Mozarabic Spain

According to a tenth-century grammarian from St Gall, “reading [lectio] is so called as if it were litterarum statio, the station of letters.” That station—the place where letters stand, is a very material place, composed, as the grammarian tells us, of the encounter of human perception with “pen, hand, ink, wax, and parchment.” This essay takes its stand in three manuscript artifacts made in southern Europe during the tenth century (Verona, Biblioteca Capitolare, MS 89; Córdoba, Archivo Capitular, MS 1; León, San Isidoro, MS 2). It attends to the materialities of each manuscript, and to the superficial, material theory of reading that they share. The result is a veritable somatics of scriptura. Surface reading: It’s not just “the way we read now”; it’s the way our old texts imagine their own lectura—their future being-read.

Публикация отражает результаты исследования чина евхаристического богослужения испано-мосарабского обряда по печатному мосарабскому миссалу 1500 г. (Missale mixtum secundum regulam beati Isidori dictum mozarabes). В статье рассматривается часть богослужения, которая соответствует второй половине литургии верных и включает преломление и смешение Даров, исповедание веры, молитву «Отче наш», причащение, заключительные обряды. Описание базируется на ординарии мессы, напечатанном в миссале, а также на анализе всех формуляров проприя, содержащих изменяемые элементы богослужения. Чинопоследование миссала сопоставляется с рукописными книгами мосарабской традиции IX–XIII вв. и вестготскими литургическими записями конца VII — начала VIII в., а также со свидетельствами св. Исидора Севильского, содержащимися в его трактате De ecclesiasticis officiis. В результате сравнения выясняются соответствия и различия между печатной и рукописной традициями, а также выявляются манускрипты, повлиявшие на формирование евхаристического богослужения, отраженного в миссале. Публикация продолжает серию статей, посвященных мосарабскому миссалу 1500 г., и завершает описание чина мессы по данному литургическому источнику.

This work is devoted to study of the Order of Mass of Mozarabic rite according to the printed Mozarabic Missal of 1500 (Missale mixtum secundum regulam beati Isidori dictum mozarabes). The article deals with the second part of the Eucharistic Mass which includes the Communion rite and the Concluding rite. The description of the Order is based on the Ordinary of the Mass found in the printed Missal, as well as on the analysis of all formulars of the Proper which contain the varying elements of the Mass. The Order of the printed Missal is compared with the Mozarabic manuscripts of the 9–13 th centuries and with Visigothic handwritten liturgical sheets of the late 7 th –early 8 th centuries. In addition it is compared with the testimonies of St. Isidore of Seville, which contained in his treatise “De ecclesiasticis officiis”. As a result of the comparison, the correspondences and differences between the printed books and manuscripts are clarified, and also reveals the sources which influenced the formation of the Mass in the Mozarabic Missal. The publication is a continuation of the articles which was published before and completes the description of the Order of the Mass according to the Mozarabic Missal of 1500.

Muy significativa entre los manuscritos litúrgicos del rito hispano-mozárabe actualmente es la colección de libros de Toledo. Está conformada por siete códices relativamente completos y el mismo número de fragmentos de libros mozárabes de los siglos X-XIII que se conservan en el Archivo y Biblioteca Capitulares de la Catedral de Toledo, así como en el Museo de los Concilios y de la Cultura Visigoda. En este artículo vamos a considerar los manuscritos litúrgicos mozárabes de Toledo para mostrar, analizar y generalizar las peculiaridades del orden de la misa del rito hispano-mozárabe, contenidas en estos libros. Según sea necesario utilizaremos también otras fuentes litúrgicas.

The Arabic word majūs, while initially used as an exonym for Zoroastrians in the Middle East, was used in al-Andalus, medieval Muslim Spain, for a variety of people. It became best known, however, as the appellation used by Andalusis for the Viking parties attacking the Iberian Peninsula in the 9th and 10th centuries. Previous attempts at explaining the use of majūs for Scandinavians produced varied conclusions. Mikel de Epalza deems it to be legal jargon, while Omeljan Pritsak touted a Celtic origin for the word. The theory that has garnered most recognition is Arne Melvinger’s, who suggests that it was given to Scandinavians due to a perceived similarity between their cremation ceremonies and Zoroastrian cults of fire. The word retained a firm connection to Zoroastrians in the Middle East. Zoroastrians, while accepted as a protected people, ahl al-dhimma, alongside Christians and Jews, and thus allowed to practice their religion within Islamic lands, were still regarded as ‘second-class’ dhimmīs (members of ahl al-dhimma) due to their perceived polytheism, idolatry and lack of holy scripture. The negative view of Zoroastrians gave majūs a negative connotation and was used as a term of abuse against peoples, religions or other Islamic sects, comparing them to Zoroastrians. In al-Andalus, the connection to Zoroastrianism was largely lost, and majūs underwent a semantic widening to mean ‘pagan.’ Scandinavians, then, were only one of the myriad groups Andalusis called majūs. This pejoration has a parallel in Greek and Latin literature, where mágos/magus underwent a similar process, whereby its use for Persian priests transformed into a variety of sorcerers and magical practitioners. The hybrid culture of al-Andalus, where Arabic-, Latin/Romance- and Hebrew-speaking populations coexisted and exchanged ideas and vocabulary allowed majūs, already carrying connotations of idolatry, to widen its semantic range. The dual meaning of the term has caused some confusion for both medieval authors as well as modern scholars. The attribution of fire-worship and incest Ibn Diḥya gave to Scandinavians in his story of al-Ghazāl, a source Melvinger used to justify his theory on fire-worship, is a case of an erroneous transfer of Zoroastrian tropes to them on the merits of the common term used for both. The Castilian author/s of the Primera Crónica General also struggled with interpreting majūs in the Arabic sources; rendering it as almuiuces, they combined multiple uses of the word. In modern times, Évariste Lévi-Provençal misinterpreted the use of majūs for Zoroastrians in an Andalusi legal manual that forbade the consumption of Zoroastrian-produced cheese, leading to a conclusion that some of the Vikings harrying in Seville settled there and produced cheese.

The so-called Mozarabic Chronicle of 754 is the most important surviving account in Latin of the period covering the end of the Visigothic kingdom, the Arab conquest of the Iberian peninsula and the north African governorship of Hispania. All we know about the author of the chronicle (mistakenly identified until the nineteenth century as an otherwise unknown bishop by the name of Isidorus Pacensis) is what little may be inferred from the text itself. The aim of this article is to piece together a profile of the author based on the evidence of the chronicle, and offer a detailed reanalysis, refinement and discussion of existing theories on the topic.

A igreja de São Pedro de Lourosa tem sido um dos mais incompreendidos templos construídos em território português nos obscuros séculos que coincidem com os primórdios da (Re)conquista. Na primeira metade do século XX, quando foi descoberta para a História da Arte e, posteriormente, quando foi restaurada pela Direcção Geral dos Edifícios e Monumentos Nacionais (DGEMN), foi um dos monumentos mais discutidos pela comunidade científica nacional. No entanto, as últimas décadas reservaram-lhe um progressivo esquecimento, conferindo-lhe um lugar menor no pré-românico português. Este estatuto secundário deve-se, do nosso ponto de vista, a duas conclusões amplamente generalizadas na historiografia artística portuguesa, mas que se revelam claramente inadequadas: os pretensos moçarabismo e ruralismo da igreja de São Pedro de Lourosa.

The Cordubensian Mozarabs of the 9th century were under the protection of the dhimma and had their own organization into the Andalusian society. But, because of their internal dynamics and Muslim pressure, they were reduced by Islamic conversions and divided into collaborationists and reluctants. Meanwhile, the cultural arabization and the decline of the Latin culture were developing, de-spite the revival of Córdoba as a cultural focus for the Mozarabs of all al-Andalus. Due to the education and the intellectual legacy of the Latin culture, there was an intellectual resistance against the arabization and the islamization that culmi-nated in the voluntary martyrdom, supported ideologically on the early-Christian martyrial culture and the anti-Islamic literature. After the fall of these movements, the Christian-Latin culture and the Mozarabic identity were defended by Hafs b. Albar in Arabic.

This article is dedicated to Isidore, bishop of Seville, a Latin Father of the Church and a Christian writer of the late VI and early VII century. The article outlines his biography and tells about his literary heritage. The article is primarily focussed on the treatise De ecclesiasticis officiis, a kind of medieval encyclopaedia of Christian worship. Despite the fact that Isidore of Seville wrote this essay in his younger years, De ecclesiasticis officiis is one of the most important works of this author. It is unique among medieval sources in containing important information about the divine service in the territory of the Iberian Peninsula in the early Middle Ages. The article also describes the events associated with the appearance of this work, as well as discusses its general characteristics, contents and structure. The emphasis is being placed on those chapters of De ecclesiasticis officiis that are directly related to the liturgical tradition of the Spanish Church and testify to its ancient rites, primarily of the Baptism and the Eucharist.

Frente al tema que se me propone, se puede tener la primera impresión de que apenas hay datos sobre la transformación cristianismo/islamismo desde el punto de vista de la arquitectura. Sin embargo, el tema es amplio y la aportación de datos cada vez más abundante. Alguno de los temas, obligados, como el de Córdoba, debe dar lugar a una monografía. Por otra parte, el tema es también historiográfico y por lo tanto el " impacto " se debe medir no sólo sobre los datos documentales y sobre los objetos o los contextos materiales, sino también sobre nuestra interpretación, como veremos. Esto obliga en ocasiones a retrotraerse a los precedentes cronológicos o culturales del tema pues la posición del historiador incide en su explicación del impacto. Todo ello hace que me imponga mis propios límites, amén del que ya se nos da al reducirnos al territorio andalusí. Me centraré, en lo posible, en la documentación material y arqueológica, aunque los datos textuales no dejarán de zumbar a nuestro alrededor; debo ser sintético, obviando bibliografía aunque quizás se me escape algún estudio de más interés que los recogidos; y elegiré casos concretos que actúen de modelo que deberán desarrollarse en un futuro monográficamente 1. Cinco pautas distintas actúan como guión del recorrido. A pesar del " impacto " , la normal general es que la arquitectura eclesiástica en principio continuó usándose; pero, en un acelerado proceso, termina por desaparecer (de acuerdo con las circunstancias, que en los centros urbanos pueden suponer su supervivencia); influidos por este proceso, algunos elementos preexistentes llegaron a transformarse; incluso aparecieron hechos constructivos nuevos; la transformación pudo cambiar de orden como aprovechamiento islámico. Conservación, desaparición, transformación cristiana y/o islámica y creación. En realidad es imposible deslindar cada pauta como hecho puro ya que veremos que se van entrelazando. Por ello mismo no puedo mantener este orden teórico.

La participación se centra en el monasterio de Santa María de Melque (Toledo), incluyendo los resultados de la segunda campaña de excavaciones. Previamente se resumen los escasos restos conocidos sobre otros posibles conjuntos monásticos de época tardo-antigua siguiendo los criterios arqueológicos seguidos para diferenciarlos como tales, sin rebasar la cronología final del de Melque, en la primera mitad del s. IX.

Leovigildo de Córdoba es uno de los escritores mozárabes del siglo IX menos estudiados. Probablemente esto se deba a que la calidad de su única obra literaria conservada, el De habitu clericorum, al igual que la trascendencia histórica de este personaje, no alcanza la de autores coetáneos de la talla de Eulogio de Córdoba, Pablo Álvaro de Córdoba o Sansón de Córdoba. Como autor menor, ha sido escasamente contemplado por la historiografía en obras generales sobre la sociedad mozárabe y la literatura cristiano-andalusí y en breves introducciones a ediciones de su obra.

“O Ocidente peninsular entre Oviedo-Leão e Córdova. Uma perspectiva cristianocêntrica”, Lusa. A Matriz Portuguesa, Catálogo de Exposição, Santana de Parnaíba, São Paulo, Mag Mais Rede Cultural, 2007, vol. 2, pp.38-49 (texto em inglês, pp.133-138).

This article examines the history of certain Hispanic preces that were incorporated from the Hispanic into the Franco-Roman rite during the seventh century and which, during the eleventh century, when the latter prevailed over the former, returned to the Iberian Peninsula with the new rite, where they remained in use until
the sixteenth century. On the other hand, the Mozarabic sources Cisneros had copied and published during the sixteenth century took their preces from the Medieval Hispanic collection, ignoring the contemporary versions belonging to the Franco-Roman rite. The author analyses the extant Hispanic preces set to music, consisting of interchangeable and variable verses and whose melodies are often based on melodic formulae that were also interchangeable. Finally, a possible periodization and composition
process for Cisneros’s Choirbooks are proposed: they were prepared around 1500 and copying commenced in 1508, based on earlier models that are no longer extant today. In regard to often-performed pieces (such as the Office of the Dead), preces melodies were taken from oral tradition, while the rest were adapted from the Medieval repertory based on simplification and the repetition of melodic formulae.

Gli scritti di Antonio Thiery, a cura di Giancarlo Mauri - Semantica sociale: messaggi e simboli - Centro di studi normanno-svevi. Università degli studi di Bari. in: Potere, società e popolo nell’età sveva (1210-1266). Atti delle seste giornate normanno-sveve. Bari - Castel del Monte - Melfi, 17-20 ottobre 1983 - edizioni Dedalo 1985, pp. 191-247

Gli scritti di Antonio Thiery, a cura di Giancarlo Mauri - Arte Medievale. Periodico internazionale di critica dell’arte medievale. II Serie, Anno II, n. 2, 1988, pp. 29-62 - Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana fondata da Giovanni Treccani, Roma

The present contribution discusses the known occurrences of the expression opus Salomonis in Medieval art and literature. The goal is to regroup together the textual occurrences discussed in the past by various scholars, in order to show how the application of the expression differs across different contexts. Most of these Solomonic references depend on the initial topos of the furnishing of the Temple of Jerusalem but they act out in different ways and should be understood according to three main lines of interpretation. The first one depends on a tradition, which is possible to date around the sixth century C.E., mentioning a series of objects that are literally considered as coming from the treasure of Solomon. The second interpretation, strictly related to the former, but whose earliest mention is an eighth-century source, shows us a shift toward a more symbolic dimension, thus referring to objects that result evocative of the context of the Temple for their technique of realization, without, however, being considered actual pieces of it. There is a third possibility, probably developed between the twelfth and thirteenth centuries in a French cultural context, which deals on a more decorative aspect, conveying an idea of a specific geometric effect

Gli scritti Antonio Thiery, a cura di Giancarlo Mauri - 22 marzo 1071. L'ordo romanus ha vinto. Popoli, culture, etnie, religioni sono cancellati dalla storia. Come studiare trenta anni per diventare autodidatta e capire un po’ meglio non come sarebbe dovuto andare, ma com’è andato il mondo nell’alto medioevo. - Schede preparatorie

"1. Introducción / Introduction.
2. Marco de estudio / Scope.
3. Fortificaciones altomedievales de la Tierra de Marbella (Málaga) / Early Middle Age Fortresses of the Land of Marbella (Málaga):
3.1. Castillo de El Nicio / Castle of El Nicio (Estepona, Málaga).
3.2. Castillo de Montemayor / Castle of Montemayor (Benahavís, Málaga).
3.3. Cerro Torrón / Tower Hill (Marbella, Málaga).
3.4. Castillo de Chillas / Castle of Chillas (Ojén, Málaga).
Conclusiones / Conclusions.
Notas / Notes."

This paper addresses the reception of Augustine’s De ciuitate Dei in Mozarabic literature, particularly in Albar, Eulogius, and Samson of Cordoba (9th cent.). The presence of De ciuitate in these authors is not excessively high nor is its use in each of them homogeneous. However, its study is the basis for addressing two major problems that affect the dissemination of the work in general terms. On the one hand, the discussion about whether the work was known in Cordoba before Eulogius’ journey to the North of Spain. I re-examine the passage of the Vita Eulogii which is the starting point of this debate, and provide new information regarding the use of De ciuitate at that time. On the other hand, the relationship between Mozarabic authors and the manuscript Madrid, Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia, 29 of De ciuitate Dei, a profusely annotated Emilianensis witness. Although its glosses have been already related with Albar and Samson, this paper offers unnoticed textual similarities between these marginalia, the manuscript’s text, and Augustine’s quotations in Mozarabic authors to support that link and delve into the origin of the witness.

Публикация отражает результаты исследования чина евхаристического богослужения испано-мосарабского обряда по печатному мосарабскому миссалу 1500 г. (Missale mixtum secundum regulam beati Isidori dictum mozarabes). В статье рассматривается часть богослужения, которая соответствует первой половине литургии верных и включает начальные молитвы, чин ходатайства, целование мира, анафору. Описание базируется на ординарии мессы, напечатанном в миссале, а также на анализе всех формуляров проприя, содержащих изменяемые элементы богослужения. Чинопоследование миссала сопоставляется с рукописными книгами мосарабской традиции IX–XIII вв. и вестготскими литургическими записями конца VII — начала VIII в., а также со свидетельствами св. Исидора Севильского, содержащимися в его трактате De ecclesiasticis officiis. В результате сравнения выясняются соответствия и различия между печатной и рукописной традициями, а также выявляются манускрипты, повлиявшие на формирование евхаристического богослужения, отраженного в миссале. Публикация продолжает серию статей, посвященных мосарабскому миссалу.

This work is devoted to study of the Order of Mass of Mozarabic rite according to the printed Mozarabic Missal of 1500 (Missale mixtum secundum regulam beati Isidori dictum mozarabes). The article deals with the first part of the Eucharistic Mass which includes the Intercession, the Kiss of peace and the Eucharistic Prayer (the Anaphora). The description of the Order is based on the Ordinary of the Mass found in the printed Missal, as well as on the analysis of all formulars of the Proper which contain the varying elements of the Mass. The Order of the printed Missal is compared with the Mozarabic manuscripts of the 9–13th centuries and with Visigothic handwritten liturgical sheets of the late 7th–early 8th centuries. In addition it is compared with the testimonies of St. Isidore of Seville, which contained in his treatise “De ecclesiasticis officiis”. As a result of the comparison, the correspondences and differences between the printed books and manuscripts are clarified, and also reveals the sources which influenced the formation of the Mass in the Mozarabic Missal. The publication is a continuation of the articles which was published before.

RESUMEN
A pesar de su popularidad actual, a la cueva de San Genadio y aledañas no se le ha dedicado ningún estudio monográfico. Hasta el testimonio de Prudencio de Sandoval (1601) no hay referencias a estas cavidades, y hasta comienzos del siglo XIX no se adscribe una de ellas al obispo y eremita. Este artículo colecta las noticias conocidas y añade otras inéditas, extraídas tanto de los libros de fábrica de la parroquia de Santiago de Peñalba como del manuscrito de Joaquín Herrezuelo (conservados en el Archivo Diocesano de Astorga). Se reflexiona sobre el origen de la leyenda asociada al santo en relación con la cueva y la toponimia (Silencio).

ABSTRACT
Despite its current popularity, the cave of St. Gennadius has not been the subject of any case study. Prior to the testimony of Prudencio de Sandoval (1601), there are no references to these cavities. Only early in the 19th century was one of them was ascribed to bishop and hermit. This paper compiles familiar testimonies and incorporates unpublished examples taken from both Santiago de Peñalba parish records and Joaquin Herrezuelo’s manuscript (preserved in the Astorga Diocesan Archive). These pages offer a reflection upon on the origin of the legend associated with the Saint in relation to the cave and toponymy (Silencio, Silence).

Настоящая публикация представляет собой перевод и издание литургического календаря древней Испанской Церкви в том виде, в котором он сложился на севере Пиренейского полуострова к середине XI в. Автор не ставит своей целью представить сводный список праздников, отмечаемых христианами в этот период. Для публикации выбран конкретный литургический календарь из мосарабской рукописи Liber ordinum, Silos, Archivo Monástico, cod. 4, представляющий автохтонную северную богослужебную традицию древней Испании накануне официальной отмены испано-мосарабского обряда и замещения его римским обрядом.

Résumé de thèse de doctorat  « Juifs et chrétiens au miroir de la loi musulmane : transmission, herméneutique et pensée juridiques envers les non-musulmans à l'époque almoravide dans l'oeuvre d'Ibn Rušd al-ǧadd (m. 520/1126) » (5 vol. 2043 pages)
Directeurs de thèse : John Tolan (Professeur d'histoire médiévale à l'université de Nantes) et Christian Müller (Directeur de recherche, CNRS) Thèse soutenue le 19 octobre 2018

JURY :
John Tolan (Professeur d'histoire médiévale à l'université de Nantes) Christian Müller (Directeur de recherche, CNRS)
Rapporteurs :
Mohamed Ouerfelli (MCF en histoire médiévale à l'université d'Aix-Marseille)
Delfina Serrano (Científica Titular en el CSIC, Madrid)
Président : Dominique Valérian (Professeur d'histoire à l'université Paris 1-Panthéon-Sorbonne)

Cette thèse concerne la place des non-musulmans dans l'oeuvre juridique du grand qāḍī de Cordoue Ibn Rušd al-ǧadd (m. en 520/1126, grand-père du célèbre Averroès). En d'autres termes, où peut-on les rencontrer dans la littérature juridique ? D'un intérêt incontournable, notre sujet de recherche qui s'attache à explorer les « normes » relatives aux non-musulmans a pourtant été sous-exploité. Cela est très certainement dû à cette opposition entre norme et pratique, chère aux historiens. N'oublions pas que si en l'absence de documents d'archives le fiqh est très utile pour écrire l'histoire des mondes musulmans médiévaux, cette discipline à par ailleurs sa propre histoire qui reste en très grande partie à écrire. Par le croisement des textes produits par notre savant, cette étude vise à éclairer les modalités du contact entre musulmans et « infidèles » en al-Andalus de la seconde moitié du XIe s. jusqu'à la première moitié du XIIe siècle, sous le règne almoravide.