Nikita Krushchev

This essay investigates the question " To what extent were economic difficulties from 1973-1988 the main reason for the collapse of the Soviet Union. "
The investigation uses a range of secondary sources to understand the different perspectives on the events leading to the collapse of the Soviet Union. In order to understand the cause of the collapse there was background research done about the Soviet Union during the 1970’s prior to the investigation. For example, prior to the collapse both world wars had occurred where the Soviets had suffered numerous casualties as well as the beginning of the Cold War with the spread of communism. Both drastic conditions, ideological change and heavy losses had a large impact on the people of what is now Russia. There was change that was forced upon and so the effects of these changes were closely examined in this essay. Finally, a cause and effect structured analysis on the economic difficulties from 1973-1988 and their importance to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991.
After conducting research this investigation used different perspectives (revisionist, post-revisionist) and made use of various sources where a conclusion could be drawn that economic sufferings were the main reason for the collapse of the Soviet Union. Overall, the difficulties of the building nation were influential due to stagnation, reform, scarce resources and ineffective political systems.

Eine Untersuchung  der propagierten Durchführung der Entstalinisierung durch Nikita Chruschtschow. Änderte sich durch die Entstalinisierung tatsächlich der Aufbau der Parteihierarchie in der UDSSR und verschwand die Alleinherrschaft und der Personenkult? Kann man bei Nikita Chruschtschow noch von einem Diktator sprechen oder hat er die kollektive Führung die er in seiner Rede gefordert hat, durchgesetzt?

SANTRAUKA
        Iš užkariautų kraštų įkūrusi imperiją carų valdžia jos administraciniam padalijimui skyrė nuolatinį dėmesį. Prie Rusijos mokslų akademijos 1739 m. įsteigtas Geografijos departamentas, kuris vadovavo visiems geodeziniams ir kartografiniams darbams, reikalingiems administraciniam padalijimui atlikti, žemėtvarkai bei kitiems valdymo reikalams. Vėliau jis buvo pertvarkytas į kitokias organizacijas. Administracinės sritys yra pažymėtos rusų topografų ir kartografų sudarytuose žemėlapiuose ir savaip atspindi Rusijos politiką užkariautų kraštų atžvilgiu. Pavartykime dokumentus bei žemėlapius ir pamatysime, kokiais būdais carai ir TSKP generaliniai sekretoriai vykdė Lietuvos nutautinimą, į kokius administracinius vienetus skirstė Lietuvą ir kur žymėjo jos rytinę ribą.

SUMMARY
        The administrative division and changes of boundaries of Lithuania on the Russian maps of the 19th and 20th centuries are analyzed. The administrative division and its changes reflect the official politics of Russia against the neighbouring conquered countries. Analysis of old maps and related documents shows the methods and scale of Lithuania’s denationalization, executed by the Russian tsars and secretaries-general of the Communist party.

РЕЗЮМЕ
      Анализируются административное деление и изменения границ Литвы на картах России XIX и XX веков. Административное деление и его изменения свидетельствуют об официальной политике России по отношению к соседним оккупированным странам. Анализ старых карт и связанных с ними документов дает представление о методах и масштабах денационализации Литвы, которую проводили цари России, а позже – генеральные секретари коммунистической партии СССР.

Bakalárska práca sa zaoberá príčinami, prípravou a priebehom najvýznamnejšej bitky východného frontu. Bitka o Stalingrad predstavovala obrat vo vývoji nemeckej ofenzívy z leta roku 1942. Práca sa snaží chronologicky opísať udalosti odohrávajúce sa na juhozápade Sovietskeho zväzu. Text je rozčlenený do dvoch kapitol obsahujúce niekoľko podkapitol. 
    V úvode sú zahrnuté ciele práce, jej rozdelenie a stručný prehľad použitej literatúry, na ktorú je daná téma naozaj bohatá. Ťažiskom práce je ale samotný priebeh a výsledok bitky dvoch ideologických súperov o mesto na Volge. Pozornosť sa upriamuje na nemecké jednotky obkľúčené v Stalingrade a ich zásobovanie a taktiež na nemeckú i sovietsku protiofenzívu. V práci je obsiahnutý aj stručný životopis generála 6. armády Friedricha Paulusa. Práca sa venuje taktiež dôsledkom, ktoré priniesla porážka nemeckých jednotiek pri Stalingrade, teda ako sa bitka stala bodom zlomu vo vývoji 2. svetovej vojny v Európe. Záver práce informuje o príčinách nemeckého neúspechu v bojoch o Stalinovo mesto a dosiahnutie ropných ložísk na Kaukaze.

В монографии исследованы представления о коммунистическом будущем, выработанные в рамках официального дискурса и в сознании советских граждан. На основании широкого круга источников –официальных документов, материалов СМИ, художественных текстов, писем во власть и фольклора выделен ряд образов «светлого будущего». Особое внимание уделено анализу III Программы КПСС, в которой провозглашался курс на «развернутое строительство коммунизма». Опираясь на широкий спектр методологических подходов, работа выходит за рамки политической истории, предлагая новый взгляд на историю КПСС и период рубежа 1950–1960-х гг.
Книга предназначена для специалистов-историков и для широкого круга читателей, интересующихся советской историей.

Μετά την προσωρινή ύφεση του Κυπριακού με την έναρξη διαπραγματεύσεων στο Λονδίνο και την εκ νέου ενεργότερη ένταξη της Ελλάδας στον συμμαχικό στρατιωτικό συνασπισμό του ΝΑΤΟ το 1958 με την έναρξη συζητήσεων για εγκατάσταση πυραύλων μέσου βεληνεκούς, η κομμουνιστική ηγεσία της ΕΣΣΔ αποφάσισε να ασκήσει διπλωματική και ψυχολογική πίεση εις βάρος της Ελλάδος. Η πίεση αυτή εκδηλώθηκε με την επιδεικτικά φανερή στρατιωτική ενίσχυση της Βουλγαρίας που έτσι απέκτησε συντριπτική υπεροχή πυρός σε σχέση με την Ελλάδα, με τον "πόλεμο των γραμματοσήμων"* αλλά και με απειλητικές δηλώσεις του γενικού γραμματέα του

É indiscutível que, entre todas as obras realizadas por Oscar Niemeyer em Brasília, os palácios da nova capital constituem marcos reconhecidos como patrimônio cultural e arquitetônico do país. O Palácio da Alvorada e os palácios da Praça dos Três Poderes são realizações de primeira ordem, sendo sucesso de público e de crítica, figurando em qualquer lista das principais obras realizadas por Niemeyer. Ao se estabelecer uma relação com a indústria da música, esses palácios estariam no topo da parada de sucessos, sendo os mais tocados e os mais reconhecidos pelo público. Essa consagração é confirmada até mesmo pelo próprio autor, que sempre procurou dar destaque para essas composições do que para outras, consideradas de menor importância. Por outro lado, as obras da Universidade de Brasília, que foram criadas dois anos depois do “lançamento” da nova capital, acabaram entrando para um universo mais underground, raramente citadas nos textos de seu criador, nas suas entrevistas ou palestras. Seriam, dentro da relação do mercado fonográfico, composições “lado B”. Esses edifícios, construídos em concreto pré-moldado e sem a estética palaciana de seus grandes hits em concreto armado, tem uma “pegada” absolutamente distinta, conferida justamente pela utilização industrial dos “instrumentos”, agora mais cadenciados e intencionalmente mais repetitivos, mas em nenhum momento deixar de levar em consideração a harmonia e o ritmo já característicos de seu repertório. Busca-se identificar, a partir de obras menos cultuadas de Brasília, semelhanças e diferenças de um sistema estrutural à brasileira, que privilegia grandes vãos, um menor número de apoios verticais e que tem como alvo uma maior qualidade e versatilidade dos espaços.

Günümüz sistem yapısının karmaşıklığı elbette ki geçmişle bağlantılı ve bir şekilde devamı gibi gelmektedir. Çalışmanın ana konusu Ekim 1962 tarihli Küba Krizi'nin hegemonya yarışı bağlamında değerlendirilmesi ve diplomasinin yükselişinin en üst düzey olduğu 1945 sonrası diplomasinin kazandığı en büyük ve kesin zaferlerden olan Küba'yı stratejik hegemon diplomasisi bağlamında incelemeye çalıştım. Bir gece yarısı dünya yok olabilirdi lakin diplomasi etkisini hissettirmeseydi. Hegemon devlet olma mücadelesi ve hırsı buna sebep olabilirdi. Küba bir dünyaya mal olabilirdi. Zafer için kelime belliydi; diplomasi.

Die meisten Stationen der Moskauer Metro gelten zurecht als architektonische Meisterwerke. Was viele Bewunderer der Stationen nicht wissen: Die Metro in der russischen Metropole war einst als propagandistisches Bauwerk konzipiert worden. „Paläste des Sozialismus“ sollten entstehen, so die Forderung an die Architekten des Jahrhundertbauwerkes. Das Paper soll zeigen, dass sich die Architektur der Stationen in den  ersten fünf Bauabschnitten stark veränderte - so wie sich auch die Politik der UdSSR sowohl während der Regierungszeit Stalins als auch in der Post-Stalin-Ära gewaltig veränderte. Die Moskauer U-Bahn-Stationen können somit als jeweilige „Spiegel ihrer Entstehungszeit“ gelten.

When we think about peace and the future of peace, we also need to think about organization. Peace has to be organized. Most people, even in my own country Germany, don't realize this. We tend to think of the nation state as the highest form of organization. This seems to be the Hegelian viewpoint. However, there have been important international alliances such as the Hague Confederation of States, constituted by the Hague Peace Conferences in 1899 and 1907, the League of Nations and the United Nations. An international peace based on justice and order, as envisaged by the Japanese Constitution’s Article 9, is a worthy objective.
There have been occasions when conditions were favourable to embark on the transition stipulated in the UN Charter from an armed to an unarmed peace under the supervision of the ‘P5’, for example in 1961, when the Agreed Principles for General and Complete Disarmament, commonly known as the McCloy-Zorin Accords, aimed at abolishing war and the military as an institution, were unanimously adopted by the UN General Assembly on 20 December.

II. Dünya savaşı sonrasında dünya daha önce göremediği bir döneme ve yeni bir düzene evirildi. Daha önce tek kutuplu ve bir tek devlet orijinli dünya artık iki kutuplu ve çekişme dolu bir döneme girmişti.Bu kutuplar ABD başat gücü ile batı bloğu ülkeleri ve SSCB başat gücü ile doğu bloğu ülkeleri idi.Birde bağlantısızlar hareketi var idi.II. Dünya savaşı sonrası oluşan taraflar birbirleriyle aktif bir çatışmaya girişmeden mücadele içinde oldukları için daha sonraları bu döneme "Soğuk Savaş" ismi verildi.Bu dönemde bloklar oluştu ve ülkeler taraflarını seçiyorlardı. Türkiye bu ortamda ABD ve NATO eksenli olarak batı bloğunda yerini aldı.
SSCB ile sınırı olan Türkiye istemeden de olsa bu dönemin ana aktörleri içerisinde yer almaktaydı.Tarafların başat güçleri diğer ülkeleri de yanlarına alarak destekleri büyütmek ve rakiplerine daha az bir alana sıkıştırmak istiyorlardı.Bu nedenle Ortadoğu'da yeni bağımsızlığı alan ülkelere ilişkiler kurarak onları askeri ve siyasal olarak destekleyerek kendi yanlarına çekiyorlardı.Zaten 1950'li dönemler Ortadoğu'da büyük sorunların olduğu tarihlerdi. Süveyş bunalımı, Suriye krizi, Irak darbesi, Ürdün ve Lübnan’daki olaylar bölgedeki sorunlara örneklerdir.Bu çalışmada Soğuk Savaşı en belirgin örneklerinden olan 1957 Türkiye-Suriye krizini işleyeceğiz.Bunu muhatap ülkelerin Suriye politikaları ve sonrasında Suriye'nin durumunu ve Türkiye-Suriye gerginliğini açıklayarak anlatmaya çalışacağız.Çalışmanın ana kaynağı Dr. Zafer YILDIRIM “1957 TÜRKİYE-SURİYE KRİZİ.” Yüksek lisans tezinin incelenmesi ve bu çalışma çerçevesinde yorumlanmasıdır.

Рецензия А.С. Чернышёв содержит подробный обзор монографии доцента Челябинского государственного университета А.А. Фокина в контексте новейшей историографии по периоду хрущевской "оттепели".

The review contains a detailed review of the monograph of the associate Professor of the Department of Russia and foreign countries of Chelyabinsk state University A. A. Fokin in the context of the latest historiography on the period of Khrushchev’s «thaw».

Reseña de los  documentos del Cairo. De los archivos secretos de Gamal Abdel Nasser. Revivir la historia de uno de los personajes que marcó la vida de Egipto profundamente es una tarea que realizó el periodista Mohamed Heikal  al reunir diversos documentos que estaban ocultos de la vida de Gamal Abdel Nasser. En sus páginas desfilan hombres políticos de máxima importancia como Kruschev, Chou En-lai, Dulles, Kennedy, Johnson, Eisenhower, y otros.

Tekst opisuje słabo znane zamachy bombowe przeprowadzone w Zagórzu na przełomie dekady lat 60 XX w. W 1959 r. zamachowiec, detonując pierwszy ładunek przed przejazdem przez Zagórze kolumny samochodów z liderem Związku Sowieckiego Nikitą Chruszczowem i przywódcą Polskiej Zjednoczonej Partii Robotniczej Władysławem Gomułką zamierzał dowieść udowodnić że w Polsce nie pogodzono się z nową polityką PZPR. W 1961 celem zamachowca był już sam Gomułka. Po skomplikowanym śledztwie i masowych aresztowaniach sprawca został aresztowany i po procesie sądowym stracony.

The text describes the poorly known bombings carried out in Zagórze at the turn of the 1960s. In 1959 the bomber, by detonating the first charge before passing through Zagórze, columns of cars with the leader of the Soviet Union Nikita Khrushchev and the leader of the Polish United Workers' Party, Wladyslaw Gomulka, intended to prove that Poland was not reconciled with the new policy of the PZPR. In 1961, Gomułka himself was the target of the bomber. After a complicated investigation and mass arrests, the perpetrator was arrested and executed after the trial.

The article probes the social background to the controversial ‘Kitchen Debate’ between the Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev and the US vice-president Richard Nixon, which occured at the American trade exhibition in Moscow during summer 1959.  Political histories narrowly focus on diplomatic point-scoring between the two leaders, leaving largely untouched the purpose of the landmark exhibition, and its expression of America's ‘suburban’ values.  This discussion traces a broad arc exploring:

- The exchange between Khrushchev and Nixon, especially their discussion of housing
- What was shown in the Moscow exhibition (detailing the display kitchen that prompted Khrushchev’s indignation), and the US State Department’s broad aims.
- The expansion of suburbia in post-war America (census figures quoted), and changes in property development including the emergence of commuter suburbs.
- The influential Levittown model for mass home construction & instant suburbs, and the impact of its highly publicised estates on Long Island, Connecticutt and New Jersey.
- Nature and extent of suburban conformism, including pointed criticisms made by urban planning commentators, the sociologist William Whyte, and the Feminist Betty Friedan.
- Mounting distress of women who did not feel fulfilled as homemakers, and their main grievances.
- Segregation, and enforced racial exclusion at the Levittowns.
- Portrayal of suburban values in the key literary works, ‘The Man in the Gray Flannel Suit’ (1955), ‘Revolutionary Road’ (1961), ‘The Stepford Wives’ (1972)
- Efforts to raise the quality of home and suburb design in California, prompted by the magazine ‘Arts and Architecture’
- The pioneering Case Study House project.
- Role of the Los Angeles firm Eames Office in post-war domestic design.
- Contribution of Eames Office to the Moscow exhibition.
9pp.

Eastern Europe historically had been the battleground for control by Germany, Poland, Austria, and Russia. The peoples of the Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) were ethnically distinct both in language and religion from the Slavic people in Russia, Belarus, and Ukraine. The Grand Duchy of Lithuania joined with Poland through marriage in 1385 and by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth in 1560 dominated the Baltics, Belarus and Ukraine. In Belarus there was tension between the Eastern Orthodox Church in Russia and the Roman Catholic Church in Poland. In 1595-96 the Union of Brest created a Belorussian Greek Catholic Church, which had an eastern rite but was under the Pope in Rome rather than the Patriarch in Constantinople. In 1486 Ivan III of Moscow initiated a conflict with Poland that resulted in Belarus and Ukraine being incorporated into Imperial Russia. In the several partitions of Poland in in 1772, 1793, and 1795 the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was divided between Germany in the west, Russia in the east, and Austrian-Hungary in the south. As a result, the Baltics came under Imperial Russia, and Galicia (with its Ukrainian population) became part of the Habsburg Empire.

In the 1918 Treaty of Brest-Litovsk between Germany and Russia, after the Russian Revolution in 1917 and its withdrawal from World War I, Soviet Russia ceded its claims to the Baltic States, Ukraine, and Belarus, which then declared themselves independent republics. When Germany surrendered to the Allied Powers a Polish-Soviet War 1918-1919 broke out resulting in the division of Belarus between Poland and Russia. In 1939 Nazi Germany and Russia signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with a secret protocol to divide Poland between them. This was followed by the invasion of Poland by both Germany and Russia. Then, in 1941 Germany invaded Russia and occupied the Baltics, Belarus, and Ukraine until 1941, when the Red Army pushed the Germans out. Prior to World War II Jews were a significant minority in Belarus, Lithuania, Latvia, and Ukraine. But the Jewish population in these countries was decimated during the Holocaust.

    When the Baltic States declared their independence after the fall of the Soviet Union, their claim to self-determination as non-Slavic peoples was different than that of the Slavic peoples in Belarus, and Ukraine. Ukraine’s situation was further complicated by the fact that both the Ukrainians and the Russians claim descent from Kievan Rus’.  The territory incorporated into Ukraine after World War II included transcarpathian Western Ukraine (that is, Ruthenia and Galicia that had been part of the Poland and Czechoslovakia, respectively) and Bukovina and part of Bessarabia (both of which had been part of Romania).

    Today the Baltic States, Belarus, Ukraine, and Moldova are independent states. The Slavic countries of Ukraine and Belarus have a different relationship to Russia than the Baltic States. Belarus continues to have close ties with the post-Soviet Russian Federation, but the Baltic States and Ukraine do not. In 2004 the Baltic States joined the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) thereby coming under the military alliance that includes the United States, Great Britain, and France, among others. Ukraine has a mainly Russian-speaking population in the east and a primarily Ukrainian-speaking population of the west. The Crimean previously had a large Tatar population, but they were deported to elsewhere in the Soviet Union. There is a Tatar Republic within the Volga Federal District of the Russian Federation. Crimea was only added to Ukraine in 1954, and it was invaded 2014 by Vladimir Putin and annexed to the Russian Federation and he continues to support a separatist war by the Russians in eastern Ukraine. A dispute continues in the breakaway region of Transnistria, formerly part of Moldavia, but with a population that is primarily Ukrainian and Russian. In order to understand Russian foreign policy toward Eastern Europe today, one needs to know about the complex ethnic history of the former Soviet Union.

Recently, in post-Soviet space, new Stalin statues have been created, and old ones have reappeared. These battles, both symbolic and material, over monuments.  This article highlights the disparate meanings of three historical Stalin monuments that served as focal points for three major cases of mass demonstrations during Khrushchev’s de-Stalinization campaign: Tbilisi, Budapest, and Prague. Next, drawing on newly found materials from Tbilisi’s Central Committee Archive of the Communist Party of Georgia, this article discusses Bogdan Muradovich Kirakosian’s never-realized project to build a massive Stalin monument that would have overlooked Tbilisi. Last is the analysis of survey data that captures individuals’ attitudes towards Stalin for those born in Georgia before 1945 in order to surmise how such a grand monument to Stalin would have been received at the time.

Arguably, one of the most intense periods of insecurity and instability in the modern era was the 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis. This story is well-known; at the eleventh-hour, President John F. Kennedy and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev negotiated an end to the most perilous chapter of the Cold War. What is less well-known, however, is the personal correspondence between the leaders following the crisis and until Kennedy’s death thirteen months later. Despite ideological differences, two confrontations over Cuba, and pressure from in-house hard-liners, Kennedy and Khrushchev developed a personal bond. In this paper, I argue that the thaw in the relationship between the two men began opening doors for the possibility of a thaw in the larger Cold War. In many ways, a proto-détente began to emerge in the early 1960s, as opposed to the later Nixon/Brezhnev years. Through the study of their correspondence, with special emphasis on the October 1962-November 1963 period, historians can examine foreign relations between the superpowers outside of the traditional nation-state framework. This age of international anxiety, nuclear threats, regional insecurity, and fragile bipolar stability can therefore be reexamined in both global and personal ways. Lastly, one of the most exciting periods of the Cold War, with one of the most popular presidents in the public memory (and his adversary) can be reimagined as attempting to save the world from future instability and potential disaster.