LGBT politics

© 2015 Dr. Shu Min YuenIn the last twenty years, transgender people have acquired increased visibility in mainstream Japanese society following the introduction of the medical concept of Gender Identity Disorder and the decriminalization of sex reassignment surgery in 1996. From 2004, with the enactment of the “Exceptional Treatment Law for persons with Gender Identity Disorder”, transpeople who have completed sex reassignment surgeries were able to modify their gender in the family register, the instrument par excellence that defines Japanese citizenship. Yet, despite the increasing visibility of transgender issues in society in general, understandings of Female-to-Male (FTM) transpeople continue to remain hazy among the Japanese public, especially when representations of gender variance in the mass media continue to be dominated by male-assigned gender/sexual variants who play up their gender in-betweenness for comic effect. In academia, Japanese publications on the nation’s trans history tend to focus largely on male-assigned gender-variance, while the majority of English-language academic literature on non-normative gender and sexuality in Japan also gravitates towards studies on the gay community and Male-to-Female (MTF) transpeople. This dissertation therefore attempts, for the first time in Western scholarship, to make a direct intervention into the severe lack of representations of Japanese FTM subjects by constructing an archive of Japanese FTM history and culture from the mid-1990s up until the present day. I adopt a multi-method approach in my construction of what I call the “FTM archive”, combining medico-legal discourse analysis with textual analysis of FTM-related television dramas and zines, as well as analysis based on ethnographic fieldwork in the FTM scene that involved participant observation and interviews with cultural producers and participants. This “FTM archive” not only serves as a record of FTM lives; it also, as a research method, seeks to uncover the processes of negotiations that FTM transpeople are constantly engaged in, with both the state and commercial markets, and with these institutions’ regulation of their gendered personhood, in their attempt to claim inclusion as (trans) gender subjects in Japanese society. My research findings reveal that while there is a strong desire among many of my FTM informants to be socially recognized and accepted as “normal” men, many of them also continue to participate regularly in social events organized by, and predominantly for FTM transpeople, to gain a sense of community and belonging to a collective sociality. I argue that this claiming of dual citizenship—a double occupation of “FTM” and “man”, two identity positions that appear to be at odds with each other—demands a (re)conceptualization of trans inclusion that transcends the current language of rights, recognition and equality. This dual position not only troubles the dichotomy of assimilation versus resistance that is commonly found in current citizenship discourse, but can also suggest a new and more ethical way of thinking about transgender citizenship that does not only focus on claiming universal rights, but also remains sensitive to differences (Monro and Warren 2004, 358). In tandem with the political commitment of transgender studies to correct the social injustices and violence that transpeople face (Stryker 2006; Valentine 2007), this dissertation is as much an archiving project, as it is an attempt to critically analyze the (normalizing) discourses of gender and sexuality in contemporary Japan. In doing so, I hope to open a new window into Japanese history by putting back into Japan’s trajectory of postwar modernity the figure of the FTM subject, who has been rendered invisible in dominant narratives of Japanese history. It is only then, I believe, that we can fully engage Japan in the conversation of trans/queer studies with its other Asian and “Western” interlocutors

This article tracks Jasbir Puar’s term “homonationalism” as its meaning has transformed in her scholarly work as well that of Maya Mikdashi. I argue that homonationalism has evolved from its original formulation as, in part, a critique of politics, into, in its current guise, a diagnostic of international political relations. Although this transition offers insight into the international scene, I argue that homonationalism also loses its distinctiveness as a political formation in its own right as well as its critical capacity in the process. In particular, I argue that homonationalism becomes incapable of critically
evaluating activist strategies, practices and discourses of political resistance.

This chapter studies Cypriot LGBTIQs’ intersectional politics amidst the socio-political environment within which these are articulated, marked by strong nationalistic discourses as well as tensions with European identity and belonging. Specifically, it examines the ways in which local and EU discourses about nationhood, gender, and sexuality shape dynamics of intersectionality. It does so by analysing how gender and sexual identities are formed and by questioning how these formations inform LGBTIQ movement politics in contentious contexts. The chapter employs a qualitative research design and thematically analyses empirical ethnographic data that includes interviews with Greek-Cypriot and Turkish-Cypriot LGBTIQ participants. It marks intra-ethnic and inter-ethnic dynamics of in-group exclusions. The research argues that these exclusions are reinforced by local notions about ‘Europe,’ expressed through the ‘Europe/West-versus-the-Rest’ dichotomy. Nonetheless, it also finds that the successes of the Cypriot LGBTIQ movement have been based on opportunities afforded by ‘Europe’ and Europeanisation. Therefore, this chapter builds a theoretical and empirical framework for understanding the implications of understandings of nationhood, gender, and sexuality on LGBTIQ politics when the ‘Rest’ meets the ‘West/Europe.’

Autocracy and soft power - for the past three decades they did not seem to go hand in hand. Nevertheless - the last decade has proven that populist and illiberal forces in the democratic West are prone to policies undertaken by illiberal autocratic states. In the eyes of Russian policy-makers - the demographic decline in Russia and the world possesses an existential threat to the current world order. An increase in civil rights for sexual and gender minorities would only reinforce this demographic trend - in their views. This research reveals that the Russian Federation has set up a well-thought soft power strategy regarding LGBTI-rights towards the democratic West. Via outsourcing their soft power to the already existing international anti-LGBTI movement, the Kremlin was able to create a network of (financial and ideological) support for possible cooperation between Russian and European policy-makers. This network seems to fit within the Kremlin’s broader foreign policy of undermining Western liberal democracies.
By taking a closer look to the Hungarian and Russian involvement within international anti-LGBTI organisations - like the World Congress of Families - the author of this research was able to prove close and structural ties between high- level Hungarian and Russian government officials and oligarchs. The Hungarian government increased the homo- and transphobic political discourse, enforced policies to foster traditional family values and vetoed every pro-LGBTI rights policy proposal in the Council of the European Union since its involvement in the international anti- LGBTI movement.

Este artículo analiza la contramovilización frente a la institucionalización de los de-rechos de los grupos lgbti en Colombia y México. Con base en un marco analítico que integra la dimensión de la movilización y la contramovilización en los conflictos por derechos, se evidencia que la reacción conservadora, liderada por las iglesias en Colombia y México, es una respuesta coordinada y activa a las conquistas de las mi-norías sexuales, que ha logrado hacer más lento el avance del reconocimiento de los derechos humanos. En los dos casos se han presentado estrategias similares de con-tramovilización y repertorios de acción colectiva que han elevado los costos políticos de los cambios institucionales a partir de dos mecanismos de conflicto: el activismo callejero-electoral y el activismo institucional-legislativo.
This article analyzes the counter-mobilization against the institutionalization of lgbt rights in Colombia and Mexico. From an analytical framework that integrates the dimension of mobilization and counter-mobilization in the conflicts for rights, we show that the conservative reaction in Colombia and Mexico is a coordinated and active response against the conquests of sexual minorities, led by the churches, which has slowed the progress of effective recognition of human rights. We have identified similar strategies of mobilization of demand frameworks, mobilization structures and collective action repertories in both cases that have raised the political costs of institutional changes through two mechanisms of conflict: street and electoral activism and institutional activism.

This master thesis examined the impact of the European Union on the perspectives of homosexuality by the Ukrainian political elite since the EuroMaidan revolution. Despite Ukraine still being a rather homophobic country (Martsenyuk, 2012; ILGA-Europe, 2017), the country introduced certain legal improvements for the LGBT-community.

Through fieldwork in Kyiv and Brussels in-depth interviews with experts were executed. These interviews were analysed through thematic discourse analysis. For all reforms the European Union was the main influencing factor. While issue-linking during the negotiations processes for visa-liberalisation and the Association Agreement seems to be the most effective tools, the pro-European spirit since the EuroMaidan revolution should not be underestimated as well.
While EU-influence clearly led to legal changes, both Ukrainian and European officials and activists determined that the changes were rather marginal. While new laws liberalised some policies towards LGBT-people, the Ukrainian society, including the Ukrainian parliament remain rather homophobic. The openness towards the LGBT-community seems to be limited to the executive branch of power. Hindering factors for the evolvement of LGBT-rights in Ukraine are religion, nationalism and the occupation by the Russian Federation and pro-Russian separatists in certain Ukrainian regions.

This master thesis was supervised by Prof. Dr. Jonathan Holslag.

The transformation of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights into a “standard for civilisation” has not been without consequences. With LGBT Pride parades becoming a symbol for Europeanness in the European Union (EU) accession process, this article asks how the litmus test character of Belgrade Pride has transformed LGBT politics in Serbia. Empirically, the analysis provides an in-depth analysis of how Serbia’s EU accession process has shaped the politics of Belgrade Pride between 2001 and 2015 and vice versa. It is argued that the international symbolic usage of Pride is no innocent practice as it has foreclosed its local politicality. Indeed, whilst Belgrade Pride became politicised as a litmus test in the EU accession process, domestically it developed into an apolitical ritualised event devoid of LGBT politics.

This chapter examines the relationship between Greek-Cypriot political parties and the Greek-Cypriot LGBTI movement. Based on empirical research, it covers the past three decades. It traces the development of the Greek-Cypriot LGBTI movement vis-à-vis the political environment within which it is situated, as well as political parties’ stance towards it. Though focused on the case of Cyprus, it answers a set of questions about the political party politics – sexual politics relationship in partitocratic contexts, which are pertinent towards unearthing and understanding what this chapter argues to be one of its most important—yet underestimated—parameters: noninteraction as a political strategy.

Building on historical and discursive institutionalism, this article examines the agent-based dynamics of gradual institutional change. Specifically, using marriage equality in the United States as a case study, we examine how actors' ideational work enabled them to make use of the political and discursive opportunities afforded by multiple venues to legitimize the process of institutional change to take off sequentially through layering, displacement, and conversion. We also pay special attention to how the discursive strategies deployed by LGBT advocates, religious-conservative organizations and other private actors created new opportunities to influence policy debates and tip the scales to their preferred policy outcome. The sequential perspective adopted in this study allows problematizing traditional conceptualizations of which actors support or contest the status quo, as enduring oppositional dynamics lead them to perform both roles in subsequent phases of the institutional change process.

Cyprus’ partitocratic character complicates the ways in which CSOs and political parties interact and impact each other. Political parties’willingness to interact with CSOs and CSOs’ success in convincing political parties to support their cause are limited when the cause is considered to be threatening to hegemonic understandings of how sexual and gender relations are supposed to be structured. Nonetheless, an examination of the modes of interaction between Accept Lesbians, Gays, Bisexuals and Transsexuals Cyprus (Accept-LGBT) - the only Greek Cypriot lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans and intersex (LGBTI) CSO in the country-and Greek Cypriot political parties suggests that although the former cannot evade the sphere of influence of the latter, it is able to invent strategies of (non)interaction with political parties and political party figures, which propel its aims and objectives. This analysis argues that non-interaction with political parties per se and interaction with specific LGBTI-friendly political party figures appears to be a strategy that aids Accept-LGBT to politicize issues of concern to nonheterosexual Greek Cypriots. Through its lobbying of LGBTI-friendly political party figures, issues avoided by political parties as politically trivial or risky are incrementally introduced into their agendas. The argument is based on empirical research that includes interviews with LGBTI activists and political party figures and covers the last three decades. Though focused on the case of Cyprus, it answers a set of questions about the relationship between sexual and party politics in partitocratic contexts, which are pertinent toward unearthing and understanding what this chapter argues to be one of its most important-yet underestimated-parameters: non-interaction as a political strategy.

In this article we stress the need for specifically located understandings of the concept of homonationalism, by introducing an analysis of spatial and political power relations dissecting disparate constructions of LGBT arenas. The article explores three spaces: Tel-Aviv-an urban space of LGBT belonging; Jerusalem-the Israeli capital where being an LGBT individual is problematic both in public and in private spaces; and Kiryat-Shmona-a conservative and peripheral underprivileged town in the north of Israel. By showing how local understandings of queer space shape power relations and translate into subjective spaces within wide-ranging power dynamics, we claim that homonationalism cannot be seen as one unitary, consolidated category or logic. Instead, we argue, homonationalism should be considered a multidirectional and multiscale political stance, manifesting cultural practices and political relationship with the state and society in distinct settings. By expanding considerations of the nuanced interplay of state power and LGBT spaces we aim to elucidate some paradoxes of homonationalism.

Resumo: Na última década Leis de Identidade de Gênero foram aprovadas na América do Sul: Uruguai, em 2009, Argentina, em 2012, e Bolívia, em 2016, assegurando às pessoas trans o direito de modificar o registro civil. No Brasil, em 2013, foi proposta a Lei Nº. 5002/13, conhecida como "Lei João W. Nery". O projeto de lei garantiria mudanças no registro civil sem a necessidade de relatórios clínicos ou autorização judicial, mas ainda aguarda votação. Nossa análise buscará pensar a letárgica situação do PL 5002/13 em comparação com países sul-americanos que possuem leis de gênero, com o objetivo de identificar elementos que possam explicar resultados, para além das diferenças dos contextos locais. Baseada em referenciais da Psicologia Política e teoria queer, a análise se centrará na diferença de estratégias políticas escolhidas para a ação coletiva e destacará a importância das disputas simbólicas para o avanço da questão.

Americans have, in recent years, shown increasing support for a variety of Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender (LGBT) social issues. However, despite this greater support for civil rights and social acceptance, we still know very little about how attitudes toward LGBT issues are shaped by one’s socioeconomic status, especially within the African American community.  Examining data from recent waves of the General Social Survey, we find that middle class African Americans and middle class Whites have inconsistent views regarding same-sex sexual relations relative to other social class subgroups that cannot be explained by race alone. Findings also indicate that although Black Americans are less likely to support gay marriage in aggregate, the effect of socioeconomic status (SES) is consistent for both Blacks and Whites, with higher class individuals being more likely to support the right to marry than those from lower class backgrounds. We conclude with reasons why middle class Blacks, but not other race and class subgroups, have such negative views regarding same-sex sexual relations despite their support for same-sex marriage as a civil right.

In the last 20 years, several countries in Latin America have sought uneven and disparate legal transformations affecting the lives of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) individuals and collectives. These new legal measures have taken place simultaneously, with deepening structures of social, gender, and sexual injustice challenging their view as indicators of progressive change. In this contradictory context, LGBT social policies have emerged as a specialized field of state action because of two parallel trends: the macro political politics affecting the region, and the accumulated experience of gender and sexual social mobilizations in their interactions with the state. There are many variations of this emerging field of social policies because it is shaped by the meaning provided by local actors such as interest groups, activists, and policy makers, and their translation into policy lobbying, policymaking, and policy negotiation. As result of these innovations, gender...

This book contributes an analysis of UK-based non-governmental organisations engaged in transnational lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans (LGBT) activism, within a broader recognition of the complexities that British colonial legacies perpetuate in contemporary international relations. From this analysis, the book suggests that greater engagement with intersectional and decolonial approaches to transnational activism would allow for a more transformative solidarity that challenges the broader impacts of coloniality on LGBT people’s lives globally. Case studies are used to explore UK actors’ participation in the complexities of contemporary transnational LGBT activism, including activist responses to developments in Brunei between 2014 and 2019, and the use of LGBT aid conditionality by Western governments. Activist engagements with legacies of British colonialism are also explored, including a focus on ‘sodomy laws’ and the Commonwealth, as well as the challenges faced by LGBT people seeking asylum in the UK.

Available at: https://www.palgrave.com/gp/book/9783030453763

Despite the burgeoning literature on morality policies in the US, the conditions under which legislation in favor of same-sex marriage has been adopted remain largely unexplored. This study examines the enactment of marriage equality laws in the US states from 2004 to 2014, by focusing on the interplay between religious diversity and party control of the state government. I argue that incorporating the religious composition of each state allows to better understand the crucial role that political parties play in the policy-making process. The results of the discrete-time Event
History Analysis show that party control of the state government is an important factor determining policy output only in those states that are religiously more diverse. Conversely, in religiously homogeneous states, the effect of Democratic versus Republican and divided governments is not significant.

Análisis de la agenda política propuesta por la “Coalición Mexicana LGBTTTI+” . Este documento político plantea velar por los intereses de las personas de la diversidad sexual en los comicios electorales en México, 2018. Lo hace mediante un enfoque interseccional, que observa las problemáticas situadas que enfrenta cada persona del colectivo dependiendo su edad, su corporalidad, su género, su lugar de origen o su posición socioeconómica.