IDPs

This research seeks to understand one of the factors involved in the movement of internally displaced persons (IDPs) within the context of a protracted conflict; specifically asking if and how the geographical distribution of humanitarian aid may impact IDP direction of movement and final destination. Although this research acknowledges that a number of factors play a role in IDPs’ movement, humanitarian aid will be the focus due to the lack of existing analysis of its role in IDP movement. Up until now, it has been commonly accepted within the humanitarian field that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local organizations looking to target IDPs direct their aid towards those locations with large populations of IDPs. Within this context, IDPs are the independent variable, while humanitarian aid is the dependent variable. However, this research hypothesizes that a feedback loop exists, in which the concentration of humanitarian aid itself becomes a factor attracting IDPs to a l...

In In spite of the tremendous growth of technologies in computer networking and information technology, still we lack in preventing our resources from theft/attacks. This problem is very big as far as industry / companies are concerned. As maximum of the organizations are facing an increasing number of threats every day in the form of viruses and attack etc. Since many different mechanisms were opted by organizations in the form of intrusion detection and prevention system to protect its organizations for these kinds of attacks, still there are many security breaches in every organization. In order to understand the security risks and IDPS, we will first survey about the common security breaches and then after discuss what are different opportunities and challenges in this particular field. In this paper we made a survey on the overall progress of intrusion detection systems. We survey the existing types, techniques and architectures of Intrusion Detection Systems in the literature....

The OHB of Refugee and Forced Migration Studies - edited by Elena Fiddian-Qasmiyeh, Gil Loescher, Katy Long and Nando Sigona - has now been published in paperback and is available to purchase with a 30% discount with the code on this flyer. 53 excellent chapters by leading academics, policy makers and practitioners.

With the increased dependence of organizations on technological solutions, the cyber threats have become some of the major concerns for the very existence of the businesses. Thus, the security measures to be implemented need to go beyond a simple presence of a firewall and anti-malware. In this work, an overview of two Intrusion Detection and Prevention systems (IDPS) was performed. Namely, the architecture of Snort and Suricata IDPS engines was discussed.

This paper is aimed at providing adequate studies towards establishing an architecture that will shelter and cater for the needs of the Internally Displaced persons (IDPs) bearing in mind the socio-cultural background of these persons.
This paper evaluates the state of internally displaced persons in Nigeria and providing a shelter for the affected persons.
Paramount objective of the paper anchors on examining the quantum leap and systemic loss of lives and properties in the country in recent times. 
The study elicits its information gathering using an ethnographic approach, a semi-unstructured interview were conducted.
The study heavily relies on authoritative and valid secondary sources of data – National dailies (Nigeria Tabloids), journals, articles etc. on the desk type of research. The major findings of the study revealed neglects on the part of the Federal and State apparatus (government) in ensuring better, effective and functional policies.  Its magnitude is capable of threatening national cohesion of the country and endangering high rate of internally displaced persons across the country. The study concludes that given the magnitude and complexity of crises of internal displacement, these are inimical toward the discourse “Development”. This affects the country from achieving Millennium Development Goals which are: rights to safety of lives and properties as equally enshrined in other international treaties – choices to healthy, creative life and to enjoy a decent standard of living, freedom, dignity and self-respect and the respect of others.
Data from the Displacement Tracking Matrix Report (DTM) on North-Eastern states (Adamawa, Bauchi, Gombe, Taraba, Yobe) were used and analysed.
Creating an Architecture for IDPs in Nigeria is a joint effort of the professionals in the Building Industry and encouragement from the Nigerian government.
This research has been able to solve the problem of shelter and insecurity of the IDPs in Nigeria.

Keywords: Displaced person, Internally Displaced Persons, Architecture, Shelter, insecurity, development

This paper considers the effectiveness of Angolan government and United Nations (UN) and non-governmental attempts to protect human rights in Angola from early 1998 to date, during and in the immediate aftermath of the recent conflict. Angola has suffered from one of the longest-running conflicts in Africa. The country was originally a battleground for a proxy war between the Cold War superpowers, but the conflict developed its own self-sustaining dynamic in the 1990s, fuelled by revenue from oil and diamonds. The impact of the war on ...

The aim of this chapter is to set out in more detail the precise nature of the relationship between IDPs and refugees. First it explains the concepts of IDP and refugee and gives a brief overview of the current figures and demographics of both categories of forced migrants. It then explains the similarities and differences between IDPs and refugees, explores whether these two categories of forced migrants should be merged, and sets out areas where the protection of IDPs and refugees might complement and conflict with each other. The chapter argues that because of the close relationship between IDP and refugee protection, an analysis of how the protection of these two categories of forced migrants interact with each other is long overdue.

Nigeria as a nation suffers the effect of Climate Change majorly through flood events. Recent flood disasters in Nigeria have been of major concern to people, communities and institutions. Flash floods are the most common in Nigeria during the peak of the rainy season (June-October) and the 2012 flood event in Nigeria is described as the worst in recent times. Kogi State was the most affected state due to its location at the confluence of the country’s major rivers (Niger-Benue Rivers). The flood events have pushed rivers to overflow their banks submerging hundreds of kilometers of the urban and rural land in Kogi State which is beyond description and has attracted humanitarian assistance from both national and international organization. In a bid to mitigate the extent of damage and casualties during a flood disaster, this study aimed at assessing, mapping and analyzing the 2012 flood disaster in Kogi state, Nigeria for an effective flood disaster risk management and proper planning. Satellites imageries [MODIS of 20th October, 2008 (before) and 13th October 2012 (during) and provided by NASA; Nigeria Sat-X of 2012 and SPOT 5 of 2002], Base map of Kogi State, SRTM DEM, GPS coordinates; and flood pictorial evidence acquired during field survey were integrated to map flood plain, analyse the spatial extent of inundation and disaster risk areas. It was deduced that 73 communities in 7 Local governments Area (LGA) in Kogi state which are Lokoja, Kotokarfi, Bassa, Ajaokuta, Ofu, Idah and Ibaji were directly affected by the flood in 2012 and the estimated number of Internally Displaced Person (IDP) was about 303thousand. Also agricultural lands and farm produce were destroyed. Residence and major infrastructures like schools, health centres and transportation routes were fully inundated and destroyed making some communities inaccessible. This study showed that the natural flood plain boundary was not exceeded by the flooding, but due to high fertile land for farming activities in flood plain areas. As their major source of economic survival, the inhabitants have generated a strong affinity for these affected areas.

This research seeks to understand one of the factors involved in the movement of internally displaced persons (IDPs) within the context of a protracted conflict; specifically asking if and how the geographical distribution of humanitarian aid may impact IDP direction of movement and final destination. Although this research acknowledges that a number of factors play a role in IDPs’ movement, humanitarian aid will be the focus due to the lack of existing analysis of its role in IDP movement.

Up until now, it has been commonly accepted within the humanitarian field that non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and local organizations looking to target IDPs direct their aid towards those locations with large populations of IDPs. Within this context, IDPs are the independent variable, while humanitarian aid is the dependent variable. However, this research hypothesizes that a feedback loop exists, in which the concentration of humanitarian aid itself becomes a factor attracting IDPs to a location, meaning IDPs’ relationship to humanitarian aid is much deeper and more complex than previously thought.

Using quantitative data from the Needs and Population Monitoring (NPM) on displacement and IDP considerations inside Syria, findings indicated that IDPs do in fact consider a community’s access to humanitarian aid before moving there. Hot spot analysis conducted in ArcGIS found that 23 percent of the points resulting from the analysis indicated a hot spot with a p-value less than 0.05 (statistically significant with 95 percent confidence). Locations in Dar’a and Ar-Raqqa had the highest positive z-score results paired with a p-value of 0.0. Information regarding the layout of humanitarian aid in these area is scarce however and relies on subjective reports. Therefore, it can be concluded that humanitarian assistance is indeed affecting the movement of populations within Syria, which can result in long-term economic and social consequences, however, the exact extent of the relationship between aid and IDPs remains unclear.

While it is common wisdom that “identity matters” in Ukrainian politics, we still lack a robust understanding of precisely when and how it matters. Reflecting challenges facing the broader interdisciplinary field of comparative identity politics, authors frequently bring to their analyses very different notions of the nature of identity itself, skipping a rigorous examination of these notions in an effort to get right to documenting the effects of identity. Similarly, identity is frequently operationalized in quantitative studies without much discussion of the implications of selecting one particular measure over another or of what precisely each measure is reflecting, not to mention what might have changed over time. While we do have nuanced research on Ukrainian identity, it tends not to address the evolution of identity over time or the moments and conditions of identity change. Such issues are particularly important for current research since identities and their associated meanings may shift or “harden” during severe crises or conflicts like those that unfolded in Ukraine during 2013–14. The five original articles that make up this special issue1 all address these challenges, with important implications for how we understand Ukrainian politics after the EuroMaidan.

For three decades some 180,000 (half the population of WS) Sahrawis have lived on the edges of Algeria in canvas tents and mud brick huts with no running water; using car batteries as their only source of electricity. Everything from food, shelter to medical care is donated by international aid agencies. The plight of Sahrawis are continuously ignored and downplayed partly as a result of lack of international support and media attention. Although the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) has special status with the AU, Morocco – the only exception to AU membership on the continent – also happens to be the only country that opposes membership of Western Sahara/SADR to the AU. Apart from being a bona fide member of the AU, SADR has been recognized by 84 other countries worldwide but certainly not the UN. Part of Morocco “convenient membership” with the AU is linked to on-going conflict between Morocco and SADR, commonly referred to as “Africa’s last colony.” Against this backdrop, this paper hopes to provoke academic dialogue around the historical, legal and philosophical mindset of independence, self-determination and colonial vestiges tie to the technical inferences of “internal hostages” of indigenous Sahrawis by Morocco.

Since 1990 the valley Kashmir has been marked by conflict between militant groups and proponents of independence and the Indian state, which has resulted in the militarisation of the landscape, loss of life, violence and displacement. However from time to time there are claims of the return of normal life in Kash-mir. In this paper I am interested in what claims of normalcy and the remaking of normal life signify for people affected by conflict and displacement. I will first consider discussions of normalcy with regards to Kashmiris in the Kashmir valley. While the conflict is understood in terms of competing South Asian na-tionalisms, I situate 'normalcy' in relation to contemporary studies of conflict and neo-liberalism. Then, I will proceed to draw on research among the Hindu minority of Kashmir, better known as Kashmiri Pan-dits, who have been displaced from the valley since 1990 and who remain in exile since. I am especially interested in the lives of young Pandits who are caught on the one hand between their depiction as victims of chronic displacement from Kashmir and on the other hand seen as privileged victims who have been able to remake and recover privileges which their families had lost. Thus this paper will attempt to: 1) Suggest that normalcy consists of a set of claims as opposed to an actual condition; 2) Kashmir should be seen in light of both nationalist logics and neo-liberal transformations in the region, indicating that there is an accretion of different historical processes in areas marked by long term conflict.

The report brings the voices of the displaced to light, documenting their experiences around the controversial issue of return. It reveals that although the security situation in Darfur remains precarious, internally displaced people (IDPs) are coming under increasing pressure by the government of Sudan to leave the camps.

Although some of the displaced are returning, they are doing so in small numbers and in highly precarious circumstances. They are making rational choices, but they are doing so in a context of almost impossible odds. It is clear, therefore, that return is failing to take place in anything akin to “voluntarily, in safety and with dignity”, as required by the UN Guiding Principles.

Since the current conflict in Sudan’s Darfur region began in 2003, an estimated three million people have been displaced. Darfur may have faded from media headlines, but conflict and displacement have continued, and is now again on the increase. Over 300,000 have been displaced since the start of 2014, in part because former Janjaweed fighters, re-equipped and re-hatted as the government’s Rapid Support Force (RSF), have gone on the offensive.

The report, based on interviews with 119 individuals across the five states of Darfur, shows that despite the ongoing violence, people are moving to their villages temporarily or permanently. Those who are returning describe their motivation in terms of worsening conditions in the camps and reported numerous difficulties and dangers upon return.

This “return” – or rather the movement of displaced persons within Darfur – was described as happening in several ways.

The article is based on the ethnographic data collected among the IDP–s from Tskhivali and Akhalgori regions (Shida Kartli). After the conflict the majority of ethnic Georgians left the region. One part of them has been settled in the specially built refugee camps and the others moved to their relatives to different parts of Georgia. The process of their adaptation to the new environment was followed by the some transformation of the cultural identities. The exact markers, some of which have lost their importance, forged their identity and some of them gained new meanings. The understanding of „we” group was/is facing the challenges. The reasons of identity transformation at the same time are the part of the general processes as well as the specific contextual situations of stressed and painful adaptation process.

The role of diasporas as peacemaker has been widely acknowledged by literature. Diaspora groups of different countries have actively participated to revolutions, peace-building processes, and community reconstruction, some of which supported by their government.
The Northern region of Uganda has been characterized by twenty years of civil war, which has generated thousands of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), and arrested the development of the region both in economic and social terms. The peace-building process was complicated and involved both national and international actors, including the diaspora groups around the world.
The present paper analyzes the role of the Ugandan diasporas in the peace-building process in the north of the country, in order to determine their active participation in the peace-building process, under a development perspective. Three are the major contributions of the Ugandan diaspora to peace-building: sending remittances, mediation, and mobilization of the international community.  The analysis is based on literature review of secondary sources.

Many, and perhaps most, of the world’s displaced persons now find themselves in situations of protracted displacement facing unresolved conflicts that rule out both restitution and voluntary return as a viable solution. Trapped in these circumstances, many are denied their fundamental right to security of tenure. This indefinitely perpetuates their vulnerability, violates their rights and reduces the likelihood that they have sufficient resilience or possibility to return home sustainably, should the opportunity arise, or to integrate locally. In most cases, they end up being displaced for a long and indefinite time.

Conscious of this growing trend, NRC commissioned this report analysing the importance of rights to housing, land and property (HLP) in providing more durable solutions for both internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees. The report deconstructs the current legal and policy framework and analyses how state and humanitarian agencies’ practices have to change to confront this growing challenge.

У статті проаналізовано основні положення міжнародних правових актів у сфері питання внутрішньо переміщених осіб та порівняно їх з українським законодавством. Виділено особливості Керівних принципів з питання переміщених осіб всередині країни та Кампальської конвенції, особливу увагу приділено механізму правового регулювання питання внутрішньо переміщених осіб у цих міжнародних документах. Встановлено особливості правових норм тих держав, які стикалися з проблемою ВПО, та виявлено перспективи імплементації зарубіжного досвіду в українську правову систему. Зокрема, було проаналізовано законодавство Грузії, Азербайджану та Росії у сфері внутрішнього переміщення і проведено порівняльний аналіз з українським механізмом правового регулювання у цій сфері. Особливу увагу приділено прогалинам та недолікам українського законодавства з цього питання та встановлено шляхи удосконалення механізму правового регулювання щодо ВПО.

Literature on social work demonstrates that relations between conflicts and social work constitute two paradigms – therapeutic and empowering. Each of them provides social workers with a different set of strategies and interventions. Focusing on social support to IDPs in Ukraine this paper explores the social work interventions in the aftermath of violence available for displaced people and gaps therein. It also discusses the implications for the social work profession caused by the ongoing conflict in the country. Paper takes into account that modern social work comes from the fact that the displacement violates social ecology of human, causes deprivation, social exclusion, increases the risk of violence and the emergence of psychological 'catch of dependency' and so on. Specific consideration is given to social work strategies in different phases of displacement. The paper is based on a review of documents, semi-structured interviews with the social workers providing services for IDPs, and

The paper explores factors that influence the household decision to leave internal displacement camps in the immediate aftermath of violent conflict. Our analysis is based on two sources of information: household survey data collected in northern Uganda for households that were displaced by the civil conflict, and geo-referenced data on armed conflict events, with which we construct our developed index of recent conflict exposure. We
compare households that moved out of camps with those that remained in the camps after the region was declared safe from rebel incursions. The study covers the first few months of the
end of conflict, when return was regarded as largely voluntary. We find that a history of conflict both at the place of residence, and at the expected place of return reduces the likelihood of return. Access to camp services overall encourages households to stay in camps, although the effect varies with the proportion of young household members. Results also show that a history of economic skills poses varying effects on return decisions. While
experience in cultivation is associated with a high likelihood of moving out of the camp, households with members with recent experience in trading are less inclined to return. From a policy perspective, the results point to the need for recovery initiatives to ensure access to adequate infrastructures in return locations in order to fast-track reintegration.

Conflict between state backed Salwa Judum and Naxals in Chhattisgarh forced tens of thousands tribal population to leave their native places- Bijapur, Dantewada and Sukma districts and move to the remotest parts of adjoining Warangal and Khammam districts in Telangana state since early 2000s without any assistance of the government to address their plight. Gotti Koyas, or Muria/ Gonds and other tribes affected by the armed conflict in south Bastar is a classic example of the tragedy of IDPs- denial of assistance by the government and their rights to entitlements of citizenship and violence robbing their lives, assets, collective life, hope and identity as citizens. Although IDPs avail some schemes or services of the government like PDS ration, school/ hostel, right to vote, NREGA job work, etc outside their settlement as a temporary benefit or ad-hoc because their identity is not recognized and their settlements are seen as “illegal” and threatened of eviction reducing them at best “transient citizens” different from the citizens with rights and entitlements promised and protected by law of the land.

This discussion paper responds to the question of how we might assess and understand the human and material cost of Boko Haram insurgency in Cameroon. The report addresses two other controversies within the Boko Haram Crisis in the Far North Region of Cameroon. First, whether external and internal displaced population are coping using social networks and vocational skills. Second, to what extent does the government and other key stake holders helping to bridge the gap between humanitarian and development opportunities for the population in crisis. Preliminary findings and recommendations stresses the need to design policies that will enable the region move from an emergency approach to a pro-development approach of the 239,000 IDPs in the Far North Region of Cameroon, most of whom come from areas close to the border with Nigeria, want to stay in their new homes. Recommendations are also made for the Cameroon government and other stakeholders adapts and implement development policies to local social-economics realities taking into account both the immediate priorities expressed by the local population for survival and the requirements for sustainable recovery and development necessary for longer-term regional stability.

The reason for choosing the topic of our research (the effects of early marriage for girls in Iraqi society) is due to the issue of increasing the number, size, problems and effects that result from the matter. Early marriage is still continuing in Iraqi society, although this marriage is a type of community violence Who practices against underage girls especially that they are not realistically (physically and psychologically) qualified to complete the marriage, and therefore this study examines the effects of early marriage among all women who marry at an early age, and also learn about the relationship of the marriage project at an early age and the use of violence In the married life of the spouses. In this context, we wrote an introduction and we set out our research into four chapters, the first chapter being from defining the research problem that led them to choose this topic and the importance of this field research, and also we pointed out the most important goals in this research, in order to achieve them, and in the second chapter: effects And the classification of gender-based violence (gender) in early marriage: In the third semester, we used a social survey method and the community of this study includes the girl (woman) residing in the displaced persons camp in the garmian region (Tazdi-Quratu), and they are only (165) of the total. Early age, we used statistical methods and also we put together a set A sample of the question is a special one from among the questionnaire that it is trying to answer through the field part of this research, and in the fourth and last semester we carried out: analyzing the field data and the most important results for this research.