Youth Politics

This article aims to study the involvement of students in campus elections at Sultan Idris Education University (SIEU). The electoral college is not just a program and procedures. It is a platform for a general election. The campus elections are important to the student as it is one of the elements of practicing democracy. Therefore, this study investigates the level of knowledge, sources of information and the level of political involvement in campus elections. Also, the study identifies the factors that influence student voting in election's campus. The survey used to address all the objectives in this study. The data used are more detailed as the empirical aspect involving in the research field. This study discovered four things. First, the findings show that the knowledge level of students about the development of the electoral college is still small, but the student's knowledge of the voting process is the higher with 83 percent. Second, the study found that the primary source of political information for students in SIEU are websites, followed by newspaper and television. Third, the level of student involvement in campus elections is at a moderate level. However, female students are more likely to be involved. Fourth, the factors that influence student voting in SIEU is a candidate, manifesto, and current issues. However, this choice is different from gender. The notable findings from this study contribute to the body of knowledge that involves students and campus elections.

Abstrak Artikel ini bertujuan untuk meneroka sejauh mana penyertaan politik belia di Malaysia. Secara khususnya, artikel ini akan menjawab soalan-soalan berikut: Apakah jenis penglibatan politik yang kerap disertai oleh belia di Malaysia? Bagaimanakah tahap penglibatan politik golongan ini? Adakah jantina, tahap pendidikan dan kawasan tempat tinggal mempunyai kaitan dengan penglibatan politik? Apakah faktor yang mempengaruhi mereka untuk melibatkan diri dalam politik? Seramai 417 responden yang berumur di antara 18-40 tahun dipilih secara rawak untuk menjawab borang soal selidik yang diedarkan. Secara umumnya, kajian ini mendapati bahawa responden mempunyai tahap penglibatan politik yang sederhana. Majoriti responden menyatakan mereka mengundi dalam setiap pilihan raya umum yang diadakan dan hanya segelintir daripada mereka yang menghubungi pemimpin politik. Minat terhadap politik merupakan faktor utama yang mendorong mereka untuk terlibat dengan politik. Tahap politik yang sederhana ini perlu dipandang serius oleh pihak tertentu dan usaha-usaha perlu dilakukan bagi menggalakkan golongan belia ini untuk terus melibatkan diri di dalam bidang politik. Abstract This article aims to explore the extent of political participation among youth in Malaysia. Specifically, this study addressed the following questions: What are the forms of political participation involved among the youth in Malaysia? What is their level of political participation? Does the gender, educational level and residential area are related to political participation? What are the factors influencing them to participate in politics?A total of 417 respondents aged between 18-40 years were randomly selected to answer the questionnaire. In general, the study has found that respondents have a moderate level of political participation. The majority of respondents claimed they voted in the general election, and only a small number of respondents contacted the political leaders. Interest in politics is a key factor that encourages them to participate in politics. This moderate level of political participation should be taken seriously by authorities and efforts should be made to encourage the young people to engage in politics.

Are young people apathetic in political society, or are there other reasons for the common perception that this may be the case? How do we participate in politics? Are young people being left behind?
These are the questions asked and explored within this qualitative research study. Through use of qualitative in-depth interviews, I can present an insightful snapshot into the musings of the participants - cohorts of the millennial generation.

The present paper investigated the role of social media in youth participatory politics. A survey of university students was conducted in March, 2013. The findings of the present study indicated that a large number of the respondents participated in political activities through social media. Facebook provided the respondents with common platform to discuss issues confronting Pakistani society. Respondents’ engagement with discussion on national issues was significantly related with their participation in political campaigns and persuasion to vote in upcoming elections 2013. A small proportion of the respondents participated in traditional political activities. This finding underscored the need to enhance youth participation in institutional politics to cultivate civic minds.

3al-Janib (‘ala -l-janib or ‘on the side’) tells stories from the margins about moments where the world around us can be reimagined differently. The texts are in English and Arabic.
These liminal moments, when individuals or groups decide to bend formal regulations and rethink the use of resources around them, are moments where new social relations and knowledge are forged, and alternative conceptualisations of a brighter future are introduced. The newspaper format allows for the drafts and the notes that are already present in the different research projects on which the publication builds, and which were part of a collaborative effort by partners in Morocco, Egypt, Palestine and Germany entitled Liminal Spaces as Sites of Socio-Cultural Transformation and Knowledge Production in the Arab World (funded by Volkswagen Foundation). The newspaper introduces three thematic axes: 1. Other Voices from the Cultural Field, 2. The Politics of Solidarity and Disintegration, 3. Agencies of (Im-)Mobility.

Em relação ao respectivo Congresso, vários episódios podem ser destacados como centrais, entre discursos relativos ao limite de idade que deve prevalecer no seio daquela organização juvenil, principalmente no que à eleição do seu Secretário-Geral (SG) diz respeito, ou, ainda, em volta de um fictício chamamento para que o actual Presidente da Frelimo, Filipe Nyusi, se apresentasse para um terceiro mandato. Ora, se só estes dois episódios poderiam, por demais, completar inúmeras páginas da nossa opinião, no entanto, desta vez, propomo-nos a analisar aquele que foi o manifesto que ditou a eleição do actual Secretário-Geral da OJM, Silva Livone, recordando que, num passado recente, apresentamos um exercício analítico que antecedia o Congresso (Tsandzana, 2022).

Youth politics in Tunisia today can be understood through a differentiation between ‘civil’ society in the form of non-governmental organizations from two ‘contentious’ cadres: ‘land/labor’ protests, on the one hand, such as Weinou el Petrol (‘Where Is The Petrol’), and ‘leftist’ movements, such as Manich Msema7 (‘We Will Not Forgive’) and Fech Nestanaou (‘What Are We Waiting For’), on the other. Membership and participation among these three forms of political participation are often shared, and activities sometimes overlap around common struggles for “Work, Freedom, and National Dignity,” constituting what Manheim labels a distinct ‘generational unit.’ But the divisions among this trifurcation of civil society are significant, particularly in the ways in which geography determines and shapes grievances. Differences in their tactical approaches, local vs. national scope, and organizational and decision-making strategies are also prevalent, and oftentimes follow, from this geographic distinction. Significantly, these differences militate against unified political action and often play into the hands of regime strategies to coopt and instrumentalize (civil), repress (leftist), and divide and conquer (land/labor). Opposition to the corporatist, elite-led model of democratization and neo-liberal mode of governance thus remains largely unsuccessful despite being repeatedly checked and vociferously challenged.

Over the past two decades, there has been a wide-ranging debate about the impact of citizenship education on young people's political engagement and participation across Britain. Using data from a survey of 1025 young people aged 18 years at the time of the 2010 General Election, we examined the impact that studying for a formal qualification in General Certificate of Secondary Education in Citizenship Studies has on young people's political and civic engagement. Drawing from the hypothesis that those young people who took the course would be more engaged than those who did not, results demonstrated that there are many differences between the two groups in terms of their political perspectives as well as their past and future patterns of political participation.

Interest in Muslim identities and citizenship has intensified with every renewed moral crisis precipitated by events such as the Rushdie affair, 9/11 and 7/7, generating questions about the dangers of too much diversity. Identity has also been at the centre of Muslim political struggles for equal citizenship in Britain, attracting critical evaluation from both progressive and conservative interlocutors who contest the reification of group boundaries that are inevitable with identity politics. In this paper I present a case study of identity politics by young adult British Muslims which I argue is based on a distinctly post 9/11 social movement aimed at turning negative difference into positive difference. Drawing on insights from both social movement theory (Della Porta and Diani, 2006; Melucci, 1995; 1996) and theories of multicultural citizenship (Modood, 2007, 2010; Phillips, 2007; Young, 1990, 2000) I will reveal how participants in my doctoral study recognised themselves as a collective group whilst highlighting the complexities of producing such a unifying entity. This paper also intends to demystify the salience of faith identities among British Muslims, highlighted in existing literature, by drawing attention to the political dimensions of such identity constructions and challenging some of the essentialist and damaging conclusions drawn from loyalty to Islam. Understanding the political positioning of Muslim faith identities underlines the continued importance and relevance of the politics of recognition based on group identities.

This introduction explores the changing relationship between the concepts of ‘youth’ and ‘politics’, and addresses the complex entanglements between youth politics and urban space in the Asian context. Through the use of ethnographic methods, the papers in this Special Issue suggest that the distinctive sociopolitical and economic conditions of Asian cities impose opportunities and constrictions for the development of youth citizenship, and that youth experiences of their urban realities have shaped the different ways in which they practice politics. The papers also show that in turn, youth politics have a generative potential, affecting future envisionings of the city and self.

With the inter-linkage of social problems under the context of global capitalism, there is an increasing tendency that activists from different regions build up exchange network on their own, in a self-organized and autonomous way. This trend suggests a growing urgency in developing a trans-local perspective in reading such dynamic, and a new geographical imagination across different borders and localities. This article aims to outline the linkages and interaction of the left-wing cultural activist groups in East Asia. I would take “No Limit Tokyo Autonomous Zone”, a self-organized festival of cultural activism took place in September 201616, as an example, to illustrate the historical trajectory and the synergy generated by this platform. For this analysis, I would adopt both local and trans-local perspectives, while also considering the local actors and the activist groups around East Asia which contribute to the formation of the network, including the impacts of their subsequent extensions. Furthermore, this article attempts to discuss the meaning of running this autonomous cultural festival and what would be the ethical and heterogeneous values that activist try to advocate, in the context of countering cultural governance in the neoliberal creative economy.

Through engaging with everyday practices among student activists in contemporary Indian campus politics, this ethnographic study examines the breadcrumb trail between the left and self-fashioning. It focuses on a performative modality of political representation in Indian democracy by tracing the formation of biographical reconfigurations that implement subject-oriented techniques. The article charts out their relevance in producing political legitimacy. It engages with the way personal reconfigurations are mobilized to recruit and appeal to both subaltern and privileged communities, thus generating universalistic representative claims and political efficacy.

The study discusses self-presentations among leading left activists, members of five contending Marxist student organizations active in Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University campus. It shows that reconfigurations are a hallmark of practices of social ‘downlift’ which echoes the notion of declassifying, a concept developed by philosopher Jacques Rancière. While embracing secularism and the legacy of political martyrs, the analysis illustrates how self-fashioning attempts to erase signs and habits attached to economic and social privileges through subverting and engaging creatively with sacrificial and ascetic tropes. Conversely, such practices find themselves critically questioned by activists at the bottom of the social ladder who aspire to social upliftment, including members of lower castes and impoverished Muslim communities. I find that biographical effects of left activism are both long-lasting and renegotiable, shaping campus lives and subsequent professional careers. While such reconfigurations are not inspired by world renouncers of the Hindu mendicant tradition, these practices of the self might exemplify the historical cross-fertilization between longstanding cultural idioms and the Indian Marxist praxis.

Young people’s relationship with British politics has been the subject of considerable scrutiny. Research appears to indicate that in Britain, many young people are refraining from engaging in the formal political process and are increasingly turning their backs on democratic institutions. However, research also suggests that once young people are invited to discuss politics in their own terms, there is evidence of much higher levels of interest and activity. The present paper examines whether citizenship education can help youth become more politically engaged. More specifically it examines the impact of citizenship studies classes on youth political engagement as well as an understanding of how they experience such classes at school. It is concluded that extending the study of citizenship within the school/college curriculum and ensuring that this is given a distinct and prominent status might assist with the process of improving political literacy skills to help young people re-connect with democratic life in an informed, critical, confident and effective manner.

This article examines the changing role of cyberactivists before and after the Jasmine Revolution through case studies of three prominent figures: Houssem Aoudi (Cogite, Wasaibi), Sami Ben Gharbia (Nawaat.org), and Haythem el Mekki (MosaiqueFM, Attessia TV). The main argument presented here is that the attainment of freedom of the Internet and the success of the revolt created new opportunities for formal political involvement for the cyberactivists as they transited from dissidents under the Ben Ali regime to citizen-participants of a nascent democratic order. A subsidiary argument is that a new generation of Tunisian leadership came to the fore of Tunisia’s private and public spheres to advance the stated aims of the revolution, including inter alia combating unemployment, securing civil liberties, stemming corruption, and the ever deepening of pro-democracy reforms.

Drawing upon fieldwork conducted at two liberal arts universities in Hong Kong and Shanghai, this paper explores how liberal arts educational institutions are promulgating citizenship ideas that provide young people with opportunities to engage with urban societies, to define themselves as agents of change, and to act upon their ideal visions of the city. The paper begins with a discussion of citizenship narratives about moral and character development that are circulated by the two liberal arts universities through institutional visions and pedagogical norms. It goes on to demonstrate the ways in which young people’s social actions are enabled, supported, or constricted by these citizenship narratives, as well as by wider socio-economic and political norms governing the urban subject. Hong Kong youths at Lingnan University see themselves as urban repairers and innovators who take over custodianship of a city that is perceived to be decaying under the weight of an inept government. Chinese youths at NYU-Shanghai learn and practise a form of urban ethic, allowing these students to see themselves as cultural mediators of urban difference while bypassing an explicit identification with ‘being political’. The article contributes to broader scholarship on youth politics, urban politics, and higher education citizenship.

This article argues that young women and girls are significant stakeholders in peace and security efforts. Understanding their roles, views and capacity is essential to an adequate perspective on peace and security. Yet girls remain the most marginalised group when it comes to peace and security efforts globally. Gender- and age-based hierarchies often leave their interests ignored. Excluding girls hinders prospects for sustainable peace by denying their rights, entrenching inequity and affecting future chances for increasing women's participation. Australian government statements on Women, Peace and Security are evaluated on how they relate to young women and girls. The article presents a series of cases to analyse how young women are impacted by security factors, how they are actively working to create peace and security, and how to better include girls in seeking peace. Options for action by Australian policymakers are discussed.

Gazteen eta politikaren arteko harremana modu askotan irudikatu da garaiaren eta ingurune sozialaren arabera. Aldi batzuetan, gazte erreboltariak izan dira nagusi irudikapen sozialean. Gaur egun, ordea, badirudi gazte axolagabe eta indibidualisten estereotipoa zabaldu dela gure artean. ‘Gazteriaren’ ikuspegi unibokoa ematen duten errepresentazioak alde batera utzita, artikuluan teknika kualitatiboak erabiltzen dira Hego Euskal Herriko era askotako gazteek bizi izan duten sozializazio politikoa aztertzeko. Hortik abiatuta, eta gazteen beraien kontakizunak aintzat hartuta, gazte horietako batzuek gaur egun politikari ematen dizkioten esanahiak eta esparru politikoan gauzatzen dituzten praktikak zehazten dira.

In Tunisia, unemployment generally, and unemployment of youth who are not enrolled in education, employment, or training (NEETs) in particular, is a severe social, economic, and cultural problem. Variance is observable along socio-economic, geographic, and gender indices.

The UDC is the oldest and most important organization that groups unemployed persons in Tunisia under one umbrella. Its slogan: “Work, Freedom, National Dignity” dates back to 2006. It also became the master frame of the Tunisian uprising, also known as the ‘Jasmine Revolution.’ The purpose of the UDC was to fill the vacuum in representation created between the UGET (L'Union générale des étudiants de Tunisie) student’s union and the UGTT (L'Union générale tunisienne du travail) labor union in Tunisia. The creation of the UDC responded to a significant threat to local, independent, and unsanctioned groups dedicated to unemployed graduates in the country. Namely, it was often the case that regime officials would arrest one group without the knowledge of the others. This left all groups vulnerable and without recourse to legal action or counsel. Prior to the organization’s establishment, there was no formal leadership structure or communication strategy for channeling concerns or efforts over the rights of unemployed graduates in Tunisia.

Upon formalizing the umbrella organization in 2006 (though still illegal), the regional offices of the UDC were able to act in concert with one another and with the support of the UGET, UGTT, LTDH (Ligue Tunisienne pour la Défense des Droits de l'Homme), Tunisian Communist Worker’s Party, and the Tunisian Bar Association, among others, which greatly strengthened their organizational capacity and impact. Thus, upon the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Sidi Bouzid in December, 2010—the single act often attributed as the catalyst to the ‘Jasmine Revolution’ and ‘Arab Spring’—the UDC were one of the first groups to carry out organized protests throughout Tunisia.

Manich Msema7 is a Tunisian youth-led social movement that resisted an anti-reconciliation bills put forward by the Ennahda-Nidaa Tounes-led government to provide a general amnesty to former regime officials and bureaucrats accused of corruption under the Ben Ali government.

South Africa's public discourse has been largely influenced by the recent student protests in higher education. Government officials, student leaders, higher education officials and the general populace have all participated in this national debate. This youth activism is led by various student political formations using the popular slogan of 'FeesMustFall' to mobilise their peers and broader society. Student leaders argue that the main strategic objective is to achieve free decolonised higher education. This article explores the socio-economic and political context driving these student marches across the country. It argues that the protest action is primarily caused by the following two phenomena: first, the broader societal discontent with persistent class, race and gender inequalities in South Africa. Second, the negative socio-economic impacts of a neo-colonial corporatised higher education model. The student demands are discussed in relation to these two broad structural trends associated with the transition to liberal democracy in South Africa. My core contention is that the student movement proposals are crucial for restructuring the neo-colonial corporate university.

This article explores how students experiment with politicization in contemporary Beirut. The objective is to refine the understanding of the interplay between memorialization, identification and politics in the Lebanese context. Based on ethnographic material and qualitative interviews, the article argues that politicization, defined as a twofold process of collectivization and conflictualization, is shaped by interactional positioning between students. It relies on identification along patterned storylines framing the cognition and recognition of the self and others. Largely dependent upon affective and memorial dynamics, these experiences of politicization become constitutive for students' understanding of identity boundaries within the Lebanese plural society.

Artikkelissa analysoin Venäjän valtiollista nuorisolle suunnattua vapaaehtoisprojektia Meidän yhteinen voitto (ks. Naša obštšaja pobeda), joka käynnistyi virallisesti vuonna 2010 osana Neuvostoliiton natsi-Saksasta saavutetun voiton mahtipontisia 65-vuotisjuhlallisuuksia. Projektin valossa tarkastelen sitä, miten Venäjän virallinen toisen maailmansodan muistaminen ilmenee nuorisolle kohdistetussa toiminnassa. Projekti alkoi toimia varsinaisesti vuonna 2011, mutta sen aloituksen ajoittaminen 65-vuotisjuhlien yhteyteen kertoo osaltaan toisen maailmansodan symbolisesta merkityksestä nyky-Venäjällä.

Contemporary discussion of the ‘crisis in democracy’ displays  a tendency to problematize young people as apolitical, apathetic and disengaged, or to point to deficiencies in institutions deemed responsible for civic education. This discussion normally comes as  a prelude to a call for more civics education.  This article begins by pointing to a renewal of politics at the hands of young people and relying on the new media  by drawing on evidence like survey research, case-studies  and action research projects. This political renewal occurred largely in response to the assumption of political elites that a ‘politics-as-usual’ will suffice to address the major political challenges of our time.  Against the assumption that teachers and curriculum experts already know what kinds of knowledge and skills students need to become good citizens, we make a case for co-designing a contemporary citizenship curriculum with young people to be used for the  professional development of policy-makers. We argue that such an intervention is likely to have a salutary educational effect on policy makers, influence how they see young peoples political engagement and how they set policy agendas.  The article canvasses the protocols such a project might observe.

Young people have been characterised as apathetic and disengaged from mainstream politics. This discourse draws upon a narrow, regulatory and hegemonic model of politics that centres on parliamentary politics. This paper reports findings from a qualitative study of young people drawn from across the political spectrum that also found most participants to adhere to this dominant model of politics. However, this conceptualisation of politics did not match their forms of socio-political engagement, instead it generated a series of tensions and worked to discount their actions as not ‘genuine’ or ‘real’ politics. It is argued that this narrow, regulatory model of politics does not reflect contemporary social conditions and actually militates against young people understanding themselves as political actors and beings.

Regeneration focuses on the question of intergenerational justice. Defining the world's young people as those born after 1979 - a hugely symbolic moment in the history of globalisation - it reflects on the massive growth in generational protest across the globe thirty years later. At its heart is an analysis of politics though the prism of generation.

The incapacity of the major political parties in Britain to think beyond their short-term electoral interests is, by definition, particularly harmful for those at the beginning of their lives. It has led to a failure to act on climate change, savage cutbacks in education and training, an acute shortage of housing, big cuts in youth services, and, for many, the prospect of an old age without pensions. Things have deteriorated to the point where many young people are finding it impossible to find the wherewithal to settle down and have families - the classic marks of adulthood.

But, as Shiv Malik argues in his preface, a diagnosis of the problem does not absolve the young from taking responsibility for developing solutions. We need more than 'a whinge of epic proportions'. And, as he also points out, the young are well placed to develop alternatives: 'we are the most well-educated, innovative, dynamic and open generation in human history'. This means that this book also has plenty of ideas for changing the future.

This text presents the results of the first research conducted on “green” actions and strikes for climate in high schools across Québec, a Canadian province that witnessed in 2019 the larger street protests of the international youth movement. Based on 20 semistructured interviews with students from 12 high schools, letters from school principals addressed to parents, and research in the media, this text reaffirms that schools are a place of political conflicts and struggles not only between students and adults but also between students in opposite currents of the movement. It is also a reminder of the involvement of young people in autonomous direct action groups (Extinction Rebellion). The discussion then focuses on potential implications of the movement for future elections, the legitimacy of these collective actions in relation to the philosophical debate about civil disobedience (John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Manuel Cervera-Marzal, and Alan Carter), and the hope for a renewal of the student movement in Québec in the face of a disaster of unprecedented scale.

Neste trabalho de dissertação, pretende-se trazer uma abordagem sobre o agenda-setting nos média utilizada pelas juventudes partidárias das formações políticas representadas na XIII legislatura portuguesa, de modo a atrair o voto do eleitorado jovem. Para a prossecução deste objetivo, recorreu-se a uma pesquisa qualitativa. Para a recolha dos dados, procedeu-se à aplicação de entrevistas diretas com representantes da Juventude Socialista, Juventude Social- Democrata, Juventude Popular, Juventude Comunista Portuguesa, Ecolojovem, Bloco de Esquerda e do partido Pessoas–Animais–Natureza.

In this dissertation, it was intended to bring an approach on the agenda-setting in the media used by the youth wings of the political formations represented in the XIII Portuguese legislature, in order to attract the vote of the young electorate. To achieve this objective, a qualitative research was used. For the data collection, direct interviews were conducted with representatives of the Socialist Youth, Social Democratic Youth, People’s Youth, Portuguese Communist Youth, Ecolojovem, Left Bloc and the People–Animals–Nature party.

Across India, first-generation college students are flooding from rural backgrounds into Indian universities in urban settings – many facing additional challenges of ethnic, religious, regional, or linguistic minority status. Following the lives of Ladakhi youth, who travel to the city from the edge of the Tibetan plateau in India’s Jammu and Kashmir State, this article traces the experience of ‘the intimate city’ through discussion of urban pleasures and marginalization. Bridging critical emergent literatures on education and on the intimate and political city, here, I argue that the rural to urban mobility necessary for education enables self-consciously global and cosmopolitan subjectivities for subaltern youth that transcend and complicate both neoliberal development projects and parents’ hopes. Despite problems of unemployment, decline of government jobs, and increasing competition between educated youth, higher education remains a path to a better standard of living, particularly for first-generation students. Parallel to this instrumental role of higher education, for underrepresented students joining the higher education path, experiences of discrimination and marginalization can be intensified in the foreign urban setting and university campus. This research finds that young people both struggle and thrive in the city and that their embodied practices of clothing, food, and friendship enable them to forge subaltern forms of cosmopolitan belonging that transcend regional and national borders, create new subjectivities, and different understandings of the political. This work then suggests attention to the role that rural–urban mobility and education play in enabling new and self-consciously global or transnational subjectivities for subaltern youth that exceed neoliberal state development projects, create new horizons beyond the medical/engineering-focused dreams of rural parents, and reshape geographies of belonging.

Educating for Democracy reports the results of the Political Engagement Project, a study of educational practices at the college level that prepare students for responsible democratic participation. In this book, coauthors Anne Colby, Elizabeth Beaumont, Thomas Ehrlich, and Josh Corngold show that education for political development can increase students’ political understanding, skill, motivation, and involvement while contributing to many aspects of general academic learning.

The interaction and relationship between consecutive generations is seldom a neutral process. It always involves a process of domination and contestation between the generations where the manifestations of the power relations are both explicit and implicit in their nature. Taking this assumption as a premise this paper attempts to examine the relationship between youth and politics across the historical trajectories of Ethiopian politics since the 1974 revolution. The way youth is understood, socialized and integrated into the political scene and their interplay with the older generation until the present time is the main focus of the study. This paper explains how politics is perceived and practiced among the youth and the role of the intergenerational interaction towards this. It is strongly argued that the influence of the older generation particularly in the ruling party of Ethiopia creates a new meaning of politics for the youth. The findings show that politics become a system ...

The resurgence of Radical Right Parties in Western Europe has become a lasting phenomenon over the past 20 years. Until recently, however, very few right-wing parties received substantial support at the polls. This thesis focuses on the increased popularity of one party in particular, the Freedom Party of Austria (Freiheitliche Partei Österreich, FPÖ), to unpack the electoral success of a right-wing party, especially among young voters. It will serve to explain the reasons behind the phenomenon of increased youth support, through voting, for this party. An important aspect, as youths generally tend to gravitate more toward more liberal ideology, radical right support is particularly unexpected and unexplained. This thesis will analyze negative attitudes towards the European Union (Euroscepticism), disapproval of immigration policy, and dissatisfaction with the state of national economy as driving factors of electoral support for FPO. Then taking these socio-politically perceived attributes, and comparing and contrasting the effectiveness of the FPÖ's campaign, party platform, and party leaders in pandering to them, in order to receive a wider constituency and a larger percent of the voter pool. This study does so by analyzing election posters produced by the FPÖ and its major rival, Social Democratic Party of Austria (SPÖ). Ultimately, this thesis will prove that the success of the FPÖ, in terms of obtaining youth votes, comes directly as a result of the party's own savvy ability to propagandize and pander to voters based on prevalent political attitudes.

The interaction and relationship between consecutive generations is seldom a neutral process. It always involves a process of domination and contestation between the generations where the manifestations of the power relations are both explicit and implicit in their nature. Taking this assumption as a premise this paper attempts to examine the relationship between youth and politics across the historical trajectories of Ethiopian politics since the 1974 revolution. The way youth is understood, socialized and integrated into the political scene and their interplay with the older generation until the present time is the main focus of the study. This paper explains how politics is perceived and practiced among the youth and the role of the intergenerational interaction towards this. It is strongly argued that the influence of the older generation particularly in the ruling party of Ethiopia creates a new meaning of politics for the youth. The findings show that politics become a system of creating opportunities and benefits and a structure where young people become significant in numbers rather than in their ‘youthful’ insights and thoughts.

El artículo reconstruye y analiza los modos de intervención política, formas de organización, demandas y marcos de acción colectiva del movimiento estudiantil secundario y la participación en las escuelas de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (Argentina) durante la transición a la democracia. El trabajo ofrece un aporte original y sustancial en un campo del conocimiento que continúa con una escasa producción: la participación estudiantil durante los años ochenta. Esta problemática se constituye como una pieza central para la comprensión de las formas de participación política juvenil durante ese período y los subsiguientes, principalmente en la Argentina pero también en la región. Metodología: Se reconstruyeron las características del movimiento estudiantil mediante testimonios (entrevistas a ex militantes) de modo combinado con fuentes periodísticas y archivos policiales bajo un enfoque de “historia reciente”. Conclusiones: El movimiento estudiantil secundario se reorganizó y logró construir demandas propias de la mano de las “reglas del juego democrático” (promovidas por el gobierno de la transición) y a través de las identidades político partidarias y sus formas típicas de organización. La preocupación por ser considerados actores políticos legítimos, las condiciones de estudio y el reclamo por los derechos humanos fueron la columna vertebral del movimiento mientras que al interior de las escuelas prevalecieron acciones participativas culturales y la reivindicación permanente por el derecho a opinar y participar en la vida escolar.

The tendency of young men to join violent political organisations is a pertinent issue in the global arena of the social sciences and international policy, with studies of youth mobilisation and violence tending to focus on young marginalised men. This article proposes another view of political mobilisation, youths and violence that takes as its point of departure the centre of political power, namely the emerging elite in Bangladesh and young men engaged in youth politics at Dhaka University. Based on an analysis of mobilisation as processes of individual risk manoeuvring, relational aspirations and organisational incorporation, it argues time and time-use are productive analytical lenses to contextualise individual processes of involvement and bring out the agency of mobilisation.

Talking politics online is not bound to spaces dedicated to politics, particularly the everyday political talk crucial to the public sphere. The aim of this article is to move beyond such spaces by examining political talk within a space dedicated to popular culture. The purpose is to see whether a reality TV discussion forum provides both the communicative space, content, and style for politics that both extends the public sphere while moving beyond a conventional notion. The central question is whether it fulfils the requirements of rationality and deliberation. The analysis also moves beyond a formal notion by investigating how expressive speech acts interact and influence the more traditional elements of deliberation. The findings indicate that nearly a quarter of the postings from the Big Brother sample were engaged in political talk, which was often deliberative in nature. It was a communicative space where the use of expressives both facilitated and impeded such talk.

https://doi.org/10.1177/02633957211042738 Particularly in the current context of rapid political change it is key to understand the political participation of young people and what underpins their political engagement patterns as well the as the inequalities that may lay beneath them. While there is a rich literature on youth participation, to date we have lacked the data to carry out detailed subgroup analyses to understand differences in the political participation between different groups of youth cross-nationally. The papers in this Special Issue all examine different aspects of youth participation in the current context. They examine key questions for participation including the inequalities, socialising influences, polarisation, online participation, radical political views, tolerance, life engagement and opportunities for social inclusion. This Special Issue thus provides a contemporary analysis of youth participation in Europe in the current historical juncture.

Gazteen eta politikaren arteko harremana modu askotan irudikatu da garaiaren eta ingurune sozialaren arabera. Aldi batzuetan, gazte erreboltariak izan dira nagusi irudikapen sozialean. Gaur egun, ordea, badirudi gazte axolagabe eta indibidualisten estereotipoa zabaldu dela gure artean. ‘Gazteriaren’ ikuspegi unibokoa ematen duten errepresentazioak alde batera utzita, artikuluan teknika kualitatiboak erabiltzen dira Hego Euskal Herriko era askotako gazteek bizi izan duten sozializazio politikoa aztertzeko. Hortik abiatuta, eta gazteen beraien kontakizunak aintzat hartuta, gazte horietako batzuek gaur egun politikari ematen dizkioten esanahiak eta esparru politikoan gauzatzen dituzten praktikak zehazten dira.

Study into relationships between young people and politics The relationship between young people and politics has been conceived in numerous ways depending on the era and social context. In some eras, the notion of the young rebel has predominated in terms of social image, although at the present time, in contrast, the stereotype of the disinterested, individualistic young person would appear to prevail. Leaving to one side any depictions that may provide a univocal standpoint of youth, Ane Larrinaga Renteria, Iker Iraola Arretxe, Onintza Odriozola Irizar, Mila Amurrio Velez, Julen Zabalo Bilbao and Maddalen Epelde Juaristi, members of the Parte Hartuz Research Group at the University of the Basque Country, use qualitative techniques to analyse the political socialization experienced by young people from the Basque Country in all its diversity. The meaning those young people give to politics and the practices pursued within the political sphere of activity are described in detail, based on this analysis and what they recount themselves.

Nowadays a lot of research describes most young people as barely interested in politics, expressing little trust in political institutions and far from any forms of institutional political participation. Moreover, most of the engaged youth are involved in forms of participation described as more civic and social than political, weakly ideological, more and more often digital and developed in virtual space, and usually experienced as one among several components of everyday personal lives. The article explores youth activism in political squats because it is a form of participation which, in countertendency, is political and radical in its aims and strategies, explicitly ideologically inspired, strongly rooted in physical places, and often quite central in everyday personal lives. The text is based on research conducted in the city of Turin (Italy) by means of qualitative interviews, participant observation and document analysis. Four main interconnected thematic dimensions are considered: Individuals' biographical paths and meanings of activism; distinctive lifestyles and cultural sensitivities among the activists; collective narratives about contemporary society and possibilities of social change; patterns of intervention and forms of organization. On the basis of these analyses, the article maintains that this form of activism can be usefully interpreted as a real lifestyle, which has an explicit and intense political sense, but which young activists also connect with a much wider, more differentiated set of meanings.