, urban actors – locally active NGOs and municipal authorities – played a preeminent role in launching debates on the apparent paradox of poverty in affluence. With their own work often grounded in particular urban problem zones, many contemporary observers tended to spatialise poverty. For them, poverty was bound to particular places; it was an exceptional sphere that helped generate a particular behaviour that made it difficult for 'the poor' to rise. While a growing part of the population had access to housing of a standard previously reserved to the middle class and had become able to choose where to live, life in peripheral shantytowns or dilapidated inner cities became the ultimate signifier of a social position beyond the established class structure. In sociological studies today, the rise of a globalised, post-Fordist society is often closely associated with 'new' forms of poverty. Almost invariably, these new forms of advanced inequality are located in cities, as sociologists and others identify the
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What determines the ‚illegal status‘ of a migrant is not only defined by the legal framework, but depends on the way in which state bureaucracies penalized unauthorized movements by interning or deporting the respective migrants. By... more
What determines the ‚illegal status‘ of a migrant is not only defined by the legal framework, but depends on the way in which state bureaucracies penalized unauthorized movements by interning or deporting the respective migrants. By analyzing how the British and German authorities drew the line between legal and illegal migration in the aftermath of the First World War, this article explores how ‘illegal migration’ was produced as a new administrative category in the British and German migration regime.
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In France and West Germany, public opinion on modernist mass housing switched from positive to negative in a short period of time. The article explores this disenchantment with urban modernism from a history of emotions perspective. It... more
In France and West Germany, public opinion on modernist mass housing switched from positive to negative in a short period of time. The article explores this disenchantment with urban modernism from a history of emotions perspective. It investigates how contemporaries in both countries came to contrast the apparent loneliness and bleakness of modernist high-rises on the periphery of French and West German cities with the warmth and solidarity of traditional working-class neighborhoods. The article traces the genesis of this emotional framing and seeks to historize “neighborliness” as a changing social and emotional practice that was closely interconnected with discourses on emotion, space, and belonging. Analyzing TV documentaries, press reports, and sociological studies, as well as inhabitants’ reactions to them, the author foregrounds the classed and gendered ways in which different groups in France and Germany came to perceive the still new high-rise estates as spaces of isolation and angst.
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In my paper, I suggest to explore the right to housing as a contested element of urban citizenship in mid-twentieth-century Paris and Algiers. At that time, the growing number of shantytowns on the periphery of French metropolitan and... more
In my paper, I suggest to explore the right to housing as a contested element of urban citizenship in mid-twentieth-century Paris and Algiers. At that time, the growing number of shantytowns on the periphery of French metropolitan and colonial cities such as Paris and Algiers became a matter of concern for housing officials and urban planners. State officials considered the informal make-shift settlements as insanitary, dangerous and socially problematic. They repeatedly attempted to erase the bidonvilles and rehouse their inhabitants, often as part of ambitious modernization schemes. And surely, the make-shift dwellings were often cut off from urban infrastructures, and they exposed their inhabitants to health risks, stigmatization and the imminent danger of forced removal. Yet, while the bidonvilles surely were spaces of marginalization, they were also spaces of arrival that allowed for migrants and otherwise vulnerable groups to get access to the city. In order to make sense of this interplay of inclusion and exclusion in a context of decolonization and rapid urbanization, I explore the social and economic strategies of the inhabitants of informal settlements in 1950s and 1960s Paris and Algiers.
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This article focuses on the question of how gendered conceptualisations of citizenship, nationality and morality influenced late-19th-century deportation policies. It aims to show that Germany’s migration regime at the time was not only... more
This article focuses on the question of how gendered conceptualisations of citizenship, nationality and morality influenced late-19th-century deportation policies. It aims to show that Germany’s migration regime at the time was not only ethnically-coded, but also classed and gender-specific. In late nineteenth century deportation policy, the exclusionary logic of migration control and the legal framework of citizenship law intertwined. Women and men thereby acquired citizenship differently, and they were deported on different grounds. Moreover, while this chapter is exploring the gendered policing of the nations’ boundaries in migration politics, it also argues that foreign men and women tended to choose different strategies in order to challenge exclusionary practices. Using the petitions against deportation orders as a source, it explores the differing position of foreign men and women in the German migration regime.
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Verspricht eine Re-Lektüre der „Feinen Unterschiede“ wirklich neue Erkenntnisse? Schließlich sind Bourdieus Thesen zu Formen der sozialen Distinktion hinlänglich bekannt. Dennoch (oder gerade deswegen) ist es aus zeitgeschichtlicher Sicht... more
Verspricht eine Re-Lektüre der „Feinen Unterschiede“ wirklich neue Erkenntnisse? Schließlich sind Bourdieus Thesen zu Formen der sozialen Distinktion hinlänglich bekannt. Dennoch (oder gerade deswegen) ist es aus zeitgeschichtlicher Sicht produktiv, Bourdieus Werk historisch zu lesen und seine Befunde als ein Produkt der 1960er- und 1970er- Jahre zu deuten. Denn eine solche historische Re-Lektüre hilft zu verstehen, wie stark sich das gängige Verständnis von Gesellschaft und ihren zentralen Trennlinien im fortgeschrittenen 20. Jahrhundert gewandelt hat.
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Why did a West-Berlin high-rise social housing project gain a nationwide reputation as an urban problem zone that was synonymous with planning failures and social problems? Around 1970, an impressive number of press articles, films and... more
Why did a West-Berlin high-rise social housing project gain a nationwide reputation as an urban problem zone that was synonymous with planning failures and social problems? Around 1970, an impressive number of press articles, films and academic studies focused on the Märkisches Viertel, a high-rise housing estate on the northern margins of West-Berlin that was built alongside the wall between 1963 and 1974. The article traces the changing representation of the quarter, investigating how it came to be construed as an urban problem zone. It argues that a disillusionment with urban modernity as well as a growing concern with marginal groups impacted on its image. With their academic, social and media work, members of a new left milieu that was particularly rooted in West-Berlin were foremost in influencing the quarter’s representation in the media. Striving to uncover societal problems, they in fact contributed to the quarter’s decline.
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Die Beseitigung der akuten Wohnungsnot und die Schaffung besserer urbaner Verhältnisse für alle sozialen Schichten gehörten in der Nachkriegszeit zu den zentralen Versprechen westeuropäischer Wohlfahrtsstaaten. Umso einschneidender war in... more
Die Beseitigung der akuten Wohnungsnot und die Schaffung besserer urbaner Verhältnisse für alle sozialen Schichten gehörten in der Nachkriegszeit zu den zentralen Versprechen westeuropäischer Wohlfahrtsstaaten. Umso einschneidender war in den 1960er Jahren die Erkenntnis, dass die Zahl an Familien, die in Barackenlagern und Notunterkünften wohnte, nicht ab-, sondern zunahm. In Frankreich wie in Westdeutschland bildete die Auseinandersetzung mit den „schlecht Untergebrachten“ und „Obdachlosen“ einen zentralen Schauplatz der Auseinandersetzung mit Fragen der Gleichheit und Ungleichheit. Um diese Problematisierungen verstehen zu können, verknüpft die Analyse eine wissensgeschichtliche Perspektive mit der Untersuchung administrativer Praktiken und rückt das Wechselverhältnis zwischen der staatlichen Wohnungspolitik und der sich wandelnden Konstruktion sozialer Probleme in den Blick. Sie zeigt, dass sich die französische und westdeutsche Sozialverwaltung in ihrem Versuch ähnelten, über eine Politik der gestaffelten Wohnlösungen Familien zu disziplinieren, die über keine reguläre Unterkunft verfügten. Im französischen Fall war diese hierarchisierte Politik eng mit (post)kolonialen Logiken verknüpft. In Westdeutschland war es dagegen weniger die „gefährliche Klasse“ der Migranten, sondern es waren kinderreiche deutsche Familien, die im Zusammenhang mit Notunterkünften als Risikobevölkerung galten. In der Auseinandersetzung mit deren Unterbringung in Lagern und Notunterkünften zeichnete sich allerdings in beiden Ländern ein grundlegender Wandel ab: Geht man von der Wissensproduktion zu Wohnproblemen aus, verlor das Bild einer primär selbst verschuldeten Benachteiligung um 1970 an Einfluss, während sich der Fokus auf Fragen der Inklusion und Partizipation sowie überhaupt auf die gesellschaftliche Bedingtheit sozialer Randständigkeit verlagerte.
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In the modern era, population experts focused not just on the size and quality of populations, but also on space and spatial distributions. In fact, a variety of spatial divides have played into twentieth-century population thinking: the... more
In the modern era, population experts focused not just on the size and quality of populations, but also on space and spatial distributions. In fact, a variety of spatial divides have played into twentieth-century population thinking: the divide between low-pressure and high-pressure countries, high and low population density, between the rural and the urban. These spatial settings and the way in which they influenced population thinking deserve a closer look. This chapter explores the changing relationship between space and population in the production of population knowledge. It focuses on three fields of debate: The first part deals with migration and migration control, investigating how demographic arguments came to influence migration politics. The second part examines the lack of “living space” as a major topic of racist and imperialist thinking in the first half of the twentieth century. The third part focuses on the adaption of demographic concepts – like population density and population pressure – in urban settings, as academic experts repeatedly applied demographic ideas to the study of cities while at the same time extrapolating broader demographic arguments from their studies of urban developments.
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Was passiert, wenn zwar die wissenschaftliche Forschung die Gesellschaft in soziale Gruppen untergliedert und deren Einstellungen erfasst, wenn dieses Wissen der betreffenden Gesellschaft aber nur begrenzt zugänglich ist? In der DDR... more
Was passiert, wenn zwar die wissenschaftliche Forschung die Gesellschaft in soziale Gruppen untergliedert und deren Einstellungen erfasst, wenn dieses Wissen der betreffenden Gesellschaft aber nur begrenzt zugänglich ist? In der DDR wurden seit den 1960er Jahren an einer Vielzahl von Instituten empirische Studien mit Hilfe von Fragebögen oder Interviews durchgeführt, um DDR-Bürgerinnen und Bürger zu ihren Vorlieben zu befragen. Anhand der sozialwissenschaftlichen Auseinandersetzung mit sozialer Ungleichheit in der DDR geht der vorliegende Beitrag der Frage nach, welche Funktion diesen Umfragen im Rahmen des SED-Regimes zukam und in welchem Wechselverhältnis empirische Sozialforschung, Politik und Gesellschaft zueinander standen. Dabei wird deutlich, dass der Austausch zwischen politischer Elite und Sozialforschung Konjunkturen unterlag: Während in den 1960er Jahren ein politisches Interesse an der wissenschaftlichen Fundierung von politischen Entscheidungen bestand, zeigte sich die SED-Elite in den 1970er und 1980er Jahren immer weniger bereit, die Ergebnisse der Forschung in das eigene politische Handeln einzubinden: Der Parteiführung war lediglich symbolisch an der Verwissenschaftlichung ihres Handelns gelegen. Damit wurden zwar von den empirischen Sozialwissenschaften weiterhin Umfragen durchgeführt und die Durchführung dieser Umfragen wurde politisch kontrolliert, doch waren deren Ergebnisse keiner breiteren Öffentlichkeit zugänglich und das produzierte Wissen konnte nicht zirkulieren.
What happens if researchers divide society into different groups and classify their attitudes, but if, however, this knowledge is only partially accessible for said society? In the GDR, empirical studies were conducted regularly by means of questionnaires and interviews in order to survey citizens of the GDR about their attitudes and preferences. At the same time, few of these studies were published. Exploring changing ways of describing social difference in the GDR, this article investigates the role surveys played in the SED regime and examines the interplay between empirical social research, politics and society. It highlights that the communication between the political elite and social researchers changed in the course of time: Whereas during the 1960s political representatives were particularly interested in basing political decisions on scientific evidence, SED leaders during the 1970s and 1980s were less and less willing to include research findings into their decision-making process. Party leaders were in favour of scientizing their political actions at a merely symbolic level. Hence, empirical social researchers conducted further surveys and continued to be controlled by the regime. Their findings, however, were not accessible to a broader public. The social scientific knowledge they produced could not circulate. At the same time, alternative ways of describing social difference that diverged from the traditional socialist model became more and more common within the social sciences in the course of the 1980s.
What happens if researchers divide society into different groups and classify their attitudes, but if, however, this knowledge is only partially accessible for said society? In the GDR, empirical studies were conducted regularly by means of questionnaires and interviews in order to survey citizens of the GDR about their attitudes and preferences. At the same time, few of these studies were published. Exploring changing ways of describing social difference in the GDR, this article investigates the role surveys played in the SED regime and examines the interplay between empirical social research, politics and society. It highlights that the communication between the political elite and social researchers changed in the course of time: Whereas during the 1960s political representatives were particularly interested in basing political decisions on scientific evidence, SED leaders during the 1970s and 1980s were less and less willing to include research findings into their decision-making process. Party leaders were in favour of scientizing their political actions at a merely symbolic level. Hence, empirical social researchers conducted further surveys and continued to be controlled by the regime. Their findings, however, were not accessible to a broader public. The social scientific knowledge they produced could not circulate. At the same time, alternative ways of describing social difference that diverged from the traditional socialist model became more and more common within the social sciences in the course of the 1980s.
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In the history of immigration control, the period from the 1880s to the 1920s saw an international dynamic of growing restrictions. World War I in particular has been regarded as watershed marking the end of laissez faire migration... more
In the history of immigration control, the period from the 1880s to the 1920s saw an international dynamic of growing restrictions. World War I in particular has been regarded as watershed marking the end of laissez faire migration policy. But whether 1914 can be seen as a crucial turning-point depends on the country or region under consideration, as well as on the chosen analytical approach. Analysing Britain’s politics of immigration control before and after the war and comparing it with its Prussian equivalent, this article discusses the shifts and continuities in the concrete administration of migration. Focussing on the changing practice of deporting foreigners, it suggests a chronology of control that does not entirely correspond with the overall political changes. By 1918, the British bureaucracy possessed elaborate means to monitor aliens, and the state increasingly impacted on the migrants’ lives. In contrast, Prussia was maintaining an already tightly regulated regime, which its authorities had established well before 1914.
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The article explores how surveys were produced and how survey data was communicated in the popular press in the late 1 940s and 1 950s. It analyses the transnational career of representative sex surveys à la Kinsey as a knowledge transfer... more
The article explores how surveys were produced and how survey data was communicated in the popular press in the late 1 940s and 1 950s. It analyses the transnational career of representative sex surveys à la Kinsey as a knowledge transfer that complied with the rules of media society, as this transfer was not so much driven by academic concerns, but by the print media and their interest in communicable and marketable knowledge. Following up the extensive media coverage of Kinsey’s work, popular newspapers in Britain as well as in West Germany commissioned the first nation-wide sex surveys and published their outcomes. Striving to attract the attention of their readers, they employed the surveys as marketing devises, thereby emphasising both the originality and scientific objectivity of their own reporting.
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The term “ghetto”, as the historian Carl H. Nightingale maintains, has indeed “gone global” in the second half of the 20th century. Nightingale thereby refers to a particular understanding of “the ghetto” as a term “heavily associated... more
The term “ghetto”, as the historian Carl H. Nightingale maintains, has indeed “gone global” in the second half of the 20th century. Nightingale thereby refers to a particular understanding of “the ghetto” as a term “heavily associated with African Americans” that has become a codeword for race, as much as for urban riots, crime and poverty. In my paper, I suggest to have a closer look at this global career of the ghetto. In fact, more generally speaking, I suggest to have a closer look at what I call the language of urban crisis as it developed from the late 1960s onwards at the intersection of sociology, the mass media and urban politics. While modernist urban planning was falling into disrepute and while industrial class-society was changing profoundly, so did the naming of urban social problems – and the understanding of urban reform and how to achieve it. At least in the case of West Germany, a lot of the keywords that contemporaries used in order to denounce urban social problems were surprisingly transnational in their extent. In my paper, I ask 1) what this tells us about the ways in which contemporaries made sense of their changing urban environment and 2) how their specific framing of urban change informed their concrete policies and practices.
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Noch vor einigen Jahren galten die von Hochhäusern dominierten Großsiedlungen am Rande vieler deutscher Städte als überkommene Produkte einer mehr oder weniger gescheiterten Stadtplanungs-und Wohnungs-baupolitik. Doch während aktuell in... more
Noch vor einigen Jahren galten die von Hochhäusern dominierten Großsiedlungen am Rande vieler deutscher Städte als überkommene Produkte einer mehr oder weniger gescheiterten Stadtplanungs-und Wohnungs-baupolitik. Doch während aktuell in zahlreichen Städten die Proteste gegen steigen-de Mieten und eine wachsende Ungleichheit im Wohnen zunehmen, ändert sich auch die Sicht auf frühere Stadtpolitiken. Der Ruf nach mehr öffentlich subventioniertem Wohnungsbau wird lauter, und eine wachsende Zahl an Ausstellungen, Konferenzen und Publikationen zeugt von einem neuen Interesse am baulichen Erbe der Nachkriegsmoderne. Dieses Interesse ist nicht auf den deutschen Raum beschränkt. Schließlich war es eine global verzweigte Planungsbewegung, die im Namen der funktionalen Moderne das Aussehen vieler Städte nachhaltig änderte. Zum internationalen Aufstieg des modernistischen Massenwohnens und speziell der Großsiedlungen trug diese Planungsbewegung entscheidend bei. Daher beschränkt sich die neue Aufmerksamkeit für die Großbauprojekte der Nachkriegszeit auch nicht auf die historische Forschung. Mindestens ebenso stark interessieren sich dafür Stadtplaner/innen und Architekt/innen.
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Es ist keineswegs selbsterklärend, warum der moderne Massenwohnungsbau in erstaunlich vielen westlichen Gesellschaften bereits um 1970 in Verruf geraten war. Das öffentliche Image der Großsiedlungen etwa, die seit den 1950er Jahren an den... more
Es ist keineswegs selbsterklärend, warum der moderne Massenwohnungsbau in erstaunlich vielen westlichen Gesellschaften bereits um 1970 in Verruf geraten war. Das öffentliche Image der Großsiedlungen etwa, die seit den 1950er Jahren an den Rändern französischer und westdeutscher Städte entstanden, wechselte binnen weniger Jahre von positiv zu negativ. Eben noch Inbegriff für Fortschritt und Vermittelschichtung, waren sie kurz darauf zu einem Inbegriff für soziale Randständigkeit geworden. Diesem Prozess widmet sich der Vortrag. Er geht darauf ein, wie einzelne Großsiedlungen im Rahmen soziologischer und massenmedialer Beobachtungen sowie aktivistischer Interventionen als urbane Problemzonen hergestellt wurden. Denn tatsächlich war die schrittweise Abwertung der Siedlungen nicht nur ein Ergebnis stadtplanerischer Fehlentscheidungen. Sie war auch das Resultat wechselnder Formen der Gesellschaftskritik.