Deportation

NB: These are the second proofs, which differ from the published versions in small details (mainly typos). -- This paper deals with the “Lost Tribes of Israel,” the people removed by the Assyrian authorities from the territories of the conquered kingdom of Israel and especially its capital city Samaria (Assyrian Samerina), to be resettled elsewhere in the Empire’s vast holdings.

Recent statutory changes to United States immigration law have resulted in a large increase in the number, of lawful permanent resident noncitizens who are deported because of prior criminal conduct. Now, deportation is often a virtually automatic consequence of conviction for an increasingly minor array of crimes including possessory drug offenses and shoplifting. Under current statutory law, permanent resident noncitizens may be deported for crimes that were not grounds for deportation when they were committed and there may be no possibility of mercy or humanitarian relief. This Dialogue explores arguments for and against this system. Specifically, it examines the idea, rooted in history, that deportation is an unconstitutional punishment for criminal offenses. [77o understand what a constitution is, one must look not for some ►ystalline core or essence of unambiguous meaning but precisely at the ambiguities, the specific oppositions that this specific concept helps us to hold in ...

We are living in a historical moment when an economic and political elite govern with neoliberal concepts of privatization, international debt, and immigration security, with highly controlled free trade agreements, with fossil fuel investments ravaging our lands, rivers, and air for their profit at our expense, with a war on drugs and now terrorists that legalizes a global-wide, racially-coded caste system of social and economic control. It’s bad, folks. I want to say it, aloud, because, well, I think we all have to start standing up and framing our contributions within the Truth of what we know…and then, then, to tell and listen and share the stories, otras historias, that are leading us to a new moral consensus. It gives me hope that these stories of the Otros Dreamers are just one example among a growing diversity of powerful narratives—like Black Lives Matter, Undocumented and Unafraid, 67 Sueños, Water is Life, Occupy Wall Street, los Indignados, Ayontzinapa, the Zapatistas, Cherán, El Buen Vivir y El Buen Migrar, and many, many others that I imagine many of you are a part of amplifying—narratives that continue to push us towards radically more inclusive, more equal, more connected, and more just visions of human and other-than-human rights and responsibilities.

While media and scholarly attention on the ‘clandestinity’ of migrants is commonplace, and while ‘visibility’ and ‘invisibility’ feature prominently in the vocabulary of migration scholars, it seems researchers rarely interrogate borders and migration from the angle of sociologies, anthropologies and geographies of secrecy. We use the analytics of secrecy when we debate the covert activities of spies, diplomats, bankers, conspirators,  not to mention the transgressive acts of whistleblowers, but arguably less so when we theorize migration control. In this essay I want to explore some connections between the politics of secrecy and the politics of migration control. My main argument is that it is fruitful to bring theoretical and empirical reflections on secrecy into the debate about borders and migration. I call this the secretization of migration.

The spread of crimmigration policies, practices, and rhetoric represents an economically rational strategy and has significant implications for the lived experience of noncitizen immigrants. This study draws upon in-depth interviews of immigrants with a range of legal statuses to describe the mechanics through which immigrants internalize and respond to the fear of deportation, upon which crimmigration strategies rely. The fear of deportation and its behavioral effects extend beyond undocumented or criminally convicted immigrants, encompassing lawful permanent residents and naturalized citizens alike. This fear causes immigrants to refuse to use public services, endure labor exploitation, and avoid public spaces, resulting in social exclusion and interrupted integration, which is detrimental to US society as a whole.

In this essay, I describe the nexus of global capitalism, the precipitous rise in US deportations and return migration over the last decade, and the criminalization of Latino youth and immigrants in Mexico and the United States as manifested in the “call center narratives” of call center employees in Mexico City. The call center is the setting for an emergent transnational subculture within the economic imperatives of neoliberal globalization. For a disproportionate number of returning and deported youth, the transnational call center figures as an uncertain safe haven, a community of support and a temporary economic safety net. Even as the presence of former and active Latino gang members threaten the seeming safety in numbers, the call center narrators deconstruct the dominant discourse of “every immigrant is a (potential) criminal” in both the United States and in Mexico. And, as testimonios, the call center narratives speak from the “elsewhere” of deportation and return to US-based readers, voicing new perspectives on transnational and immigrant identity and solidarity.

Deportation has again taken a prominent place within the immigration policies of nation-states. Irregular Citizenship, Immigration, and Deportation addresses the social responses to deportation, in particular the growing movements against deportation and detention, and for freedom of movement and the regularization of status.

The book brings deportation and anti-deportation together with the aim of understanding the political subjects that emerge in this contested field of governance and control, freedom and struggle. However, rather than focusing on the typical subjects of removal – refugees, the undocumented, and irregular migrants – Irregular Citizenship, Immigration, and Deportation looks at the ways that citizens get caught up in the deportation apparatus and must struggle to remain in or return to their country of citizenship. The transformation of ‘regular’ citizens into deportable ‘irregular’ citizens involves the removal of the rights, duties, and obligations of citizenship. This includes unmaking citizenship through official revocation or denationalization, as well as through informal, extra-legal, and unofficial means. The book features stories about struggles over removal and return, deportation and repatriation, rescue and abandonment. The book features eleven ‘acts of citizenship’ that occur in the context of deportation and anti-deportation, arguing that these struggles for rights, recognition, and return are fundamentally struggles over political subjectivity – of citizenship.

This book will be of interest to students and scholars of citizenship, migration and security studies.

A history of the United States' systematic expulsion of "undesirables" and immigrants, told through the lives of the passengers who travelled from around the world, only to be locked up and forced out aboard America's first deportation trains.

The United States, celebrated as a nation of immigrants and the land of the free, has developed the most extensive system of imprisonment and deportation that the world has ever known. The Deportation Express is the first history of American deportation trains: a network of prison railroad cars repurposed by the Immigration Bureau to link jails, hospitals, asylums, and workhouses across the country and allow forced removal with terrifying efficiency. With this book, historian Ethan Blue uncovers the origins of the deportation train and finds the roots of the current moment, as immigrant restriction and mass deportation once again play critical and troubling roles in contemporary politics and legislation.

A century ago, deportation trains made constant circuits around the nation, gathering so-called "undesirable aliens"—migrants disdained for their poverty, political radicalism, criminal conviction, or mental illness—and conveyed them to ports for exile overseas. Previous deportation procedures had been violent, expensive, and relatively ad hoc, but the railroad industrialized the expulsion of the undesirable. Trains provided a powerful technology to divide "citizens" from "aliens" and displace people in unprecedented numbers. Drawing on the lives of migrants and the agents who expelled them, The Deportation Express is history told from aboard a deportation train. By following the lives of selected individuals caught within the deportation regime, this book dramatically reveals how the forces of state exclusion accompanied epic immigration in early twentieth-century America. These are the stories of people who traveled from around the globe, only to be locked up and cast out, deported through systems that bound the United States together, and in turn, pulled the world apart. Their journey would be followed by millions more in the years to come.

University of California Press, 2021

https://www.ucpress.edu/book/9780520304444/the-deportation-express

“Education is not the filling of a pail, but the lighting of a fire.” —William Butler Yeats (1889)

Welcome to our course, “Race and Ethnicity”!  These are not, needless to say, normal circumstances. This is the first time in four decades of teaching that I am doing so “online.”  It may be a new experience for you as well.  There are bound to be glitches (not to mention Murphy’s Law) as we adapt to the new conditions and challenges... but I have no doubt that we will overcome them together.  Our course, which begins on March 31, 2020, is being held in the context of the historic crisis we are all engulfed in, a once-in-a-century global pandemic that is not only bordering on a public health apocalypse but shaking all aspects of our lives and of our worlds (interpersonal, educational, occupational, financial, economic, political, residential, medical, social, cultural, psychological, familial)—requiring adaptations to rapidly changing and unpredictable circumstances.  (Like this online course, for instance!)  It is precisely in such moments of crisis—which shake our taken for granted notions and routines to their foundation, revealing the artifices of our social constructions of “reality” (including what we construct as “race” and “ethnicity”)—that a sociological imagination flourishes.  A folk saying has it that “when life gives you lemons, make lemonade.”  I look forward to making sociological lemonade with you this quarter.  The pandemic will not hit everyone alike, but will be patterned along hard lines of social and economic inequality and disadvantage—including race and ethnicity and immigration status.  Not everyone can “stay at home.”  Harsh realities are being exposed anew by this public health catastrophe... including the fact that SYSTEMIC RACISM IS A PUBLIC HEALTH ISSUE... along with possibilities to reshape the structure of our societies in the calamitous aftermath. (But as Frederick Douglass famously said long ago: “Power concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will.”)

We will read 1 book during our 11-week course: Race in America, by Matthew Desmond and Mustafa Emirbayer.
This is one of the very best textbooks on the subject that I have seen. The book is made up of 11 chapters, each about 40 pages (including many images, maps and graphics); you’ll be reading a chapter a week on average. 
The first 2 chapters spell out key concepts and address the historical invention and institutionalization of “race.” The next 8 core chapters (#3-10) focus on separate (but interconnected) fields of social life: political, economic, residential, legal, educational, aesthetic, associational, and intimate spheres (family, self, identity).  The last one, chapter 11, looks to the future: “Toward Racial Democracy.” In addition to the text, you will read a few supplementary readings, listed in the syllabus and course agenda.  In tandem with the course readings, over the next ten weeks I will regularly email you selected articles, reports, and analyses seeking to connect what you are studying to the breaking news of the day; while we cannot know now what may come in the coming months, we can be pretty certain that the issues addressed by our course will be at the heart of the historic crisis (or crises) that will engulf us.  By the end of the class you will have effectively a “curated” set of such accompanying relevant readings.

Tuesday March 31 is the start of our class.  Saturday April 4 marks the anniversary of the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.  As I do every year at that time, as well as on the anniversary of his birth on January 15, I send my students an annual message of remembrance.  Please take time to read and reflect on it.

The goal of this class is to broaden your intellectual horizons; to study stress, not to cause it; to invite you to a memorable sociological adventure amid a global crisis that you and I will still be talking about many years from now.  And remember: Our course will end in June, but not our role and responsibility as members of the polis, as citizens as well as sociologists confronted by historic crises.  The critically informed citizen—whose voice is heard, who acts and votes and remains civically engaged—is racism’s worst enemy.  Becoming a critically informed citizen, ending racial domination and making a more just world is a lifetime commitment that never ends.  Silence is not an option at this (potential) turning point in the history of American democracy and racial justice, even amid a once-in-a-century pandemic.  Know that history.  Voice that history.  Read-think-write... and act.

"Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere... Justice too long delayed is justice denied." —Martin Luther King, Jr.,  Letter from Birmingham Jail (1963)

This article draws on a unique dataset of more than eleven hundred postdeportation surveys to examine migrants' experiences with coyotes (human smugglers) along the U.S.-Mexico border. Our focus is on migrants' satisfaction with the services provided by their most recent smuggler and whether they would be willing to put family or friends in contact with that person. We find a distinct difference between people's expectations for their own migratory experience compared to what they would be willing to subject loved ones to. expectations of comfort and safety are decidedly low for oneself; but for loved ones, a more expressive, qualitative assessment shapes their willingness to recommend a coyote: qualities such as trustworthiness, honesty, comportment, and treatment come to the fore. News coverage focusing on the deaths of smuggled migrants often portrays coyotes as nefarious and exploitative, but the migrant-smuggler relationship is much more complex than suggested by th...

This short paper is all about the Extradition Act No. 15 of 1965 [Cap 368 R: E 2002] on the procedures on how the accused person who commit an offence inside the country and escape to other country (vice versa) from the processes of arresting up to hearing of cases and evidence.
Tanzania can extradite its own nationals. In correlation with the bombing of the US Embassy in Tanzania in 1998, a Tanzanian citizen was extradited to the United States. Also in 2017 the Court approved the extradition of a leader of a global drug trafficking ring to the United States of America.
In Republic V Wilfred Onyango Nganyi & Another  involving extradition of suspected robbers connected to a robbery that occurred in Arusha, Tanzania, extradition proceedings were followed to the letter and the accused were handed over to the Tanzania authorities after the High Court on appeal, granted extradition orders.
This means such person can be returned to our country (or foreign country) where crime has been committed in order to give the chance for the particular court proceedings to prevail. This act is normal known as Extradition, and the power given to the parties to an agreement on mutual assistance on extradition processes is known as Extradition Authority. The most important thing in Extradition is jurisdiction, which is mainly given after the mutual agreement between the said countries on extradition assistance. Territorial jurisdiction simply means the geographical area within which a court of law can exercise its powers (Sharma v R, 20 E.A.C.A 310).
For instance, if any fugitive criminal or other person is arrested in pursuance of the provisions of this Act and brought before a magistrate shall have power to order, who has no power to exercise jurisdiction under this Act, that magistrate person to be brought before some magistrate having that jurisdiction, and to remand or admit that person to bail, and effect shall be given to that order.

Kidnapping, originally considered a problem for the super wealthy, has quickly spread to epidemic proportions among the relative poor, especially among clandestine international migrants. This article examines how people’s relationship to the US–Mexico border shapes their vulnerability to kidnapping. Moreover, through one long ethnographic vignette and survey data of deportees’ experiences with kidnapping, this article explores how the border helps produce and shape kidnapping. By exploring the
border as topological, based on the relationships created through clandestine migration and deportation, we can see how kidnapping operates to produce certain, highly varied subjectivities. Moreover, this article explores the contours of sexuality and masculinity for a feminist geopolitical take on some of the darkest chapters of the war on drugs in Mexico.

Alors que c’est souvent a la Seconde Guerre mondiale et a ses suites que sont associees les experiences des deplacements forces, des internements massifs de civils et de militaires, cet ouvrage propose de placer la focale sur un long XIXe siecle, de la Revolution francaise aux lendemains de la Premiere Guerre mondiale. Ce livre a pour ambition de proposer une analyse conjointe et comparee, a la fois diachronique et internationale, de trois grands types d’experiences a priori dissemblables, celles des refugies, des prisonniers de guerre et des deportes lors d’un siecle qui vit a la fois ces phenomenes se massifier et — lentement encore — se differencier. Ces trois formes de circulation transnationale contrainte — alors encore comparables a bien des egards — sont caracterisees par un moment d’arrachement qui se deroule dans un contexte de violence (guerre, revolution, crise), suivi d’une migration forcee et d’une implantation provisoire ou definitive. Ces deplaces subissent alors souv...

Éminemment politique, l’organisation de vols dédiés à l’expulsion des sans-papiers à l’échelon européen reste un sujet peu étudié, sans doute du fait de l’opacité qui prime dès lors qu’il est question de renvoi contraint (qu’il soit collectif ou non, qualifié de « forcé » ou de « volontaire assisté »), et a fortiori lorsqu’il s’agit d’arrangements, le plus souvent tenus secrets, liant des États, des agences régionales ou des organisations internationales à des entreprises du transport aérien.

"La part du fils", récit de Jean-Luc Coatalem publié par les éditions Stock fin août 2019, se veut la quête d’un grand-père Résistant déporté. Or le grand-père Coatalem n’a pas été le Résistant décrit dans le livre.
Le fond et la forme de cet ouvrage ambigu offrent matière à discussion.
La forme est bizarre : roman familial écrit à la manière d’un récit biographique mâtiné de séquences autobiographiques. Quel est ce genre littéraire que l’on peine à circonscrire ? : un mythorécit !
Le fond est contestable car l’auteur brouille à dessein les traces historiques. Il dénature la juste histoire de la Résistance.
Plus largement, ce cas interroge sur la manière dont le faux peut être validé et diffusé par les médias et les institutions.
Alors, contre les faits alternatifs et la post-vérité : le devoir d'Histoire, le devoir de vérité, le devoir de mémoire !
La suite de l'article est une Lettre ouverte adressée au Président de la République Française.
Ces deux articles ont été publiés par Agoravox en octobre, et en novembre 2019.

Mass deportation has global implications and is intimately tied to the worldwide movement of people and goods. In short, it is not simply a domestic policy issue. The larger economic picture—especially in the countries to which the United States sends deportees—has shaped the development of mass deportation. Many scholars have found that globalization and economic restructuring have produced global migration. In this book, I argue that the current phase of mass deportations is produced by neoliberal reforms and the intensification of economic inequality. I further contend that deportation maintains a system of global apartheid.
To make this argument, I draw from the narratives of deportees, and I place their stories and experiences in the wider context of global capitalism, neoliberalism, and racialized social control. Through their life histories, I identify the elements of the current era of global capitalism that have rendered mass deportation possible:
• Global inequality, which leads migrants to travel across borders in search of better opportunities than that which their country of birth provides
• Systems of border control and immigration policing, which make international migration difficult and render working-class and poor international migrants vulnerable
• Economic and social changes in the United States in the 1980s that led to changes in the labor market, which have greatly reduced the availability of low-skill jobs that pay a living wage and a concomitant increase in temporary and low-paying jobs in the United States that immigrants are qualified to do
• The rise in unemployment in the context of the Great Recession
• A system of racialized social control that focuses on black and Latino men and ensures that those migrants who eschew low-wage jobs are arrested and deported if they are noncitizens
The above list includes factors that have made mass deportation possible from the U.S. side. Additionally, I will explain the role that deportees play in global capitalism once they are deported. Countries that receive deportees have found rhetorical and practical uses for their returning citizens: They serve as scapegoats or bilingual low-wage workers in their countries of origin.

This article questions whether the presentation of the return and deportation of irregular migrants as a solution to the so-called ‘refugee crisis’ is ethical. Legally, the return of irregular migrants may be a legitimate activity by the state, but the current pressure by the European Commission on member-states to increase the current 40 percent rate of effective returns can lead them to operate returns below minimal human rights standards in a bid to increase the rate. Detailed knowledge of the impact of returns – including deportation from and to different countries – on migrants’ welfare and human rights is scarce. Based on studies on returns from EU member-states to different countries, I make three arguments. First, due to the complexity of the return process, statistics need to be unpacked better. Second, there are key conceptual problems underpinning current EU returns policy. Third, research strongly indicates that returns can render people vulnerable. In the absence of in-depth knowledge on the effects of return on migrants, I conclude with an appeal for returns to be treated with caution and their linking to the refugee crisis to be avoided.

Retornando y deportando migrantes irregulares: no es una solución a la “crisis de refugiados”

Este articulo cuestiona si la presentación del retorno y de la deportación de los migrantes irregulares como una solución a la llamada “crisis de refugiados” es ética. Legalmente, el retorno de los migrantes irregulares puede ser una actividad legítima por parte del Estado, pero la presión actual por la Comisión Europea sobre los Estados miembros de aumentar la tasa actual del 40 por ciento de retornos efectivos puede conducirlos a que operen retornos por debajo de los estándares mínimos de derechos humanos en un intento de aumentar la tasa. El conocimiento detallado del impacto de los retornos – incluyendo la deportación desde y hacia diferentes países – sobre el bienestar de los migrantes y los derechos humanos es escaso. Basado en estudios sobre retornos desde Estados miembros de la UE hacia diferentes países, presento tres argumentos. En primer lugar, debido a la complejidad del proceso de retorno, las estadísticas deben de ser analizadas con más profundidad. En segundo lugar, hay problemas conceptuales claves que sustentan la política actual de los retornos en la UE. En tercer lugar, la investigación indica fuertemente que los retornos pueden rendir vulnerables a las personas. En ausencia de un conocimiento profundo sobre los efectos del retorno de los migrantes, concluyo con un llamado para que los retornos sean tratados con precaución y que su vinculación con la crisis de refugiados sea evitada.

Résumé : L’histoire des populations recèle des métissages anciens que la recherche par ADN parvient aujourd’hui à détecter. Cet article démontre la pertinence de cette méthode pour l’étude de l’Acadie, de son ethnogenèse et de son prolongement québécois en y exploitant spécifiquement la présence d’ADN amérindien. Un développement distinctif et exclusif au continent américain y caractérise en effet la population autochtone.

Through migrant and activist testimonies, media coverage, and government documents, this article explores the modes of resistance inside and outside of immigration detention that arose in response to new, more punitive detention policies enacted by the Reagan administration that specifically targeted Caribbean and Central American asylum-seekers in the early 1980s, and the modes of retaliation adopted by the administration in response. It argues migrant detention operates as a form of counter-insurgency, re-centering the geopolitics of asylum within the transnational scope of counter-insurgent warfare and its role in the rise of carceral trends more broadly. Reagan’s “Cold War on immigrants”—defined as a suite of new immigration enforcement measures that was adopted by the Reagan administration during its first term and buttressed the subsequent growth of the detention system—sparked mass resistance. Mounting public dissent against Reagan’s foreign and immigration policies, as evidenced by “inside-outside” and transnational activism, Jesse Jackson’s 1984 presidential campaign, and the Central America peace and Sanctuary movements, prompted the administration to wage a total war against its opponents to maintain its immigration control and foreign policy aims. The contemporary US immigration detention system emerged, and continues, out of this dialectic of resistance and retaliation.

In the context of sustained attempts to reduce immigration and increase expulsions from the UK, mixed-immigration status relationships between citizens and precarious foreign nationals have arisen as key sites where the boundaries of national belonging are contested. These families are presented as inherently problematic: complicating the citizen/migrant binary and supposedly pitting family life against national immigration objectives. Drawing on the accounts of British female partners of ‘deportable’ men, this article examines the impact of immigration enforcement measures on the sense of security and membership of the citizens close to the migrants targeted. It argues that the women discovered longstanding gendered and classed barriers to operationalising their citizenship privileges, which led to reconfigurations of their relationships with their government as well as understanding of the institution of citizenship. Their accounts illustrate how immigration controls produce and discipline citizens, as well as migrants, exposing the internal hierarchies of citizenship.

Num tempo em que as comunidades de emigrantes cabo-verdianos no exterior mostram-se cada vez mais enraizadas nas suas sociedades de destino, torna-se necessário refletir sobre o papel e o lugar de Cabo Verde na sociedade de diáspora. Nesta apresentação, escolhemos analisar os modos pelos quais Cabo Verde inclui os emigrantes deportados nas suas dinâmicas sociais internas atuais. Pretende-se, portanto, abordar as formas de reorganização, na sociedade de origem, dos jovens deportados, de modo a apreender a influência do seu estilo de vida no seio das juventudes locais. O foco da apresentação centra-se nas situações em que o projeto migratório é abruptamente interrompido, capitalizando as redes familiares no país da origem e transformando Cabo Verde num espaço de manutenção do reequilíbrio do projeto migratório familiar. Abstract: At a period when the communities of Cape Verdean emigrants abroad show up increasingly entrenched in their societies of destination, it's necessary to reflect on the role and place Cape Verde in society of the diaspora. In this presentation, we chose analyze the ways in which Cape Verde includes emigrants deported in its current internal social dynamics. Is intended, therefore, address the ways of reorganization, the original society, of the young people deported in order to capture the influence of their lifestyle within the local youths. The focus of the presentation concentrates on situations where the migratory project

Operation “Wisla” (Akcja „Wisła” in Polish) is the codename of a military
operation carried out in the period from 28 April to 31 July 1947, the objective of
which was to resettle over 150 thousand Ukrainians living on their own ethnic
lands, which after the end of World War II remained within the borders of the Polish State, and to liquidate the Ukrainian anti-Communist underground. They were shipped in 442 railway transports to the opposite end of Poland and settled in dispersion, so that, in accordance with the instructions of the Ministry of Public security, the number of Ukrainians among the Polish population did not exceed 10%. More than 3,800 people, including more than 800 women and children, Ukrainian Greek-Catholic and Orthodox clergy, and intelligentsia, were incarcerated in the Polish concentration camp in Jaworzno, which during the war was a subsidiary camp of the Konzentrationslager Auschwitz. The book contains 500 documents of the Polish Government, the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Polish Workers’ Party (KC PPR), the General Staff of the Polish Army, the Ministry of Public Security, and the command of the Operational Group “Wisla.” The documents reveal the behindthe-scenes preparations, the course of events, and the consequences of Operation “Wisla.” They are complemented by lists of towns from which Ukrainians were deported, lists of transports with deportees, lists of persons sentenced to death and executed by military courts, lists of people murdered in the Jaworzno concentration camp, organizational charts of the command of the Operational Group “Wisla” and the command of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, biographical data of the commanders of the Polish Army and the UPA, and over 100 unique photographs.

Recent social science research has highlighted the chaos imposed by detention and deportation policies on migrant families and communities. This paper expands on these discussions by examining the role of transnational family dynamics as people experience detention, deportation, reintegration and/or remigration. Analysing five exemplary cases of indigenous Ecuadorian families drawn from a larger sample, we highlight the reconfigurations of transnational social relations resulting from these cycles of (im)mobility. We argue that transnational family support structures play a crucial role in the reconfiguration of families affected by deportation by combining material and emotional support and healing with social control. Our findings suggest that the social, emotional, and economic effects of deportation over time are shaped both by family and community contexts of reception and by migrants’ own gender, class, life-course stage, time spent in the United States, and migration experiences. These findings allow us to conclude that deportation is a heterogeneous social and temporal process that does not impact families uniformly but in fact unfolds in diverse ways within family situations where social relationships, gender roles, care arrangements, and social expectations for the most part are already profoundly transnationalised and reconfigured by migration.

This is a scanned copy of Jüri Viikberg's very rare paper published in the journal Fenno-Ugrica Suecana, 1992, volume 11, pages 79-90. This reprint at Academia is presented with permission given by the current editorial board of the journal (of which I am part).

This work is a fascinating study about Estonians in far away Siberia. The Abstract states: When talking about the Siberian Estonians one easily associates with the deportations of the Stalin period in 1941 and 1949. However, that is a mislead. The Estonian villages in Siberia have a much longer and more interesting history. There are two kinds of Estonian settlements in Russia: 1) villages founded by deported persons in the 19th century, and 2) villages founded by voluntary expatriates. The older Estonian villages in Siberia (as well as e.g. the Finnish, German, Latvian, and Russian villages) are primarily a result of the conquest policy of Russia. Siberia is considered a part of Russia since 1582, and in 1721 also Estonia and Ingria were incorporated with Russia. Since then the Estonians have had access to Siberia. The main purpose of the authorities was to take the rich natural products of Siberia into use and to populate new territories with Russian citizens. Therefore a deportation of people into Siberia began, mainly that of penal servitude to banish a lot of criminals, prisoners of war and rebels. A hard-labour-paradise grew in Siberia and the name therefore has got a gloomy honour.

Investigating the emergence of a specific mestiza/mestizo whiteness that facilitates relations between the Philippines and Western nations, this book examines the ways in which the construction of a particular form of Philippine whiteness serves to deploy positions of exclusion, privilege and solidarity. Through Filipino, Filipino-Australian, and Filipino-American experiences, the author explores the operation of whiteness, showing how a mixed-race identity becomes the means through which racialised privileges, authority and power are embodied in the Philippine context, and examines the ways in which colonial and imperial technologies of the past frame contemporary practices such as skin-bleaching, the use of different languages, discourses of bilateral relations, secularism, development, and the movement of Filipino, Australian and American bodies between and within nations. Drawing on key ideas expressed in critical race and whiteness studies, together with the theoretical concepts of somatechnics, biopolitics and governmentality, The Somatechnics of Whiteness and Race sheds light on the impact of colonial and imperial histories on contemporary international relations, and calls for a 'queering' or resignification of whiteness, which acknowledges permutations of whiteness fostered within national boundaries, as well as through various nation-state alliances and fractures. As such, it will appeal to scholars of cultural studies, sociology and politics with interests in whiteness, postcolonialism and race.

Windrush. As symbols go, this one should have an exuberant feel to it. Over recent decades in Britain an image of emigrants standing on the prow of a small troop ship, HMT Empire Windrush, in 1948 has grown into a singularly powerful symbol of how West Indians and their children came to Britain after World War II and changed British national life for the better. Recently, journalists have started to call them the ‘Windrush generation’.

And now, in the same year, there is also a Windrush scandal exposing the British government's treatment of many of the same group – people who, in a Kafkaesque scenario, cannot prove who they are under the laws of their home state.

Abdelmalek Sayad est un des premiers sociologues à avoir su créer une approche originale sur la migration dans le monde francophone. Son œuvre constitue une des principales références dans le domaine de l’expulsion des étrangers délinquants. Ce travail montre dans quelle mesure la sociologie de Sayad permet d’appréhender la problématique de l’expulsion des étrangers en Suisse, où cette question demeure un sujet d’actualité depuis plusieurs années. Après une présentation détaillée de la sociologie de Sayad, le cas de la Suisse est analysé. Un exercice qui permet de mettre en exergue aussi bien les limites que les apports de cette approche théorique originale.

"The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences explores these competing narratives and the consequences of criminalizing immigration in the United States and abroad. It examines the impact of national, state, and local legislation on the psychosocial well being of immigrants. The book explores key ways in which immigration is criminalized, and examines how the problematization of immigration becomes a political tool. The first chapters of the book explore the criminalization of immigration through the lens of pacification and the theater of cruelty. In both chapters, the authors seek to understand the process of “othering” members of the immigrant population to exact social control and to mollify the public. These front chapters set the tone for remainder of the book. They provide the impetus for why states have enacted, or have attempted to enact state level immigration laws that make it nearly impossible for the undocumented to live within the boundaries of these states. In section two, three U.S. states are highlighted: Arizona, Alabama, and Indiana. While the chapters on Arizona and Alabama summarize key aspects of state laws, author Sujey Vega highlights the life of one undocumented immigrant as she navigates life in the Heartland.

The book then turns its focus to the criminalization of immigration in a socio-political context. Here, four chapters provide explorations of the criminalization of immigration on labor standards enforcement, immigrant detention, the right wing perspective in the United States and in Europe, and white supremacy. Labor standards impact the rate by which undocumented immigrants are paid, which in turn impacts their health and safety within and outside the workplace, protections from workplace discrimination, and collective activity protections. The criminalization of immigration erodes many of the workplace and labor protections that we have come to view as essential. Similarly, the privatization of corrections has influenced the incarceration and detention of many undocumented immigrants and has even influenced the very laws described in section two of this book. If not for the possibility of profiting off of the detention of the undocumented, many of immigration related laws would not have come to fruition.

The next section of the book provides a transnational and international context to the criminalization of immigration. With chapters focusing on human rights violations, the transnational dimensions of Mexican migration, the making of the Maras, and the criminalization of immigration in the United Kingdom, these chapters ask the reader to examine the criminalization of immigration from a broader perspective. The reader learns how national issues become international and, likewise how international immigration issues influence national policy.

The final chapters of the book put the human face on the criminalization of immigration. Each chapter represents a case study of a specific aspect of the criminalization of immigration. They approach the issue from the viewpoint of a day laborer, an undocumented woman who has become a victim of domestic violence, a child whose parents are undocumented, and a detention officer who wrestles with his decisions to continue his job. Regardless of which chapters one reads, the raw emotion felt by placing oneself in each context is overwhelming.

Overall, The Criminalization of Immigration: Contexts and Consequences provides a complete examination of an issue that cuts through emotional value conflicts. It provides the facts and knowledge essential for a fair and balanced debate"

Assyrian imperialism is closely associated with the practice of mass deportation. This practice has been explained by recourse to many different motivations. But can we hope to pinpoint the logic informing deportation rather than merely identifying its advantages? This paper surveys the evidence of deportation in the Levant in the period 745–620 b.c.e. Focusing on deportation in this circumscribed time and place enables a more concentrated account of its use. Deportation is generally argued to have served three broad ends: bolstering the supply of human resources in the Assyrian heartland, meeting particular strategic needs, and dealing with dissent. This paper finds that despite the many uses of deportation, it was first and foremost a punitive instrument intended to curb resistance to Assyrian hegemony. This punitive dimension constituted the foundation of Assyrian deportation in the Levant in the age of Assyrian hegemony.