Serbian Studies

The book focuses on the breakup of the Yugoslav Federation and wars that followed viewed through the comic art in the local and international press. War propaganda and political discourse are examined and placed in the larger historical context of this conflict. The study reveals that Yugoslav cartoonists anticipated, as early as 1984, the disintegration of the country and were forecasting armed conflict in 1989. Using print media and comic art as a primary source of investigation, the author has presented the mental representation of the war as seen in press cartoons, both chronologically and thematically. A representative sampling of some 400 cartoons (out of a database of almost 7’500) and dozens of interviews undertaken with political cartoonists in the 1990s are quoted in the book as a primary source.

In the legacy of prof. Milos N. Djuric, the author found a letter from Caracas and a postcard from Merida, written by his student, the internationally acclaimed classical philologist Miroslav S. Markovic, which are crucial for the understanding why during the 50's he decided to leave Yugoslavia and move to Venecuela. In a letter to his teacher, friend and patron, Markovic explains shortly the reasons why he decided to leave his homeland, and which have mainly to do with the lack of possibilities to pursue his scientific and research projects in Yugoslavia. In the postcard he discretely hints that the decision to leave for Venecuela was the right one. The letter and the postcard are first-class-sources not only for Markovic's intelectual biography, but for the history of the academic life in Yugoslavia of the time. To make the content of the correspondence more clear, the author lists in his introduction the most important moments from the life of Markovic, especially his early years, and then concentrates on the critique of his work in the early 50's. In the end the author presents an important testimony why Markovic decided to go to Venecuela of all places. In the second part the author presents texts and pictures of the letter from Caracas and postcard from Merida.

Iako se javnosti ne govori mnogo o fenomenu turbofolka u Hrvatskoj, po vlastitom prilično nedavnom srednjoškolskom i aktualnom studentskom iskustvu čini mi se da je pojava mladenačke turbofolk i narodnjačke subkulture fenomen zaista značajnih razmjera. Baker u svom tekstu prenosi podatak da čak 43% mladih redovito sluša glazbu koja se može nazvati turbofolkom.  O turbofolku, ako se i govori, u javnosti se govori s prezirom, hrvatski izvođači koji bi se po obilježjima svoje produkcije mogli uklopiti u taj tip glazbenog izričaja svim se silama bore protiv te etikete, a društveno-politička klima koja vlada hrvatskim društvom po pitanju odnosa sa Srbijom primamljiv je i pikantan začin ove teme.
Veliku većinu pjesama izvode ženske izvođačice uz vrlo prepoznatljivi stil popratne vizualne reprezentacije. Tekstovi uglavnom tematiziraju ženske pozicije u krahovima romantičnih odnosa  - te su pozicije uglavnom nezavidne. Sve ovdje navedeno čini savršene polazišne točke za pisanje rada koji će spojiti područje feminizma i popularne kulture.

Писање биографије једног средњовековног владара или велможе није нимало једноставно. То је у случају једног српског владара или велможе из средњег века још сложеније, с обзиром на малобројност и фрагментарност сачуваних извора. На овој скали можда је и најтеже приказати животопис владара у биографији чији је циљ био, како аутор Марко Алексић на стр. 313 каже: „да пружи оно најбоље што наука зна о Марку Краљевићу, али на разумљив и занимљив начин.“

Un ritrovo di esuli serbi a Salonicco, durante la Prima guerra mondiale: mentre si fa musica, si beve, si discute, ci si prepara alla riscossa contro l’occupazione austro-ungarica, si svolge la tragedia di una coppia di amanti-traditori. Sorprendente dramma in un atto di ispirazione patriottica e ambientazione balcanica, ricco di dotti riferimenti alla storia e cultura serba, opera dimenticata dell’autore della Canzone del Piave.

IL LIBRO: Il celebre paroliere napoletano Giovanni Gaeta ambientò questa, che è probabilmente la sua unica opera in prosa, nel contesto dell’esilio dei serbi durante la Prima guerra mondiale. L’esercito serbo era stato costretto dall’attacco asburgico a ritirarsi attraverso l’Albania, raggiungendo poi il fronte macedone (aprile 1916 – settembre 1918), da dove fu lanciato l’assalto verso Nord, per la liberazione della Madrepatria. Proprio in quel periodo l’autore, a contatto con ambienti triestini, deve avere raccolto le suggestioni epico-letterarie già fatte proprie da D’Annunzio (cfr. Ode alla Nazione Serba) ed elementi della cultura della Serbia anche di carattere etno-musicale, per tradurli in questa breve pièce teatrale pubblicata a Napoli nel 1918. Con il ritrovamento casuale di questo testo, da parte della traduttrice negli anni Novanta, e con la sua pubblicazione bilingue, per consentirne la conoscenza anche al pubblico di lingua serbocroata, si restituisce alla storia delle due letterature e alla Storia della fratellanza risorgimentale internazionale un documento straordinario e pieno di significati. L’ideale mazziniano e garibaldino, condiviso dall’autore, era fondato sulla solidarietà tra i popoli e, per quanto riguarda italiani e jugoslavi, come farà notare Sandro Pertini, la fratellanza si era instaurata non soltanto negli anni duri della Prima guerra mondiale, ma nel pieno del Risorgimento italiano, quando Giuseppe Mazzini nel 1857 pubblicò le sue Lettere slave e  previde con estrema lucidità che il moto d’indipendenza degli slavi del Sud sarebbe stato il più importante, dopo l’italiano, per l’Europa futura.


Giovanni Ermete Gaeta (Napoli 1884-1961), di umili origini, mostrò giovanissimo talento musicale e poetico.
Nella sua lunga carriera scrisse i testi di oltre 2000 canzoni, per molte delle quali fu anche autore della melodia. È suo il testo di famose canzoni napoletane come A Mergellina, Santa Lucia luntana, Canzone napulitana, Io ‘na chitarra e ‘a luna, financo Tammurriata nera (1945, resa ancor più celebre dalla Nuova Compagnia di Canto Popolare), nonché il testo di diverse canzoni di tema patriottico tra cui la celeberrima Canzone del Piave (1918). Dal 1904 in poi usò per tutte le sue opere lo pseudonimo di E.A. Mario, con cui divenne famoso e purtuttavia mai ricco, poiché per le esigenze di cura di una malattia della moglie dovette vendere presto i diritti delle sue principali opere.

The extensive research on garments with hanging sleeves presented in this article from the Bronze Age to the present day and across a wide range of regions where they were worn provides a clear account of their expansion. Preserved clothing items and visual and written sources reveal the reasons for their origin and spread, the means of use, and the symbolic value they had in the different cultures they marked. Their various types indicate three stylistic groups. Within each group, there are several pattern or style subgroups into which they can be classified. The established pattern or style groups shape the “family trees,” which connect the robes from distant meridians and centuries into the same clothing circle, shaped into the taxonomy tables. The time, space, style/cut, and purpose taxonomy is given to each stylistic group. The study also reveals the unbreakable artistic and craft ties that, despite the cultural, religious, and political differences, have spread and intertwined unhindered in time and space, outlining an undeniable picture of the creative unity of human civilization.

"Nelle guerre moderne la città è divenuta uno degli obiettivi e delle vittime principali. Per riprendere l’efficace espressione di Paul Virilio, la strategia delle nuove guerre è oggi, essenzialmente, una “strategia anti-città”. Lo spazio urbano è diventato bersaglio non solo per motivi strategici, ma soprattutto per i significati che incarna: valori identitari, sociali e culturali.
Per questi motivi, spesso, le tracce lasciate dagli eventi bellici nei tessuti urbani si caricano di forti valenze simboliche e la fase della ricostruzione diventa un momento di riscrittura del paesaggio della memoria della città.
I progetti e gli interventi di restauro/ricostruzione/demolizione dei dopoguerra sono, in questa prospettiva, espressione di narrazioni collettive che stabiliscono un rapporto ogni volta diverso tra la città, l’evento bellico e la sua memoria.
Il tema delle trasformazioni urbane belliche e postbelliche viene affrontato qui attraverso l’analisi in profondità di tre città protagoniste delle guerre balcaniche degli anni ’90: Belgrado, Sarajevo e Mostar. Queste città vengono osservate con la lente del metodo semiotico che ne mette in luce le diverse riconfigurazioni dei sensi dei luoghi, tra politiche del costruire e pratiche dell’abitare.

www.buponline.com/"

The article is an attempt to compare prophetic beliefs and expectations within the Ottoman-ruled Orthodox community on the basis of Greek and Serbian historical experience. Three points stand out of this first comparison. Firstly, that Greek and South Slavic traditions, despite their “couleurs locale”, have quite possibly a common source: the Byzantine and post-Byzantine oracular literature. Secondly, that “messianism” is more pertinent than “millenialism” as descriptive term for the beliefs under consideration. And thirdly, that in the age of revolution those prophetic beliefs and expectations proved capable of furnishing bases for popular mobilisation.

Staranje na mikro nivou predstavlja esenciju zajedničkog života. U suštini, mikrozajednice su fokusirane na staranje o svojim članovima; to je njihova osnovna funkcija. Na mikro nivou se putem staranja reprodukuje heteronor-mativni model, koji podrazumeva da veći deo staranja obavljaju žene, a koji se podupire odgovarajućim diskursima i ideologijama, uključujući i one koje počivaju na tzv. pozitivnim stereotipima. Ipak, staranje je do te mere važno za biološku i socijalnu reprodukciju, kao i za reprodukciju subjektiviteta i identi-teta, da se društveni akteri radije priklanjaju čak i onim aktivnostima koje su iscrpljujuće nego što odustaju od njega. Staranje obuhvata veliki broj veoma različitih aktivnosti, o čemu je već bilo reči. U našem jeziku, na primer, " briga " podrazumeva i aktivnosti i emocije (Blagojević, 2000b), dok se pojam " nega " često vezuje za profesionalnu negu bolesnika ili zavisnih osoba. " Staranje " je, ipak, najobuhvatniji pojam koji obu-hvata i aktivnosti, i emocije, pa i zastupanje onih koji nisu u stanju da sami sebe zastupaju. " Briga " u našem kulturnom kontekstu, kao emocija kojom se obuhvataju svi bliski ljudi, uključuje i širok krug prijatelja i rođaka, dakle onih s kojima ne postoji direktna veza preko nege i staranja. Takođe, staranje i briga se protežu i na partnerske odnose, u kojima oni predstavljaju normalan deo razmene i uzajamnosti, čak i kada ne postoji direktna potreba vezana za bolest ili neki drugi oblik zavisnosti. Ovi pojmovi " staranja " , " brige " i " nege " se, dakle, delimično preklapaju, a delimično su odvojeni, što u suštini otežava njihovu jasnu analitičku upotrebu, ali indirektno ukazuje na svojevrsnu uni-iv deo

Kosovo’s history has not been broadly studied and researched in Georgian scholarly. Especially little has been done in terms of the comparative studies of Kosovo, Abkhazia and Tskhinvali regions’ conflicts. Generally, the interest about this topic throughout the Georgian society has been rising after February 2008, when the independence of Kosovo was declared by the United Nations. This event significantly reflected on the political situation in the Georgian breakaway regions.
The main goal of this work is the comparative analysis of Kosovo, Abkhazia and Tskhinvali region’s conflicts. To achieve this goal, the article will focus on the historical period of 1920-40s. During which, the main political, cultural, ethnic and demographic processes took place in Kosovo as well as in Abkhazia and Georgian – Shida Kartli – region: post-war political developments on the Balkans by that time, had their strong influence on the Kosovo affairs. As for the Georgian breakaway regions’ conflicts, the Soviet occupation of Georgia in 1921 created the new circumstances for the separatist movements to thrive both, in Abkhazian ASSR as well as in the South Ossetian autonomous district.
These factors, finally defined the nature of the conflicts on the Balkans as well as in the Caucasus, which were to arise in the end of the 20th century.
Using various sources and scholarly literature, this paper attempts to examine the main common and distinctive aspects and characteristics of these conflicts. It aims to construct a broader scientific picture of the main peculiarities these modern conflict regions might share in the given historical period. It will focus on the political and geo-political factors surrounding these regions and examine to what extent the political circumstances in these regions were actually determined by the changing nature of the global and regional circumstances by that time.

Стварање народа представља резултат дуготрајних, сложених и
компликованих етногенетских процеса, који обухватају заједнич-
ко порекло (или само представе о њему), а затим материјалну и
духовну културу (језик, обичаји, религија). Претежно словенски
састав становништва и успешно консолидовање државе у раном
средњем веку представљају најопштији оквир за опстанак и раз-
вој Срба као посебне етније у нареденим столећима, с многим
особеним елементима народног живота као што су, на пример,
институције крсне славе и проширене породице као специфичног
облика заједничког живота, али и успешне форме за чување и
преношење традиције.

After their arrival in Trešnjevica (central Serbia), the Roma inhabited the part of the village called Mala Trešnjevica (placed on the hill and very poor), while the Serbians moved to Velika Trešnjevica, near the fertile bank of Morava. But the modification of the social context (exactly the enriching of the Roma population) led to blurring the borders between these two communities: the Roma are now buying Serbian houses and moving to Velika Trešnjevica, where they live together with Serbians. Both Serbs and Roma attend the village church; the grave is also common. The term used by the Serbians from Trešnjevica with respect to the Roma is Gypsy, and with respect to their language Romanian. The author’s intent is to analyze the discourse of the Serbs from Trešnjevica about the Roma in this village, as well as the culture of the Serbian villagers, with the intent of a better understanding of the specific character of Roma culture and of the Serbian one. The culture of the Roma from Trešnjevica is a complex phenomenon, wrongly interpreted both by Romanians and by Serbians, although the influence of these two cultures is obvious. The attitude towards Roma, as deduced from the Serbs’ discourse, is not based on the opposition we — they. Except for the financial situation, there are no themes which spontaneously activate the subject Roma. Serbs are interested in those aspects of Roma life which, by their nature, are exposed to the entire community, such as field work and celebrations (Saint George, Ispas, etc.). However, Serbs cannot give details about Roma holidays and rituals of the family cycle (birth, wedding, funeral), which points to the fact that they are not aware of them and do not take part in them. The attitude towards Roma culture is expressed in the Serbs’ discourse in three different ways. The first one is by noticing the significant differences between the Roma and own culture (e.g. paying for the bride, the special way of celebrating Saint George, sorcery). The linguistic distinction we — they is activated the most in those segments of discourse making reference to cultural differences. The second way of expressing the attitude towards Roma culture and, in the same time, a special kind of communication between Serbs and Roma, can be noticed in the discussions about the customs Roma took and adapted {paparude, läzärife) or about their music making. At the discourse level, this kind of cultural connections is marked by the preponderance of terminological marks over the ethnic ones: in order to describe Roma customs, the Serbians, instead of ethnonyms, use the terms läzärife, paparude, bands, which points to the fact that Roma, at least within the frame of these customs, are fully integrated into the Serbian culture. The third way refers to “translating” Roma culture, by means of Serbian cultural and linguistic codes. Thus, like in every translation process, the closest linguistic and cultural equivalents are found. Everything that is “lost in translation” marks the individuality of each of the two cultures.

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Već je utvrđeno da je za Rome Banjaše osoben višestruki identitet i etnička mimikrija, te da se u formiranju identiteta romski supstrat preobli-kuje u kontaktu sa drugim kulturama (Sikimić 2003a:76). U slučaju Roma iz Trešnjevice, u pitanju su, pored romskog supstrata, rumunska i srpska kultura. Imajući to u vidu, logičan je metodološki zahtev da se u istraživa- nje Roma Banjaša uključi i kontaktni ne-banjaški govor i kultura (južno- slovenski, romski, rumunski). U usmenom diskursu trešnjevičkih Srba ot- kriva se specifičnost interkultume komunikacije Srba i Roma. Ovakav tip diskursa je već istraživan kao „komšijski diskurs“. U radu su predstavljeni rezultati etnolingvističkog istraživanja u selu Trešnjevica od 26. do 28. avgusta 2002. godine. Razgovori sa informatorima transkribovani su po metodi etno-dijalekatskog teksta. Informa- tori su obeleženi početnim slovima imena, a pitanja istraživača data su u zagradama. Prevodeći romsku kultumu realiju, Srbi uočavaju njenu osnovnu semantičku struktum i nalaze značenjski pandan u svom kodu sa najviše po- dudamih semantičkih komponenti. Npr. Soimane i vile imaju zajedničke seme: ženska, natprirodna bića, lepe spoljašnjosti, koja žive u prirodi (oko drveta i voda), koja čoveku mogu nauditi. To je etnocentrični „metod odomaéivanja“ koji eliminiše kultume razlike i redukuje romski kultumi  tekst na svoj: tako Soimane postaju vile ili vile sejmane, romski trans — bajanje od vile, zilje marj — slava, itd. U ovoj interkultumoj komunikaciji važna je pragmatična dimenzija prevoda, tj. osnovno razumevanje romske kulture uz pomoć matičnog коda radi ostvarivanja osnovnih funkcija zajedničkog života. Sve ono što je „izgubljeno u prevodu“ ukazuje na realnu distancu izmedu srpske i romske kulture kao i na njihove posebnosti.


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Dupa ce s-au stabilit in Trešnjevica (sat aflat in partea centralä a Serbiei), romii au populat partea numitä Mala Trešnjevica (plasatä pe deal $i foarte säracä), iar sârbii Velika Trešnjevica, aflatä in apropierea malului roditor al Moravei. Insä modificarea contextului social (§i anume unbogafirea romilor) a dus la çtergerea acestor granite: romii cumpärä acum case sârbejti $i se muta în Velika Trešnjevica, unde locuiesc împreunâ eu sârbii. Biserica din sat este freeventatä atât de sârbi, cât çi de romi, iar cimitirul este, de asemenea, comun. Termenul pe care sârbii din Trešnjevica îl folosesc pentru a-i denumi pe romii din localitate este figani, numind, în schimb, limba pe care aceçtia о vorbesc, românà. Autoarea îçi propune sä studieze discursul sârbilor din Trešnjevica referitor la romii din acest sat, precum çi cultura sârbilor din localitate, în scopul unei mai bune înjelegeri atât a specificului culturii sârbe, cât çi al celei rome. Din perspectiva discursului „vecinilor“ (sârbi), cultura romilor din Trešnjevica ne apare ca un fenomen complex, greçit interprétât atât în „cheie“ sârbeascâ, cât $i româneascâ, eu toate câ influenjele celor douâ culturi de contact sunt evidente. Atitudinea fata de romi, în discursul sârbilor din Trešnjevica, nu este bazatä pe opozitia noi — ei. In afara situa(iei financiare, nu existä nici о temä care sä activeze spontan discujia despre romi. In sfera de interes a sârbilor inträ acele forme aie viefii romilor care sunt, prin natura lor, expuse întregii comunitäti: munca câmpului çi särbätorile câmpeneçti (Sfântul Gheorghe, Ispas etc.). In schimb, despre praznicele rome $i ritualurile ciclului familial (naçterea, nunta, înmormântarea), sârbii nu pot oferi prea multe detalii, ceea ce demonstreazä faptul câ nu le cunosc çi nu participâ la ele.
In discursul sârbilor, atitudinea fa(â de cultura romä se exprimä în moduri diferite. Primul este observarea diferenjelor semnificative ale acesteia fa(a de cultura proprie (de exemplu, cumpârarea miresei, modul special de särbätorire a Sfantului Gheorghe, descântatul de Çoimane). Distinctia lingvisticä noi — ei se activeazâ cel mai putemic în acele segmente de diseurs care se referâ la diferenjele culturale. Al doilea mod de exprimare a atitudinii fata de cultura romä $i, în acelaji timp, un tip special de comunicare între sârbi $i romi, poate fl observât în discujiile despre obiceiurile preluate §i adaptate de romi (paparade, läzäri(e) sau despre integrarea acestora în diferite
evenimente (ca muzican(i). La nivel discursiv, acest tip de legäturi culturale este marcat prin preponderenta märcilor terminologice fatä de cele etnice: pentru a descrie obiceiurile respective, sârbii folosesc termenii läzärife, paparude, fortnaß/ orchestre, $i nu etnonime, ceea ce indicä faptul cä romii, m cadrul acestor obiceiuri, sunt complet integral în cultura sârbà. Al treilea mod este reprezentat de „traducerea“ culturii rome în cod lingvistic $i cultural propriu. Astfel, ca în orice procès de traducere, se vor gäsi cele mai apropiate echivalente lingvistice çi culturale. Tot ceea ce „se pierde prin traducere“ marcheazà individualitatea fiecareia dintre cele doua culturi.

U vrijeme spektakularnog sloma jugoslavenskog projekta krajem 20. stoljeća činilo se da je jugoslavenska ideja zauvijek odbačena u ropotarnicu povijesti. Ipak, u drugom desetljeću novog milenija pojavilo se nekoliko eseja i studija hrvatskih i slovenskih publicista i znanstvenika kao što su Dragan Markovina, Vjekoslav Perica, Mitja Velikonja ili Tanja Petrović, koji u svojim tekstovima promišljaju jugoslavenstvo ne kao nacionalnu ili državnu ideologiju, već kao subverzivnu strategiju usmjerenu prema dominantnom nacionalističkom kulturnom modelu u postjugoslavenskim zemljama. Rodonačelnikom te suvremene rekonceptualizacije jugoslavenstva (odnosno jugoslavizma) smatram novinara i književnika Viktora Ivančića, nekadašnjeg glavnog urednika kultnoga splitskog tjednika „Feral Tribune“, najvažnije opozicijske periodike u Hrvatskoj 90-ih godina. Međutim, čitajući njegov esej „Jugoslavija i izdaja“ (2015) lako je uočiti da se Ivančićevo shvaćanje jugoslavenstva zasniva na sličnim principima i stavovima koji su, prema autorovoj analizi, obilježili raznovrsno djelovanje čuvenoga beogradskog odvjetnika i borca za ljudska prava Srđe Popovića (1937–2013). Cilj je izlaganja prikazati Popovićevo jugoslavenstvo i njegovu interpretaciju od strane Viktora Ivančića kao temeljno polazište suvremenih promišljanja jugoslavenske ideje. ////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////////
When the Yugoslav project spectacularly collapsed at the end of the 20th century, it seemed that the Yugoslav idea has been forever discarded on the ash heap of history. Yet, during the second decade of the new millenium, several essays and studies had come out by Croatian and Slovenian journalists and scholars such as Dragan Markovina, Vjekoslav Perica, Mitja Velikonja and Tanja Petrović, who in their texts do not reflect on Yugoslavism as a national or state ideology, but as a subversive strategy pointed at the dominant nationalist cultural model in the post-Yugoslav countries. I regard a journalist and author Viktor Ivančić – a one-time editor-in-chief of a cult Split weekly “Feral Tribune”, which was the most significant dissident paper in Croatia of the 1990s – to be the originator of the contemporary reconceptualization of Yugoslavism. However, while reading his essay “Yugoslavia and Betrayal” (2015) one can readily notice that Ivančić’s understanding of Yugoslavism is grounded in similar principles and stances as the ones that, according to the author’s analysis, marked varied activities of a renowned Belgrade lawyer and human rights champion Srđa Popović (1937–2013). The aim of this paper is to present Popović’s Yugoslavism and its interpretation by Viktor Ivančić as a principal ground of the contemporary deliberations on the Yugoslav idea.

Смисао заветне заједнице код Срба, култура сећања на устанке и Први светски рат, идеологија југословенства и комунизма и легенде о благу четника и партизана, А5 формат, тврд повез, 260 страна

Митови новије српске историје
Тимотијевић, Милош, 1969
Београд : Catena mundi, 2022

In this paper, an analysis of three Serbian medieval Raška churches highlights the significance of the interaction of regular geometric shapes in the composition of their underlying proportional scheme. The complex geometry recognised in the layouts and cross-sections of these monastery churches points to the potential use of a unique triangular proportioning system. This proportional system is derived from the initial geometry of Štambuk’s proportional canon, which employs two circles constrained by an equilateral triangle in a specific setting. As the essence of religious medieval structures is often related to their interior, in this paper 3D “empty space moulds” are created by the parametric modelling of each element of the structure. This research shows how the variation of the two critical points of the church interior, the centres of the dome and of the main apse, along with the key triangles incorporated in the proportional scheme, affect the final 3D structural model.

Full text available at: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007%2Fs00004-018-00426-z

Милош Тимотијевић, „Борба против ’разбојника’, ’силоватеља’ и ’звер-жена’: анализа дискурса колаборационистичке штампе о комунистима у окупираној Србији 1941. године”, Ужички зборник, 45 (2021), стр. 187-233.
ISSN 0350-8390
COBISS.SR-ID – 46450441

THE FIGHT AGAINST “ROBBERS”, “RAPERS” AND “THE
BEAST-WOMEN”: ANALYSIS OF THE DISCOURSE OF THE
COLLABORATIVE PRESS ON THE COMMUNISTS IN OCCUPIED
SERBIA IN 1941

The struggle against the partisan movement led by the communists was
one of the main propaganda tasks of the collaborationist press in occupied
Serbia during the Second World War. As early as 1941, a clear and strong
anti-communist discourse was constructed, the activities of which are
examined on the example of newspaper articles. This type of politics and
ideology determined the use of words and the structure of the text, i.e. the
production of a distorted “reality” in which insurgents were presented as
monstrous criminals, their detachments as bandits and robbers who robbed
and raped, and partisans as evil, promiscuous and sadistic people.
The criminalization of all actions of partisans, from ideologicalpolitical
to armed ones, could have had a certain positive effect on the public,
particularly if the actual procedures and actions, especially liquidations,
were criticized, even in an exaggerated form. However, the discourse
used was at odds with the traditionally positive evaluation of resistance
to government authority (especially occupation), in the culture of the
Serbs. That is why connecting partisans with robbery and banditry was in
many ways counterproductive. In addition, the complete destruction of the
partisans, who were reduced to the level of brutal criminals who destroyed
Serbia without special motivation (driven only by their pathological
impulses), could not produce a stronger anti-communist effect.
The discourse on women relied on a critique of modernity. The
emancipation of women is equated with physical, moral and spiritual
“stumbling”. Education, political activism, changes in dress and behavior,
armed struggle, free choice of partners and the creation of emotional ties,
were labeled “witchcraft” and promiscuity. Education was understood
as a way of acquiring the power of women, which was then used in the
destruction of society.
The constructed discourse was expressed through the categories of
differentiation and exclusion, domination and discrimination, with the aim
of controlling and disciplining the population. Behind the superficial anticommunist
propaganda, the struggle against the partisans was portrayed as
a war against a free society, especially the emancipation of women, and at
the very core of the imposed discourse was the struggle against modernity,
with the aim of maintaining the power of the conservative-patriarchal
national community.

The article presents an autograph from the funds of the Hermitage library which has been unknown before. It's the author's translation into Russian of "Heraldic Traditions of the Serbs" (1884) by Stojan Novaković (1842-1915), a Serbian philologist, historian and diplomat, who contributed to the development of Serbian culture and promoted academic contacts between Serbia and Russia in the 1880s-1900s.