Student movements

The authors of the volume ('From May ’68 to November ’89: Transformations of the World, Literature, and Theory') intervene in the study of the student movement’s “rehearsal” for a world revolution and its afterlife in the 1980s and 1990s by addressing two hitherto neglected aspects – the literary and the peripheral. They consider the roles played by the (semi-)periphery of the modern world-system, on the one hand, and modernist literature and theory, on the other, in transforming the existing world order in the fields of culture, politics, economy, and everyday life. How were critical theory and neo-avant-garde literature in the world, in Slovenia, and in Yugoslavia intertwined with the student protest that advocated the transformation of the capitalist world-system and its socialist counterpart? The monograph focuses on the processes that connected the events of 1968 and 1989 in the social, literary, and theoretical spheres in the sign of continuity and turning points, and at the same time defined our contemporary world.

This article draws on the epistemologies of the south, namely decolonial theory, to point to the analytical and interpretive limitations of northern theories of globalisation. It gestures toward decolonial globalisation studies to provide an alternative reading of global justice movements, including university student movements in Latin America. Moreover, it maintains that situating university student movements geopolitically provides a valuable way out of the theoretical limitations of critical globalisation studies informed by northern perspectives. By adopting a geopolitical perspective, decolonial globalisation studies unsettles and provincialises the central myth of modernity, which portrays the emergence of modern institutions and globalisation as endogenous European and Anglo-American phenomena subsequently diffused to the Global South. Finally, this article addresses the need for decolonial globalisation studies to ground its theorisation in alternative sites of knowledge production.

Every day, as I leave work, I walk past the faint outline of the stencil-graffiti face of Solomon Mahlangu—an Umkhonto We Sizwe operative who was captured and hanged by the apartheid state—on the wall of the main admin- istration building at the University of the Witwatersrand (Wits), where I teach political studies. Although most of his features have been scrubbed away, just about everyone at Wits knows who it is and why he is there.
At the height of its confidence in October 2015, FMF (Fees Must Fall) transformed the university into an occupied space through a coordinated blockade of entrances to the institution and turned the main concourse of the administration building—called senate House—into a “political assem- bly.” Over the next two years this building, housing the university senate and the offices of senior managers, became the floor of the movement at Wits, the theater of its unfolding contests, and the prize that running battles between militants and armed police were later fought over.

Diplomsko delo popisuje in razčlenjuje zgodovino študentskih gibanj v Sloveniji. Poleg začetnih poglavij, ki zaobjemajo študentsko gibanje v 20. stoletju, se osrednji del koncentrira na sodobno zgodovino 21. stoletja, v čas oživljanja študentskih bojev. Eden poglavitnih dejavnikov sodobne zgodovine, ki v veliki meri določa zadnje desetletje, je zagotovo ekonomska kriza, na katero so se vladajoče politike odzvale z varčevanjem in rezanjem sredstev za visoko šolstvo. V diplomsko delo sem umestil ključne zgodovinske trenutke in etape študentskega organiziranja, ki zaobjemajo študentsko aktivacijo proti visokošolskemu zakonu v letu 2007, boj proti zakonu o malem delu, ustanovitev Fronte prekercev, zasedbo Filozofske fakultete ter ustanovitev in delovanje organizacije Iskra, ki je nadaljevala boj proti nadaljnjemu varčevanju in organizirala odpor proti ZVIS-u leta 2014.

In Hungary, following the World War I, the main basis of the rightist radical movements was the youth, especially the university students. This generation witnessed the defeat in the war, the collapse of the dual Austro-Hungarian Empire and the loss of Hungarian territories. Besides – under the critical social and economical circumstances of the country – they could not continue their studies, and they were unable to find employment. The moral collapse was followed by the Hungarian Soviet Republic between March and August 1919, which further strengthened the animosity of this generation towards the leftist movements and the communism. In 1919/1920, these political and social circumstances generated the right radical mentality and orientation of the university students. After the collapse of the Soviet Republic in August 1919, this youth established the Turul Association which became one of the most important and most considerable among the organizations in Hungary between the two World Wars. The related scientific literature has not examined in detail the history of the Turul yet, although this association had significantly affected the life of the Hungarian universities and the mentality of the succeeding young generations. The primary aim of this book is to present the life and function of the Turul, as well as to show how this association could develop into a country-wide organisation.  The main part of the ideology of this association was constituted by the anti-Semitism, the “Hungarian Imperial Idea”, the revisionism (irredentism), the hostile attitude against the communism, the leftist political movements and the legitimism. The latter arose from the significant and well-known contemporary opinion, that the “liberalism of the Habsburg-policy” had great responsibility for the territorial losses of Hungary. The second main section of this book discusses in detail this ideology and mentality. Beside these aims and questions, the monograph follows the career of some Turul-leaders, too. This is, similarly to those of foregoing, an interesting problem, because in the course of 1930s the Turul-members orientated both to the extreme right (Hungarian Arrow-Cross) movements and to the left political parties.

In 1968, a group of architecture students at West Berlin’s Technical University formed Aktion 507 in order to critique post-war planning policies within the city. Following modernist principles, post-war policy makers began separating the city by function, with residential developments relocated to the suburbs. The general belief was that nineteenth century tenements were responsible for the ‘undemocratic spirit in the city’ and not suitable for the new ‘democratic’ Germany. Thus, the action taken was to demolish tenements and replace them with prefabricated satellite housing developments. In reaction, Aktion 507 curated an exhibition, ‘Diagnosis on Building in West Berlin’, focusing on the ‘critical analysis of current construction activities’. The exhibition centred on the Märkisches Viertel, a development containing 17,000 apartments, jutting the Berlin Wall to the north of the city. Aktion 507 argued that architects, speculators, the senate, and construction companies exerted a ‘totalitarian rule over the city’. I intend to argue that the ideology of the student movement in Berlin was in a symbiotic relationship with the post-war cityscape whereby readings of urban planners, Marxists, sociologists and others were translated through the lens of Berlin’s unique character and position in the post-war world. For example, Marcuse’s theory on the repressive mechanisms of society held special significance in a post-fascist era where former National Socialists still held positions of power, and where left-wing intellectuals flocked due to exemption from military service. Likewise, the Märkisches Viertel, with its ‘intolerable defects in social infrastructure’, highlighted the wider social implications of relocating inhabitants from the inner city under the guise of social housing. This paper documents the use of architecture as a vessel through which political, cultural and social conflicts were argued and contested which, through involvement with residents, Aktion 507 irreversibly changed West Berlin, both as a physical and political space.

This article revisits the modern political history of Niger during the 1960s to the 1980s through an analysis of relations between student activists and government authorities. It explores how a student organization, the Union des Scolaires Nigériens (USN), managed to bypass multiple layers of political control to become a well-structured political movement, capable of seriously challenging the legitimacy of the authorities. Specifically, the article examines interactions between the USN and different bodies of political power, including the Diori and Kountché governments, in the larger context of regional solidarities and the Cold War. It analyses key moments of this struggle by showing how two generations of student leaders (those of the 1960s to early 1970s and the late 1970 to early 1980s) nourished the creation of specific windows of political action, which found various outlets for expression depending on the form of state power as well as the form and methods of activist work.



Cet article revisite l’histoire politique moderne du Niger des années 1960 aux années 1980 à travers l’analyse des relations entre étudiants activistes et autorités gouvernementales. Il explore comment une organisation d’étudiants, l’Union des scolaires nigériens (USN), est parvenue à contourner plusieurs strates du contrôle politique pour devenir un mouvement politique bien structuré capable de défier sérieusement la légitimité des autorités. En particulier, l’article examine les interactions entre l’USN et les différents organes du pouvoir politique, y compris les gouvernements Diori et Kountché, dans le contexte plus large des solidarités régionales et de la guerre froide. Il analyse les moments clés de cette lutte en montrant comment deux générations de leaders étudiants (celle de la période 1960-début des années 1970, et fin des années 1970-début des années 1980) ont favorisé la création de fenêtres d’action politique spécifiques qui ont trouvé diverses voies d’expression selon la forme de pouvoir d’État, mais aussi selon la forme et les méthodes de travail activiste.

This article explores the forms of popular politics that rose out of massive student protests in South Africa at the end of 2015. By delving deeper into the way higher education has been structured in post-apartheid South Africa, the author explains the ways in which race and class privilege have been reified in South African universities. The spatial location of the university within South Africa and the place of the university within the African continent is not reflected in institutional culture of higher education but is deeply embedded in the student protests. By exploring the collective decision making structures of students the author explores students growing lack of faith in higher education institutions to effect any transformational change.

The Italian architect and historian Manfredo Tafuri (b. Rome, 1935; d. Venice, 1994) made a decisive contribution to the practice of architectural history, yet the breadth of his bibliography and the depth of his perception into historical problems remains largely unexplored even today. The first English-language book to consider his contribution to architectural culture, it opens an overdue discussion on both the premises of his practice and the historical questions that consequently emerge.

In this interview, Walter Benn Michaels talks about his trajectory from being a student involved in the anti-war movement in the late 1960s to becoming an English professor, whose critique of what he calls " left neoliberalism " and his demand for a politics focused on class have been controversially discussed. While Michaels initially became interested in literary criticism seemingly at the expense of political and economic questions, he argues that he " was always interested in capitalism " and its relationship to literary texts and other cultural artifacts. In the interview, he reflects on what made him pay more attention to class inequality and criticizes how many American liberals can only conceive of class in the same manner that they understand racial discrimination. He also discusses the impact of the financial crisis and the election of Barack Obama on the American Left, which he criticizes for its focus on horizontal forms of protest. According to Michaels, it is necessary to organize, especially in the workplace. The interview concludes with reflections on the role aesthetic form can have as an example of what it means to look at an autonomous structure—such as the capitalist economy.

The Quest for Socialist Utopia looks at the Ethiopian student uprising of the 1960s and early 1970s from both a national and global context using an interdisciplinary approach to present a complex analysis of Ethiopian politics, culture and society.

Srećko Horvat i Igor Štiks knjigom Pravo na pobunu snažno, oštro i polemično reagiraju na aktualne političke događaje. Ispravno i jasno detektiraju da je studentska pobuna s proljeća 2009. ključni događaj koji bi mogao pomaknuti Hrvatsku iz točke rezignacije, stagnacije i izgubljenog povjerenja ne samo u politiku i političare već i u sustav kao takav. Studentsku pobunu i pravo na besplatno obrazovanje stavljaju u širi kontekst prava na pobunu i građanski bunt u cijelom svijetu od Južne Amerike do Europe, i to u vrijeme kada se ideja neoliberalizma i slobodnog tržišta koje će sve samo regulirati slama naočigled. Horvat i Štiks stavljaju specifičnu hrvatsku situaciju u pravi kontekst – ukupne borbe za jedan bolji svijet, govore o ideji plenuma i samoorganiziranja te se suprotstavljaju zagovornicima kapitala koji gazi sve ljudske vrijednosti. Pravo na pobunu polemična je knjiga koja se jasno svrstava, kojoj je cilj pokazati da je pobuna moguća, da je ona sastavni dio demokracije, da je stanje u kojem se nalazimo neodrživo i da se ono mora mijenjati odmah.

Izdavac: Fraktura
Broj stranica: 184
Godina izdanja: 2010.
ISBN: 978-953266148-4

https://fraktura.hr/pravo-na-pobunu.html/

For most of the second half of the twentieth century, Philip Altbach has followed, analysed and theorised student activism in North America, India, Europe and beyond, and become the foremost scholar on the topic. This chapter critically reviews Altbach’s work on student activism (1963 – 2006) and his efforts at developing a comparative theoretical understanding of student activism in terms of its causes, organisation, ideological orientation, and outcomes, along with the backgrounds and identity of student activists, the importance of national and institutional contexts and historical conjunctures in the emergence of student activism and in the response of national and university governments to student protest. In keeping with Altbach’s thinking on student politics and activism the chapter considers four questions: Under what conditions does student activism emerge? What are the typical characteristics of student organisations and movements? What are the typical characteristics of student activists? What are the effects of student activism? The chapter thus challenges Altbach’s own assertion that “student activism lacks any overarching theoretical explanation” (1991) showing that in various respects his work has eventually provided precisely that.

ปรีดี บุญชื่อ : เรากําลังจะสร้างสังคมแบบไหน
ธเนศ อาภรสุวรรณ ภัยเหลือง-ภัยขาว : อุปสรรคในการพัฒนา
                                                            ประเทศ
กมล กมลตระกูล : ประวัติศาสตร์ที่ถูกลืม
จรัล ดิษฐาอภิชัย : วัฒนธรรมฝรั่งในไทย

The 1960s is usually associated with the rise of student activism globally. While students in the West took to the streets for social change, those in the Republic of Vietnam were similarly active and organized. This paper examines Vietnamese student organizations and their activities, which were diverse and dynamic. Whereas radical groups agitated for political reforms and an end to war, more moderate student associations were mobilized for war-relief activities. Despite the restrictions on rights and freedoms in South Vietnam, youth organizations were still able to have their voices heard and make an impact on society.

[ The original PhD dissertation may be read and authenticated from the website of the University of Newcastle, NSW, at http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/804346 ]

This thesis argues that foreign and second language teaching productivity can only reach its proper potential when it is accorded priority, second only to language learner productivity, amongst the many competing productivities which are always asserted by stakeholders in educational institutions.

A theoretical foundation for the research is established by examining the historical concept of productivity, and its more recent manifestation as knowledge worker productivity, especially as applied to teachers.

The empirical basis of the thesis is sourced from a chronological series of twenty biographical case studies in language teaching venues in Australia, New Zealand, Oceania and East Asia. The biographical case study methodology, although rare in applied linguistics, is justified by reference to its wide and growing application in other fields of qualitative research. The case studies are analysed for common patterns of productivity, as well as teaching productivity inhibition or failure.

It was affirmed across all of the case studies without exception that external parties could not control or even reliably predict what individual students might learn, and how well, from instances of instructed language teaching. This was regardless of the power of institutional players, external resources, curriculums or the teacher. Student belief in the immediate value of what was to be learned in a given lesson, and personal confidence in an ability to learn it were the most critical factors.

Teaching productivity was found to turn, ultimately, on the teacher's ability to influence the probability of student learning. The teacher could best influence learning probability by enhancing student motivation. The most effective environments for teaching productivity were seen to be those where the teacher was professionally equipped and politically enabled to exercise judgements which maximized opportunities for student language learning productivity. A negotiated pact concerning both curriculum and method often proved effective, especially with mature students, and at times required some deception of institutional authorities.

Empirically, the encouragement of reciprocal learning relationships between teacher and students was found to be powerfully enabling for language teaching productivity in the case studies.

In many venues a small but effective minority of 'intimate learners' were also able to leverage their language learning productivity by forging more personal relationships with the teacher.

The wider cultural paradigm within each of the countries represented in the case studies sanctioned different paths and limitations for both language learners and teachers, and hence was seen to influence teaching productivity in critical ways. It was found that under certain conditions, notably (but not exclusively) those prevailing in many East Asian educational institutions, that certification of foreign language skills had a higher cultural, employment and monetary value than the actual ability to exercise foreign language skills.

A negative influence on teacher productivity in many of the case studies was an ignorance about language learning and teaching amongst institutional players. The disregard of language teacher professionalism was fed by a belief that being able to speak a language was all that was necessary to teach it, and reinforced by misinterpreting the meaning of test results. Related to this, an imbalance of power relationships between teachers or students with other institutional interests was consistently found to interfere with teaching and learning productivities. Overall, the model of productivity understood in institutions instanced by the case studies tended to reflect a 19th Century economic paradigm of capital, raw materials (students) and labour (dispensable classroom workers) rather than any more sophisticated grasp of knowledge worker productivity.

It was demonstrated in the context of the case studies that productivity, and in particular knowledge worker productivity, is a complex concept whose facets require detailed analysis to arrive at a proper understanding of the role that foreign and second language teachers play in educational institutions.

El año 1968 fue de capital importancia, en los países capitalistas del orbe.  Como nunca antes y constituyéndose en catapulta para el cambio social del futuro inmediato y mediato, universitarios y trabajadores se unieron para dar un mentís a las instituciones del mundo.  Prohibido prohibir: el lema sintetiza la esencia del movimiento, todavía en etapa contestataria, que hoy en día vemos florecer.  México no fue la excepción:  toda una generación -la del 68- aun hoy continúa impulsando las grandes transformaciones nacionales.  En 1970, dos años despues de la conclusión de la fase proactiva y visible del movimiento, ¿cómo piensa un estudiante de los primeros semestres de la licenciatura en sociología, en una universidad también inflamada con los valores y motivaciones de esta gran energía social?  Con retrospectiva histórico-social, el material que aqui se presenta, es una fuente original de información al respecto.

Palestinian youth organizing in the United States from the 1950s to the present day. It examines the organizational vehicles of earlier generations of activists such as the Organization of Arab Students (OAS) and the General Union of Palestinian Students (GUPS) to trace the formation of the U.S. chapter of the transnational Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM). It argues that in the Oslo and post-Oslo eras, which severed the Palestinian diaspora from the national body politic and the rich Palestinian organiza- tional histories of the pre-1993 period, the lessons of their forerunners are instructive for PYM’s new generation of organizers. The article posits that transnational connections have profound implications for localized U.S. political organizing and that contemporary Palestinian youth organizing is part of a historical continuum. Drawing on oral history and scholar- activist ethnographic methods, the article situates contemporary youth organizing in its transnational and historical contexts.

This Thesis is one of the few studies that focuses exclusively on the student experience at the Bauhaus school of art, architecture, and design in Germany.  Themes include the Bauhaus students' involvement with mysticism, communism, and Nazism.

2019. "Student Movements and Indonesia's Democratic Transition." In Activists in Transition: Contentious Politics in the New Indonesia, edited by Michele Ford and Thushara Dibley (pp. 39-56). Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell Southeast Asia Press. (PDF=Uncorrected proof)

Este trabajo explora como operan las teorías de Michael Hechter sobre las formas directas e indirectas de gobernar en el contexto de una nación sin estado como Puerto Rico. Se utiliza como caso los procesos de lucha del movimiento estudiantil de la Universidad de Puerto Rico recinto de Rio Piedras. Se comparan y analizan los reclamos, discursos y métodos de lucha utilizados. Finalmente se determina que el desarrollo del nacionalismo en el caso estudiado respalda las teorías sobre las formas directas e indirectas de gobernar de Hechter, realizándole unos ajustes y complejidades por la relación colonial del País. Específicamente utilizando las proposiciones de Juan Carrión (2006) acerca de cómo en Puerto Rico las formas de gobernar operan de manera combinada y la posibilidad de un nacionalismo autonomista desarrollado por Jaime Lluch (2014).

In December 1866 the Syrian Protestant College (hereafter SPC) opened its doors with four professors and sixteen students. The College soon became a recognized center of higher education in the Ottoman Empire, and attracted without discrimination a large number of students from all over the Empire. Daniel Bliss, the founding father of the college, quickly organized a medical department to fulfill the needs of the region. After the language change in the medical department from Arabic to English, non-Arabic speaking students, among whom were Armenians, started enrolling in the College.

This thesis, “A Portrait of Armenian Student Life at the Syrian Protestant College: 1885-1920,” examines the denominational, social and economic background of more than 230 Armenian students who came from Anatolia, anxious to study medicine at the SPC. The aim of this study is to evaluate the impact of SPC education on those students in the construction of an Armenian national consciousness. Besides exploring an important aspect of the College’s history and reconstructing student life during a challenging era, this thesis also highlights the exceptional but marginalized role played by the Armenian medical Alumni of the University during the First World War.

Los impactos de los movimientos sociales son algo difícil de determinar con certeza, y sin embargo resultan un elemento imprescindible en el estudio de éstos. En la siguiente investigación dilucidaré los impactos del movimiento estudiantil que ha remecido a Chile desde el 2011 con grandes protestas callejeras y manifestaciones de apoyo de vastos sectores de la sociedad, para finalmente determinar hasta qué punto sus demandas han sido satisfechas, y si ha tenido un impacto político considerable, como suele aseverarse. Mi argumento se centrará en que el movimiento estudiantil ha tenido un impacto significativo en términos de políticas públicas e iniciativas gubernamentales, pero más allá de eso fue capaz de cambiar la agenda gubernamental y legislativa, las cuales tuvieron que adaptarse a lo que estaba siendo demandado por la ciudadanía, modificando con ello el contenido de la discusión parlamentaria y las propuestas gubernamentales sobre educación.

En économie sociale et solidaire, l’empowerment désigne un processus d’acquisition de « plus de pouvoir », et, plus précisément, celui de la prise en charge par soi-même de la réalisation de ses aspirations, au niveau tant individuel que collectif. Il semble donc être un concept pertinent dans le cadre d’une analyse du renforcement du pouvoir d’action des étudiants. Or, l’analyse de ce concept démontre que, bien qu’il soulève des enjeux fondamentaux sur le renforcement du pouvoir d’action, il s’avère scientifiquement obsolète. Nous présenterons dans le premier chapitre les éléments théoriques qui nous amènent à rejeter l’usage du concept d’empowerment avant de décrire les éléments méthodologiques et pratiques qui soutiennent notre analyse des modalités selon lesquelles l’ADDEC contribue au renforcement du pouvoir d’action des étudiants. En effet, il s’agira dans le second chapitre d’analyser les éléments mis en œuvre par l’ADDEC qui participent, ou non, au renforcement du pouvoir d’action des étudiants. Les ambiguïtés relatives au concept d’empowerment reposant entre autres sur la notion de pouvoir, cette analyse s’appuiera sur une typologie du pouvoir en quatre éléments toutefois emprunte à des études de l’empowerment : « pouvoir sur », « pouvoir de », « pouvoir avec » et « pouvoir intérieur ». Ce chapitre restitue donc un travail original par la confrontation de cette typologie du pouvoir avec un groupe social que les théoriciens de l’empowerment ont négligé : les étudiants. Dans le troisième chapitre, nous analyserons quels sont les effets atteints par l’ADDEC, en termes d’impacts, d’une part auprès des autorités, d’autre part auprès des étudiants, et émettrons des suggestions pour les renforcer. Nous verrons tout au long de ce mémoire que différentes perspectives théoriques sont convoquées : économiques, socio-anthropologiques, historiques, politistes et juridiques, bien que nous soyons simplement de formation économique et sociologique.