Neo-Hittite

This volume is the edited collection of the papers from a conference we hosted in Oxford in 2017, drawing together specialists from the United Kingdom, continental Europe and the United States, to examine afresh the relationship between early Greece and the civilisations of the ancient Near East. This is one of the most controversial and rapidly developing research topics in Classics, and the aim of the conference was to bring together Classicists and non-Classicists in a truly interdisciplinary environment, in which specialists from several different fields could observe and draw upon one another’s discoveries and knowledge. It was the first time that all major scholars who have so far contributed to the debate were assembled at a conference, a fact that was reflected by large crowd of over seventy participants at the Ioannou Centre in Oxford, over two full days. Our hope was that the resulting interchange would reflect on the disparate methodologies which have developed in these distinct fields, and move towards a new consensus. In order to achieve this, we limited the papers to the presentation of narratives to do with the gods; this led to a clear cross-fertilisation between papers (both in the general discussion and in the presentations), and a movement away from a narrow concern with the question of direct influence towards a more truly comparative perspective, in which the individual dynamics of the Greek and Near Eastern traditions help to illuminate what is distinctive about each of them. This represents a paradigm shift in a field once concerned solely with collecting literary parallels and letting them ‘speak for themselves’ (in Martin West’s famous words), and this is one of the major reasons why we think the resulting volume will cohere both thematically and as articulating a crucial moment in the history of scholarship on this question.

The volume serves two interconnected purposes. The first is that the book is an illustrative, handbook-like overview of the history and current state of the discussion, an aspect to be supported by an extensive Introduction to the volume, to be written by the editors. The second is that it offers new material and fresh approaches formulated by the leading scholars in the field. The volume will thus capture the state of the current discussion and shape the future debate. In keeping with the theme and discoveries of the conference, the chapters are not simply lists of parallels, but attempts to consider the processes of interaction and their significance for the texts being discussed.

The cast list of contributors is, as one should expect in a volume with this kind of ambition, international: Angus Bowie (Oxford), Yoram Cohen (Tel Aviv), Bruno Currie (Oxford), Andrew George (SOAS), Amir Gilan (Tel-Aviv), Johannes Haubold (Durham), Adrian Kelly (Oxford), Andre Lardinois (Nijmegen), Carolina Lopez-Ruiz (Ohio State), Christopher Metcalf (Oxford), Bernardo Petrella (Oxford), Fran Reynolds (Oxford), Ruth Scodel (Michigan), Robert Rollinger (Innsbruck), Ian Rutherford (Reading), Sylvie Vanséveren (Brussels), and Mark Weeden (SOAS).

The paper aims to provide a comprehensive description of Hittite clause structure. The picture that emerges is quite different from both the view of Hittite clause architecture as codified in (Hoffner, Melchert 2008) and as documented in the parallel line of research (Luraghi 1990; 2012; forthcoming).
The paper focuses on two key features of Hittite clause architecture: (a) preverbal vs clause initial vs clause second positions; (b) verb’s positions in the clause, although in-depth study of these aspects involves examination of virtually every significant feature of Hittite syntax.
Preverbal position is constituted by wh-words, subordinators, negation markers, negative, indefinite and relative pronouns as well as some adverbs, only part of these constituents can alternatively be clause initial or second. Contrastive focus is normally preverbal, contrastive topic is clause initial. Two focus positions are distinguished in a Hittite clause – high (subjects and objects) and low (adverbs, adverbials). Wh-words, subordinators and relative / indefinite pronouns can also be optionally postverbal. It is significant that only lower focus can be postverbal, never high focus, even though in the canonical word order both high and low focus is preverbal. No information structure difference is detectible between the preverbal and postverbal positions.
It is shown that non-canonical positions of the verb can be described by two movements to the left from the canonical clause final position: (a) to the clause internal position which follows subject and object, both topical and focal, on the one hand, and precedes what is in the canonical word order the preverbal position5, on the other, producing V-wh/Neg/Rel, S-O-V- wh/Neg/Rel word orders; (b) to the clause leftmost position, producing V-S-O word order. *V- wh/Neg/Rel-S-O or *wh/Neg/Rel-V-S-O word orders are not attested in my ‘diplomatic’ corpus.
The last point raises an important question of sociolinguistics of the Hittite language, namely evidence for (idio)lects.

Several inscriptions from the 8 th century BCE shed some light on the history of the "Neo-Hittite" kingdom of Hiyawa/Qawa/Que, locat ed in Plain Cilicia. They mention the kings Awariku and Warika and a de facto ruler named Azatiwada, the latter famous through his foundation of Karatepe. So far, the chronological relationship between these persons as well as an accurate dating of the related sculptures and stelae could not be determined. Even the question of whether Awariku and Warika are one or two kings is unclear. Superimposed on these problems, further pecu liarities of Hiyawa within the Neo-Hittite culture, such as a strong Cypriot influence in ceramic production or the frequent use of the Phoenician language and script, have remained largely unanswered. A first step in clarifying these problems is the exact dating of the people involved and also of the foundation of Azatiwadaya (Karatepe). In the following essay, all relevant historical and archaeological evidence is re-evaluated to eluci date the dating of Karatepe, and the identity of Awariku. The result places Azatiwada and Karatepe either before 765 BCE, if one accepts that Awari ku and Warika are identical, or in the time between 765 and 740, in case of different persons, which seems more likely. Furthermore, a connection is established between Cypriot influence on the one hand and the use of the Phoenician script and language in Cilicia on the other.

The Karatepe storm god has been defined in Luwian inscriptions as Tarhunza Usanuwami, and in the Phoenician version as Baal Krntryš. The meaning of the Krntryš epithet still maintains its mystery. Location names, names and adjectives with weak probability that have been proposed by some researchers do not provide a convincing explanation. The main gods of the Neo-Hittite provinces and the main features of these gods can be different, and neglecting the Karatepe reliefs and inscriptions and looking for cult characteristics outside the region can cause wrong interpretations. There is no study in which the Usanuwami and Krntryš epithet of the storm god has been investigated in all its features. In this study, suggestions having a high probability for the word Krntryš are presented in line with the iconographic features of the Karatepe storm god. These suggestions are the combination of the words for granary (Luwian karuna, Phoenician 'qrnt) and wine and vineyard/wine warehouse (Luwian tuwarsa-tuwarisa, Phoenician trš, plural tryš).

The end of the Hittite Empire and the destruction and abandonment of Alalakh represents a cultural break between the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages in the ‘Amuq Valley.

In the Iron I, a population with clear ties to the greater Aegean world, perhaps related to the Philistines of southern Canaan, established an agro-pastoral settlement at Tell Ta‘yinat and the surrounding area. This occupation, marked by Field Phases 6 through 3 at Ta‘yinat, was both materially and chronologically ephemeral, and should be viewed as a cultural outlier sandwiched between the Hittite–controlled LBA and later Iron I. This intrusive population lived alongside the indigenous inhabitants of the ‘Amuq, bequeathing to the region a toponym – Palastin – that would far outlast their own relevance and archaeological visibility.

By the First Building Period at Tell Ta‘yinat, which immediately followed the Aegean-related phases, the site was home to a dynasty overseeing a typical Neo-Hittite state, with its toponym all that remained of the ‘Sea Peoples’ presence that occupied it at the beginning of the Iron Age.

Alanya, Hatay region extending to a wide range of ages of the oldest dating back to the Ottoman period, this book is accessible to any information about the process, easily understood and used by all walks reader was written in a language.With a wide range of content and index the reader can easily reach any information provided, plenty of illustrations used in geography and archeology of the region until the reader brought his foot.Cilicia, the first time all available resources, based on the latest discoveries and the latest documentation Antiquity to the Turkish occupation, covering approximately 60,000 View Year we are witnessing a history written in this book, one that has the distinction of being the first.Cukurova is not only the date of publication of a similar-looking, no region of our country so extensive as written.The authors of the book Professor. Dr. Ahmet Unal and Asst. Prof. Dr. K. Serdar Girginer Cilicia has close ties with the history and archeology. Prof. Dr. Ahmet Unal, an ancient historian, specialist in ancient Anatolian languages, and his interest in the region as well Hittitologist his doctoral thesis at the University of Munich in 1972 and at the same university in 1992 and launched the Ceyhan began excavations of the near the Sirkeli Höyük continued participation as a philologist. Asst. Prof. Dr. K. Serdar Girginer within the University by establishing a regional Archaeology section bending problems, since 2002 in the land of Cappadocia and Cilicia, a comprehensive and systematic research studies are quite realizes the importance of starting the region.

In 2006 a Syro-German project of renewed excavations at Tell Halaf in northeastern Syria began, 77 years after the end of the large-scale explorations of Max von Oppenheim. The site is known both for its prehistoric occupation, characterized by a painted pottery, and its remains of the Iron Age, when the place was named Gōzān (in Aramaic) or Gūzāna (in Assyrian). The flourishing settlement was first the capital of an Aramaean principality named Palê/Bīt-Baḫiani in the tenth and early ninth century BCE, then an Assyrian provincial center between the ninth and the late sixth century BCE, and finally a town of unknown function during the period of Late Babylonian, Achaemenid, and Seleucid empires. Of utmost importance are the statues and reliefs belonging to a previously unknown monumental art dating to the Aramaean period.
The renewed project is conducted by the Direction Générale des Antiquités et des Musées in Damascus and the Museum of the Ancient Near East in Berlin in collaboration with the Universities of Bern, Munich, Tübingen, and Halle-Wittenberg; the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft supports it within the framework of its long-term funding program.
The following paper gives an overview of the history and archaeology of the site during the Iron Age.

Through an analysis of the textual and archaeological material, this article presents a new, up-to-date overview of the history and mechanisms of Iron Age Anatolian overland interaction, a much-neglected subject. Among other points, the overview demonstrates the importance of Phrygia in this context, and that Lydia did not take over its international contacts completely. A case study of the transmission of the alphabet in light of the insights gained concludes the article. A new theory is proposed, according to which the Phrygian and Greek alphabets had a common origin in Cilicia, in the late ninth century BC.

This article discusses the extent and interactions of the Phrygian kingdom in the period of ca. 1000–650 BCE, i.e. from the emergence of monumental architecture in Gordion until the Lydian occupancy of the city. It argues that Phrygia initially just encompassed the wider area around the city of Gordion. By the ninth century, it additionally controlled the entire region of the Sangarios River Bend, and was in close contact with the Syro-Hittite states. Evidence for the presence of Phrygians or Phrygian cultural elements elsewhere starts to be found only in the eighth century. In the west, Phrygian territorial expansion reached the city of Daskyleion by the middle of the century. In the east, the region of the Halys River bend was conquered at the latest in the following decades. Then and afterwards, Phrygia was heavily involved in politics in Tabal and Tyana, while it was also in contact with Urartu. Further, in the late eighth and seventh centuries a certain level of prestige came to be attached to Phrygian culture, causing elites throughout Anatolia to look for ways to be associated with it. Thus, Phrygia developed into a state of supraregional political and cultural importance. By the mid or late seventh century, however, Gordion was conquered by the Lydians, spelling a definitive end to the Phrygian kingdom.

Pictures Imikuşaği added. Part III -The kingdom of Hurama during the reign of Labarna and Hattusili. The article describes the location of the Land Tegaramma during the 2nd millennium BCE. The question whether Tegaramma was situated at the site Karahöyük or on the plain of Elbistan is discussed. The location of the land Tegaramma at the southeast bank of the Euphrates, and the possible location of the city Tegaramma at the archaeological site of İmiskuşaǧi Höyük is studied.

Tatarlı Höyük is located within the borders of the Ceyhan District of Adana, east of South Anatolia (Kizzuwatna / Cilicia Pedias). It was discovered by M.V. Seton-Williams during his Cilician Survey conducted in 1951. The mound was revisited during the surveys we carried out in Adana and Kayseri within the scope of the Kizzuwatna Research Project in 2005, where scientific excavations were started in 2007. As a result of 12 seasons studies, a stratigraphy starting from the Neolithic pre-pottery and pottery times to the beginning of the Early Roman Period has been introduced. As the Que city states (Middle Iron Age / Neo- Hittite Period) prevailed in the region in the first half of the 1st millennium BC, many archaeological materials belonging to this period are found at the Tatarlı Höyük. Among these, various types of amphoras that shed light on the presence of trade in the city, Black on Red, Cypriot White Slip and various forms of ceramics belonging to the Cypriot Bichrome IV group are the main ones. Stone vessels, metal and bone finds from the same period also stand out. In terms of its descriptions, a “kohl box”, which has been unique so far, is the subject of this article.

The Bar-Rakib Palace Inscriptions from Zincirli have received relatively little attention from philologists and archaeologists alike because of their predictable and derivative content. However, these monuments provide an unparalleled insight into the monumentalization of text in the Iron Age Levant. As might be expected, Bar-Rakib’s Aramaic inscriptions and reliefs repeat themes and tropes from other monuments. They also were strategically deployed at the site so as to interact with nearby monuments left by earlier rulers. What has received less attention is the fact that Bar-Rakib’s monuments also shared many artistic tropes with small finds from Zincirli, including letters, incantation plaques, seals, and amulets. These correspondences suggest that monumental texts functioned by appropriating aspects of personal artifacts to be used on a communal scale. By projecting not only prestige but also intimacy, Bar-Rakib’s inscriptions invited their audience to interact with them in imaginative ways. As the audience related to the monumental texts through acts of reading, viewing, and ritual, they would in turn reconfigure their own relationships to other communicative media, places, each other, and the polity as a whole. It was this ability to relate to communities and thus reshape them that made a text monumental in the Iron Age Levant. This was accomplished through the strategic juxtaposition of text with visual and performative media in particular spatial contexts.

Cultural historian Elliott Colla proposed in a recent paper that ancient borders, unlike their modern versions, were often roughly hewn, both materially and conceptually. With this he not only refers to the artfully crafted and politically contested nature of borders in antiquity but also cleverly highlights their geological grounding. For the Hittite imperial landscapes, Colla's statement has special resonance, since Hittite frontiers are often discussed with respect to the making of rock reliefs and spring monuments that commemorate the kingship ideology at both politically contested border regions and appropriate local sites of geological wonder and cultic significance such as caves, springs and sinkholes. Treaties were signed and border disputes were settled at these liminal sites where divinities and ancestors of the underworld took part as witnesses. One such monument is the Yalburt Yaylasi Sacred Mountain Spring Monument that features a lengthy Hieroglyphic Luwian inscription put up by the Hittite kings in the countryside. Excavated by the Anatolian Civilisations Museum, Ankara, in the 1970s, the Yalburt Monument near Konya is dated to the time of Tudhaliya IV (1237- 1209 BC). Since 2010, the Yalburt Yaylasi Archaeological Landscape Research Project has investigated the landscapes surrounding the Yalburt Monument. The preliminary results of the extensive and intensive archaeological surveys suggest that the region of Yalburt was a deeply contested frontier, where the Land of Hatti linked to the politically powerful polities of western and southern Anatolia. This paper discusses the nature of a Hittite borderland with respect to settlement programs, monument construction and regional politics.

Dès le XIIe siècle av. J.-C., après la chute de l’empire hit­tite, qui avait dominé l’Anatolie ainsi que la Syrie du Nord pen­dant la deuxième moitié du IIe mil­lé­naire, toute une série d’états de dimen­sions loca­les se for­ment dans les mêmes régions. Ces royau­mes ont été appe­lés par les cher­cheurs « états néo-hit­ti­tes », sou­li­gnant ainsi leurs liens cultu­rels et poli­ti­ques forts avec les tra­di­tions de l’empire hit­tite, dont ils ont avaient conservé une des lan­gues et une des écritures offi­ciel­les : le lou­vite hié­ro­gly­phi­que.

En Anatolie méri­dio­nale, un des ces états néo-hit­ti­tes, dési­gné, par les textes néo-assy­riens contem­po­rains, par le nom de « Tabal », déve­loppe une image bien défi­nie de la royauté, connue sur­tout par une série de stèles et d’ins­crip­tions en lou­vite hié­ro­gly­phi­que, gra­vées sur la roche, selon l’héri­tage de la pro­pa­gande royale impé­riale hit­tite. Dans le corpus des ins­crip­tions de Tabal l’auto­rité locale se pré­sente selon un modèle hié­ra­ti­que, met­tant en évidence ses rela­tions avec les divi­ni­tés, tandis qu’on n’y trouve aucune allu­sion aux contacts avec les autres enti­tés poli­ti­ques contem­po­rai­nes, comme l’empire néo-assy­rien ou les autres états néo-hit­ti­tes. Les rois de Tabal se pré­sen­tent à leur public comme s’ils étaient le seul pou­voir au monde ; monde qui d’ailleurs, pour eux, cor­res­pon­dait juste au ter­ri­toire du Tabal.

L'article pro­pose une ana­lyse de ces sour­ces épigraphiques et ico­no­gra­phi­ques, d’un point de vue typo­lo­gi­que ainsi que de leurs conte­nus, qui mettra en évidence la façon selon laquelle la royauté de Tabal choi­sit de mettre en scène son auto­rité, refu­sant de ren­trer dans une dyna­mi­que extra­ré­gio­nale et dans une his­toire « glo­bale », pour­tant typi­ques de la tra­di­tion hit­tite. À la même époque, les chan­cel­le­ries de l’état assy­rien pré­sen­tent par contre la royauté dans une pers­pec­tive impé­riale, comme un pou­voir uni­ver­sel, des­tiné à domi­ner le monde entier.

This study proposes that monuments are technologies through which communities think. I draw on conceptual blending theory as articulated by Mark Turner and Gilles Fauconnier to argue that monuments are material anchors for conceptual integration networks. The network model highlights that monuments are embedded in specific spatial and sociohistorical contexts while also emphasizing that they function relationally by engaging the imaginations of communities. An enactivist understanding of these networks helps to explain the generative power of monuments as well as how they can become dynamic and polysemic. By proposing a cognitive scientific model for such relational qualities, this approach also has the advantage of making them more easily quantifiable. I present a testcase of monumental installations from the Iron Age Levant (the ceremonial plaza of Karkamiš) to develop this approach and demonstrate its explanatory power. I contend that the theory and methods introduced here can make future accounts of monuments more precise while also opening up new avenues of research into monuments as a technology of motivated social cognition that is enacted on a community-scale.

The chapter examines the democratic mechanisms of governance evident in the various civilizations of Ancient Mesopotamia (Iraq). The chapter draws on examples from extant literature such as the earliest myths and legends, through the foundation of the world's first city states and onto the expansion of grand empires such as the Babylonians and Assyrians. This analysis reveals that collective models of governance and a lively political culture existed across the broader region at various junctures. While it would be unwise here to over-state the extent of these political developments or their influence, they nonetheless indicate just how long the will towards democracy has been alive in Iraq.

This paper summarises the range of worked stone objects from Jebel Khalid which were studied in the field in 2006 and 2009. These artefacts are diverse in both materials and functions; broadly speaking, however, they can be classified into three functional groups: items associated with public or private ritual, artisanal and military material. In particular, an ‘antique’ Iron Age II lion bowl fragment may highlight the longevity of indigenous ritual in northern Syria. Household items are also discussed, and the range of spindle whorls is also updated.

Hittite attests two distinct second positions, occupied by (a) Wackernagel enclitics; (b) non-Wackernagel enclitics -(m)a, -(y)a as well as stressed indefinite and correlative pronouns. I argue that Hittite provides novel data on the syntax-prosody interface as reflected in the operation of the second position constraint: the words belonging to group (b) combine properties which are typically ascribed to stressed and unstressed second position constituents. These findings show that the boundary between the stressed, syntactically conditioned second position exemplified by Germanic verb-second and the unstressed, phonologically conditioned second position of Wackernagel enclitics is much more blurred than is commonly acknowledged.

It is now the communis opinio in the field of Anatolian studies that there is in Neo-Hittite no Ionger a formal distinction between the nominative and the accusative plural communis as there was in the older language (Old and Middle Hittite). Instead, a syncretic case form (Einheitskasus) with two allomorphs, either -eš (former nom.pl.c.) or -uš (former acc.pl.c.), is used for both functions. The two allomorphs are distributed with regard to the respective stem class. This system applies to ordinary nouns and to pronominal stems but not to participles. In this article it will be shown that there is a different system applying to participles: In the domain of verbal usage (predicative or adverbial function [= conjunct participle]) the participle only exhibits the syncretic desinence -ant-eš, whereas in the nominal domain (attributive or substantival function) there is still a distinction between -ant-eš, for the nominative, and -and-uš, for the accusative.

"The Maraş and Sakçagözü valley surveys on the east side of the Amanus mountains provide new data regarding patterns of Hittite territorial management and administration. Sites dating to the Late Bronze Age II period were identified by the presence of burnished pottery, drab ware and, occasionally, by animal-shaped ceramic vessel fragments. The standardised drab ware pottery is emblematic of mass production and rigid control of labour sources and raw materials through systems designed to support the economic and political strategies of the Hittite court and to serve its interests. The settlement pattern is linked to Hittite regional needs for agricultural production, raw materials and territorial security. The distinct site location pattern indicates a strategic, restrained use of space by the Hittites. This left room for beneficial integrative features that local élites might emphasise for their own purposes, which comprise a foundation for the prestige later accorded to the Hittite legacy.

Amanos dağlarinin doğusunda uzanan Maraş ve Sakçagözü vadisinde yapilan yüzey araştirmalari, Hitit topraklarinin organizasyonu ve yönetim yapisina ilişkin yeni veriler edinmemize olanak sağlamiştir. Geç Bronz II dönemine tarihlenen yerleşmeler, perdahli kaplarin, bezemesiz mallarin ve arada bir bulunan hayvan biçimli kaplara ait parçalarin varliği ile belirlenmiştir. Standartlaşmiş bezemesiz mallar, Hitit sarayinin ekonomik ve politik stratejilerini desteklemek ve onun çikarlarina hizmet etmek üzere tasarlanmiş bir seri üretimin, siki bir iş gücü kaynaklari ve hammadde denetiminin göstergesidir. Yerleşim dokusu Hititlerin tarimsal üretim, hammade kaynaklari ve toprak güvenliği bakimindan bölgesel gereksinimleri ile bağlantilidir. Farkli bir yerleşim konumu Hititlerin statejik ve amaca yönelik bir seçim yaptiğini gösterir. Bu, yerli seçkin zümrenin kendi amaçlari için ön planda tutabilecekleri yararli, tamamlayici özelliklerin seçimine de olanak vermiştir. Bu Hititlerin daha sonraki ünlerine bir temel oluşturmuştur"

Phrygian and Tabalian countries constituted the two main cultural regions of the Central Anatolia during the Middle Iron Age. Although the effects of the late Hittite culture in the Early Phrygian layers of the Phrygian capital Gordion indicate that the relations between the two cultures goes back until the 9th century BC but the role of the Tabalian country in this cultural exchange has not been fully understood. Another point that defining the relations between the Phrygian and Hittite cultures beside the architectural and ceramic traditions is the cult practices. In particular, the relationship between the Phrygian goddess Matar Kubileya and Kubaba has been one of the important controversial issues for many years. The tradition of semi-iconic idol, of which all the known examples have been found in the Phrygian settlements, is also considered as a part of the Matar Kubileya cult. The semi-iconic idol recovered at Ovören-Yassıhöyük, which is a Tabalian city in the Late Hittite period, is a new find added to the aforementioned cultural exchanges. The semi-iconic idol of Ovaören is similar to the Phrygian examples in terms of form characteristics and archaeological context. It is significant as an evidence for the existence of the semi-iconic idol tradition in Tabalian country.

The Telepinu Myth is an ancient Hittite myth. Telepinu was the god of agriculture of the Hittites, people of the ancient Near East. According to a Hittite legend, the disappearance of Telepinu caused all fertility to fail, both plant and animal. In order to stop the havoc and devastation, the gods seek Telepinu but fail to find him. Hannahannah, the mother goddess, sent a bee to find him; when the bee did, stinging Telipinu and smearing wax on him, the god grew angry and began to wreak destruction on the world. Finally, Kamrusepa, goddess of magic, calmed Telepinu by giving his anger to the Doorkeeper of the Underworld.