This study aims to examine and evaluate the existing qualification standards of the executive department in the level of national election. It suggest new inputs and parameters in the conduct of electoral reforms. Adequate and sufficient... more
This study aims to examine and evaluate the existing qualification standards of the executive department in the level of national election. It suggest new inputs and parameters in the conduct of electoral reforms. Adequate and sufficient qualification standards is implemented in all areas, except those mandated under the 1987 Philippine Constitution, it has been the fundamental consideration and holding factor to vacancy of position. This research utilizes descriptive qualitative methodology with the application of grounded theory approach. Respondents came from distinguished citizens of the Philippines directly affected thereby. Data are collected through lawful and permissible means. The proper solicitation of informed consent and the presence of moral and ethical standards are faithfully complied with. In this light, the legislators must contemplate the fact that there is truly a need to revisit the existing qualification standards of the executive department. Considering to adopt the proper procedures of the rule of law and observing the governing rules and regulations mandated by the fundamental law of the land. The inclusion of additional and supplemental requirements of educational attainment, academic excellence and administrative experience must be considered that will generously benefit the general public in attaining effective and efficient political governance.
The recent Philippine elections last 9th of May 2016 became a historic event for the reason that in this age of millennials, factors such as the information dissemination through the internet became one important role during the campaign... more
The recent Philippine elections last 9th of May 2016 became a historic event for the reason that in this age of millennials, factors such as the information dissemination through the internet became one important role during the campaign period. However, the major concern on the citizens’ basic familiarity on the Philippine Constitution is also a necessity that enables the Filipino people to choose their candidates that suits into the basic criteria that is stated in the constitution. In order to address the problem of the possible entry of unqualified officials in any government posts, there are three possible solutions such as by self-assessment of the public servants abilities and moral and ethical foundations, observing meritocracy conducted and supervised by the two mentioned Constitutional Commissions through monitoring, and the Filipinos’ ability to analyze candidates for official government posts through substantial published information in the internet.
This Chapter interrogates the logics and technologies underlying the governance of elections in Africa. It defines elections, their nature and logics. It argues that elections are tools, which integrate electoral processes and systems to... more
This Chapter interrogates the logics and technologies underlying the governance of elections in Africa. It defines elections, their nature and logics. It argues that elections are tools, which integrate electoral processes and systems to deliver on the people's choice of who will govern them. 'Free and fair' presuppose the existence of a 'free and fair' electoral commission, 'free and fair' machineries to run the elections, 'free and fair' systems and procedures for the conduct of those elections. It interrogates the role of stakeholders, before, during and after the elections and argues that elections reflect the independence and sovereignty of any nation. The Chapter presents a 5Vs framework of Volume (how many vote); Velocity (Speed) – the regularity of the elections; Value (the value of the elections as perceived by voters; Veracity (the trustworthiness and authenticity of the systems and outcomes); and Variety (diversity of voters and diversity of political parties). The Chapter argues that the prerequisites to hold free and fair elections include political will from the polity; transparency; a politically educated citizenry capable to act; unity in diversity (there can be many parties and tribes), faith and trust in the electoral systems, political parties and themselves; astute and smart systems and processes and bureaucracy.
If we are to start from the assumption that we wish to understand elections in Africa, then it seems a truism that this understanding can only be achieved if elections are situated within a context. That this context should be... more
If we are to start from the assumption that we wish to understand elections in Africa, then it seems a truism that this understanding can only be achieved if elections are situated within a context. That this context should be historical, socio-economic and political goes without saying. The question rather concerns the manner in which this context is analysed and the manner in which elections are situated within it. In an earlier paper (Neocosmos, 1997) I argued that this context should involve a historical dimension and should stress the importance of an analysis of the form of state. In the BLS countries this latter factor was evidently different in the three countries’ political system and also in the fact that the state ruled the countryside and the town in different ways. In this paper I wish to move beyond this view to suggest that elections and the struggles surrounding them must be understood within a political context which stresses not simply the different forms of state, but more broadly, the different forms of politics under which various forms of state can be subsumed. The reason for this put simply, is because it is important to understand that politics cannot be reduced to the state, and also because there exists in Africa at present, in however limited a form, the indication of a form of politics outside the state. It is important to understand this. What this simply means is that the often dominant form of politics, usually a state form of politics, is not the only way of conducting political activity and that at different times, to a greater or lesser extent, alternative forms of politics have been and are in evidence.
This paper aims to contribute to the growing body of research on online political marketing by investigating the use of websites as a marketing tool in the 2007 and 2009 general elections in Greece. The two main research objectives are... more
This paper aims to contribute to the growing body of research on online political marketing by investigating the use of websites as a marketing tool in the 2007 and 2009 general elections in Greece. The
two main research objectives are firstly to establish the key factors affecting voters’ trust when it comes
to using politicians’ websites and secondly to examine whether and to what extent the influence of trustbuilding factors changes over-time, as the online environment matures. The key findings of this research
are that users tend to visit the websites of favoured candidates, which reinforces their positive perceptions of them, while as far as the websites themselves and their content and the services provided are
concerned there is still room for improvement.
This article estimates for member states of the EU the effect of low levels of turnout on parties’ share of the vote in national elections. It does so by comparing the distribution of party choices in national elections for all those who... more
This article estimates for member states of the EU the effect of low levels of turnout on parties’ share of the vote in national elections. It does so by comparing the distribution of party choices in national elections for all those who participate in those elections on the one hand, and for the much more restricted group of those who participate in European Parliament elections on the other. As European elections register lower turnout than other nation-wide elections, this comparison provides an extreme, but empirically observed case of low turnout. Turnout effects prove comparatively small, and are non-negligible in only few cases. Turnout effects are slightly different for different kinds of parties: right-wing parties benefit slightly from them (on average) and left-wing parties are (on average) somewhat hurt. Although significant, these differences are exceedingly small, and explain no more than a few percent of variation in turnout effects. No significant effects are found from other party characteristics (such as their size, government status, position on European integration, or interactions of these with government approval or time since the last national election). The analyses are based on data from European election studies in 1989, 1994, 1999 and 2004.