Infowar

Исследование посвящено анализу статьи “Vietnam Finds an Old Foe Has a New Allure”, которая была напечатана в авторитетной газете “The New York Times” в 2000 г. и вскоре была переведена на русский язык. В рассматриваемой статье материал подается особым способом, который способствует формированию негативного мнения о вьетнамском режиме. В результате применения психотехнологий после прочтения статьи обычный читатель не может сделать четкого логического вывода, но определенный эмоциональный «осадок» у него остается. Профессионально подготовленная информация, таким образом, формирует своеобразное «кривое зеркало», которое существенно искажает восприятие окружающего мира. В ходе проведенного исследования делается вывод о том, что статья из известной газеты представляет собой психоактивный текст, в котором содержатся заранее подготовленные внушения. На конкретных примерах показаны содержащиеся в статье психотехнологии с противоречиями, терапевтическими метафорами и информационными фантомами.

Until not long ago, the Western world lived in the conviction that Liberalism was an end in itself, however, the new context of globalization suggests that political economics once again makes more sense, given that power relations in the economic sphere can no longer be ignored and the idea that world trade is structured on supply and demand appears obsolete. The world is changing. Situations change, and events and the ways of understanding politics change with them. Instruments change as well: if the aphorism of Clausewitz that war is politics conducted by other means once seemed valid, today we might say that politics (and economics) is war conducted by the means of information. The threat is no longer limited to what we once thought and conceived in the geographical terms of one superpower attacking another. The threat today is asymmetrical, different, and changes continuously. It travels through the Internet, it is immediate, and above all, it threatens the entire system. It is not aimed at military or political targets but commercial, industrial, scientific, technological, and financial interests instead. This requires intelligence to structure itself around new duties: protect not only the entire system but also the weakest links in the chain of production. All this requires changes in mentality and in operational processes, as well as continuous updating, especially at a business culture level. Most of all, it requires close interaction between intelligence and the private sector, despite the difficulties this entails. The crisis we are currently undergoing, together with the industrial and commercial physiognomy characteristic of our era, requires us to consider the idea of " economic warfare " very closely. It is essentially since the end of the Cold War that the balance of powers has been developed around economic issues: most governments today are no longer interested in occupying territory or dominating other peoples but rather building up technological, industrial and commercial power capable of bringing money and jobs to their own land. Globalization has transformed competition from " gentle " and " limited " into authentic " economic warfare ". Although this economic challenge reduces the areas available for military warfare, its ultimate goal of accumulating power and well‐being is the same.

This book discusses post-truth not merely as a Western issue, but as a problematic political and cultural condition with global ramifications. By locating the roots of the phenomenon in the trust crisis suffered by liberal democracy and its institutions, the book argues that post-truth serves as a space for ideological conflicts and geopolitical power struggles that are reshaping the world order.

The era of post-truth politics is thus here to stay, and its reach is increasingly global: Russian trolls organizing events on social media attended by thousands of unaware American citizens; European social media users spreading fictional political narratives in support of the Syrian regime; Facebook offering a platform for a harassment campaign by Buddhist ultranationalists in Myanmar that led to the killing of thousands of Muslims.

These are just some of the examples that demonstrate the dangerous effects of the Internet-driven global diffusion of disinformation and misinformation. Grounded on a theoretical framework yet written in an engaging and accessible way, this timely book is a valuable resource for students, researchers, policymakers and citizens concerned with the impact of social media on politics.

Much is spoken and written about the liberal nature of global trade and its relation to democracy and freedoms. Trade representatives of the transatlantic free trade agreement (TAFTA | TTIP) have talked about the importance of the negotiations being transparent, accountable, and participative. However, a number of leaked draft texts of other free trade agreements being negotiated by the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) indicate that these promises are mostly empty. A leaked European Commission (EC) communiqué further evidences an attempt to establish a “mainstream media narrative” about the TAFTA | TTIP in order to reduce the “anxiety” of EU citizens and consumers. This article carefully analyzes the manners in which the negotiations of the TAFTA | TTIP are proving to be untransparent, lacking in participation, and unaccountable. The purpose of these analyses is not merely to present evidence that this is actually the case at hand, but also to clarify why transparency, accountability, and participation are crucial to the negotiations on transatlantic trade. Lastly, the article suggests that the TAFTA | TTIP negotiations learn from the World Intellectual Property Organization’s (WIPO) Marrakesh Treaty, characterized as an "exemplary exercise of transparency, civil society participation, and multilateral cooperation".

Resumen:
El concepto desinformación se desfigura cuando aparece asociado al anglicismo Noticias Falsas, lo que escapa a la percepción de las audiencias objetivo. Durante la Guerra Fría el KGB diseñó una compleja caja de herramientas para provocar la subversión de las estructuras sociopolíticas estadounidenses. La desinformación era un componente esencial de esas herramientas.
Yuri Bezmenov, probablemente el más más notorio de los deflectores soviéticos de entonces, hizo público el alcance de la subversión en el seno de las instituciones estadounidenses. Curiosamente su figura reapareció en el año 2020 como personaje de un conocido videojuego, lo que resulta significativo. En este trabajo se analizará hasta qué punto aquellos métodos, técnicas y actores no desaparecieron con el Muro, sino que por el contrario se han actualizado. Por ello, los rotulamos como 2.0.

Documento Marco 12/2021 2
Disinformation and underversion (version 2.0): Cold War techniques and processes adapted to the 21st century information scope

Abstract:
The concept of disinformation is disfigured when it appears associated with the Anglicism Fake News, which escapes the perception of the target audiences. During the Cold War, the KGB designed a complex toolbox to cause the subversion of American socio-political structures. Disinformation was an essential piece of those tools.
Yuri Bezmenov, probably the most notorious of the Soviet defectors of the moment, made public the extent of subversion within American institutions. Curiously, his figure reappeared in 2020 as a character in a well-known video game, which is significant. In this work, it will be analyzed to what extent those methods, techniques and actors did not disappear with the Wall but, on the contrary, have been updated. So, we label them 2.0.

“EVERYBODY KNOWS NOW EVERYTHING,
EVERYWHERE, ANYTIME.
WE ARE EXPOSED!” |  HEDI ENGHELBERG

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"SOCIAL MEDIA IN TIMES OF PEACE AND WAR"
CYBER WARS, CYBER ESPIONAGE, CYBER FRAUD, CYBER CRIME, PROPAGANDA AND DECEPTION WARS.
CYBER CONTROL OF INFORMATION  FROM THE UNIVERSAL POINT-OF-VIEW OF THE PROCESS AND IT’S USES IN TIMES OF PEACE AND WAR.
P O L I T I C A L  S T U D Y,  B R I E F I N G  -  W H I T E  P A P E R

VOLUME III: THIRD VOLUME IN THE CYBER TERRORISM SERIES

ELECTRONIC & DIGITAL EDITION | VERSION 1.0
ISBN 978-1-60585-126-6
December 2014 | MMXIV
This is a fragment of the full book format due to be published Digital Format (e-Book) in December 2014

La enfermedad por coronavirus 2019 (COVID-19), causada por el virus SARS-CoV-2 (donde SARS significa síndrome respiratorio agudo grave) nos ha confrontado con una larga serie de situaciones de escala global. Me gustaría, apoyándome en un par de lecturas,  apuntar a dos cuestiones pasibles de un abordaje comunicacional y/o comunicológico.
En primer término, quisiera sugerir un señalamiento hacia ciertos devenires de las comunicaciones en el marco del aislamiento social preventivo y obligatorio. Me refiero, antes que al siempre mentado “rol de los medios” —que es, de todos modos, importante— a las formas de vigilancia y control verticales y horizontales desatadas por un auténtico estado de excepción (que teme definirse como tal, dando lugar a todo un campo abierto de arbitrariedades estatales).
En segundo lugar, habría que enmarcar estos fenómenos comunicacionales en el campo comunicológico mayor de los debates en torno a la crisis ecológica de causa antrópica, la discusión más urgente de nuestra época, llamada así por un creciente número de investigadores de todas las disciplinas como Antropoceno. Es decir, preguntarnos de qué formas la actividad humana ha facilitado la zoonosis y posterior difusión del virus.
Nótese que no pretendo agotar aquí estos asuntos (se trata éste de un texto breve pensado como sugerente), sino simplemente lanzar algunas puntas pasibles de presentes y futuros abordajes desde una mirada comunicacional.

Ce chapitre expose la structure des stratégies d’influence contemporaines développées par Israël. Afin de protéger ses intérêts sur la scène internationale, l’État hébreu s’est progressivement doté d’efficaces institutions militaires et politiques formées spécifiquement au maniement stratégique de l’information.