Lenin

È "lavoro di partito" tutto ciò che contribuisce al movimento reale che abolisce lo stato di cose presente. In Marx la teoria del partito non è del tutto esplicita, però è facile da ricavare da molti dei suoi scritti. Nel Manifesto il quadro teorico offre già una buona traccia per una lettura di tutto ciò che egli scriverà successivamente: i comunisti sono coloro che anticipano la società futura; non fanno già più parte di questa società anche se vivono dentro di essa. L'enorme importanza di questo concetto non è stata capita dalla maggior parte di coloro che si richiamano a Marx.

Andrei Znamenski argues that socialism arose out of activities of secularized apocalyptic sects, the Enlightenment tradition, and dislocations produced by the Industrial Revolution. He examines how, by the 1850s, Marx and Engels made the socialist creed “scientific” by linking it to “history laws” and inventing the proletariat—the “chosen people” that were to redeem the world from oppression. Focusing on the fractions between social democracy and communism, Znamenski explores why, historically, socialism became associated with social engineering and centralized planning. He explains the rise of the New Left in the 1960s and its role in fostering the cultural left that came to privilege race and identity over class. Exploring the global retreat of the left in the 1980s–1990s and the “great neoliberalism scare,” Znamenski also analyzes the subsequent renaissance of socialism in wake of the 2007–2008 crisis

Una versión reducida del texto “An Unexpected Twist of Ideology. Neoliberalism and the Collapse
of the Soviet Bloc publicado en "Praktyka Teoretyczna", núm. 5, 2012. Traducción de Luis Martínez
Andrade. Metapolítica: marzo 2013.
The full English version also at Academia.edu: https://www.academia.edu/11798198/An_Unexpected_Twist_of_Ideology._Neoliberalism_and_the_Collapse_of_the_Soviet_Bloc

Personal reflections on “The Roots of Russia”, written by the late Dr. Lev Dobriansky (1918-2008), a renowned Professor of Economics at Georgetown University, and former US Ambassador to the Bahamas. The Dobriansky article was published, courtesy of the (US) Naval Institute Proceedings-April 1963, in An Cosantoir (The Defender), The Irish Defence Journal, Dublin in January 1964, under the auspices of the Irish Defence Forces. European coherence largely depends on two critical factors today: Russia's ability to respect Ukraine sovereign choices and to restore itself to international and multilateral collaboration, and Germany's ability to think "outside the box", and with some modesty realise that in the wider EU, it is a minority nation, for there is no majority one, and should therefore exert its influence more positively to build consensus around options and choices for European futures. Even Russia would be a minority country if and when it joins the EU. This neighbourhood no longer has any room for bullies.

Nel paese ove sarebbe in costruzione l'economia socialista non solo dunque esistono i rubli, coi quali il salario dei lavoratori viene pagato, ma esiste anche il risparmio sul salario, il deposito di esso nelle casse statali o nelle banche, la possibilità di investire l'accumulato risparmio in titoli fruttifero, da cui ogni sei mesi la salda mano dell'operaio, come quella delle vecchie signore che si affollano nei saloni delle banche, taglierà esitante la "cedola" dell'interesse, il borghesissimo "coupon". E con tutto ciò esiste del pari il pieno diritto di negoziare i titoli, venderli e comprarli, accumulare in quantità illimitata, e passare da stakhanovista a fannullonissimo "rentier".

Die Dummköpfe glauben, Wladimir Uljanow habe, nachdem er die Bedeutung der bäuerlichen Massen entdeckt und sie zuerst gegen den Zaren und dann gegen die Bourgeoisie aufgestachelt hätte, die alten Gleise verlassen und dem europäischen Proletariat klar gemacht, dass es, statt in der Eisenbahn des Klassenkampfes unterwegs zu sein, im Flugzeug reisen könne, wenn es sich mit dem Halbproletariat verbünde.
Doch Lenin wusste besser als wir, dass zur Erforschung der Bewegungen dieses sozialen Kräftestroms, der unerforschlichen Tiefen der Geschichte, das „Bathyskaph" bestiegen werden muss, wobei sich im Übrigem noch gewisse Überreste dieser Formen in den Weiten der Kontinente verbergen, welche sich der expandierende Kapitalismus bislang nicht zu unterwerfen vermochte.
Der Verzicht des reifen europäischen Proletariats auf seine Avantgarde-Funktion und die Tatsache, nicht eifersüchtig seine völlige Unabhängigkeit von „mittelmäßigen" Positionen hinsichtlich seiner Theorie und Organisation gehütet zu haben, ist allzu teuer bezahlt worden
Die heutige Bewegung, die, vor unser Haustür, eine wahrhafte Volksbewegung ist, erregt ebenso wahrhaften Abscheu wie, wohl mehr noch, wahrhaftes Mitleid.

Rossana Rossanda died last month after decades of commitment to first the Italian Communist Party and then the dissident manifesto group. She insisted that a left party should be shaped by the demands of workers' everyday struggles.
https://www.jacobinmag.com/2020/10/rossana-rossanda-workers-struggle-il-manifesto

Kuşkusuz, işçi devletinin yaşadığı zorluklarda sorunu öncelikle nesnel koşullarda aramak gerekir (ve bu koşullar aşağıda daha ayrıntılı şekilde ele alınacaktır). Fakat öznel etken de yabana atılmayacak derecede sorunlu olduğunu göstermiştir. Partinin ileri doğru gittiği (“saldırdığı”) her durumda Bolşevik örgütlenme modelinin kazandırdığı kaynaşmış ve ideolojik açıdan ortaklaşmış nitelik yeterince güçlü olduğunu göstermiş ve zaten tam da bu nedenle Lenin’in partisi bir devrime önderlik edebilmişti. Fakat saldırı ânında, suların yükseldiği dönemde görülmeyen ya da etkisizleştirilebilen eksiklikler, suların geri çekildiği koşullarda kendisini çok çarpıcı bir şekilde göstermiştir. Lenin bir partinin esas gücünün tıpkı bir orduda olduğu gibi geri çekilirken görülebileceğini ve saldırırken gösterilen azim, kararlılık ve birlikteliğin ricat halindeyken de gösterilmesi gerektiğini söyler.
Bu açıdan bakıldığında, partinin bazı sınavları alnının akıyla geçtiğini, bazılarındaysa aynı başarıyı gösteremediğini söylemek gerekir. Parti içindeki tartışmalarda ortaya çıkan yanlış görüşler, partinin yönetici kademesindeki insanların (Buharin, Şlyapnikov, Kollontay, Stalin) devrimin üzerinden birkaç yıl geçtikten sonra en temel konularda büyük ilkesel yanlışlara düşüyor olmaları, tüm bunları toparlayan isim sıfatıyla Lenin’in ölümünden sonra partinin içinde yaşanacakların, yani bir nesnellikten beslenen bürokratik karşıdevrime partinin içindeki ileri gelenlerin önderlik etmesinin habercisi olarak alınmalıdır.

Παρά τον περίεργο τίτλο που δώσαμε στην εισήγησή μου 1 , δεν πρόκειται για διανοητική ιστορία γενικά ούτε και για εκτίμηση της προσωπικής ιστορίας του μεγάλου επαναστάτη. Ούτε καν άλλωστε για φιλοσοφία-υπάρχουν πολλοί πιο ειδικοί από μένα για να μιλήσουν για τα θέματα αυτά. Περισσότερο με ενδιαφέρει η ανάλυση και ο προσανατολισμός στον δικό μας κόσμο και μόνο σε αυτό θέλω να βγάλω μια μεθοδολογική εμπειρία από τον Λένιν-ως συμπέρασμα.

1 " Η επίδραση του Χέγκελ στον Λένιν " : αυτός ο τίτλος αναγγέλθηκε στο 3-ήμερο, το αφιερωμένο στις " Θέσεις του Απρίλη ". Το κείμενο της εισήγησης δεν διαβάστηκε ολόκληρο (λόγω χρόνου), ενώ αναπτύχθηκαν προφορικά και ορισμένα συγκεκριμένα επιμέρους σημεία, που πήραν υπόψη προηγούμενες εισηγήσεις και αντίστοιχες συζητήσεις που είχαν αναδιπλωθεί. Το παρόν κείμενο προσπάθησε να ενσωματώσει (εκ των υστέρων) ορισμένες από αυτές τις προφορικές παρατηρήσεις.

Les grandes leçons d’Octobre 1917
"Il arrive aujourd’hui à la doctrine de Marx ce qui est arrivé plus d’une fois dans l’histoire aux doctrines des penseurs révolutionnaires et des chefs des classes opprimées en lutte pour leur affranchissement. Du vivant des grands révolutionnaires, les classes d’oppresseurs les récompensent par d’incessantes persécutions; elles accueillent leur doctrine par la fureur la plus sauvage, par la haine la plus farouche, par les campagnes les plus forcenées de mensonges et de calomnies. Après leur mort, on essaie d’en faire des icônes inoffensives, de les canoniser pour ainsi dire, d’entourer leur nom d’une certaine auréole afin de "consoler" les classes opprimées et de les mystifier; ce faisant on vide leur doctrine révolutionnaire de son contenu, on l’avilit et on en émousse le tranchant révolutionnaire."

Nobili in fuga, rivoluzionari, intellettuali, il nostro paese è il luogo prediletto per dimenticare lo zar. Da Gogol' a Gork'ij, Bogdanov e Lenin. Viaggio tra le strade della Capitale di ieri e di oggi alla ricerca di angoli moscoviti nascosti dal tempo.

A contribution to understanding the historical meaning of
Bratislava urbanonyms in the context of the national socialist and communist ideologies
during the period 1939-1989. Historický časopis, 2015, 63, 3, pp. 451-481,
Bratislava.
The article mainly deals with the urbanonymy of the capital of Slovakia – Bratislava
in the period 1939-1989. The accent is on the hierarchy of the street network,
where we can define various ideological views of the governments on social and
historical events, which influenced the political development of the territory in the
local or national contexts. The work mostly deals with the practical possibilities
of the analysis of urbanonyms and their interpretation, which may be interesting
in the field of history, ethnology, anthropology and geography. During the period
1939-1945 also known as the first Slovak Republic, a puppet state of Nazi Germany,
a lot of foreign (German and Austrian origin) place-names were introduced.
After February 1948 known in Communist historiography as the „Victorious February“,
the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia with Soviet backing, assumed
control over the government of the state. Many urbanonyms were replaced by
names of Soviet or Russian origin. The purpose of our study is a reflection of the
historical identity of the Bratislava old town. Study of urbanonymy, or renaming in
space and time led to the conclusion, that the place names reflect the shared history,
culture and political processes in the wider region of Eastern Europe.

According to Cronin (2003), the terror attacks of 9/11 not only restructured the global power, political, social, and economic structures but also unmasked the paradoxes embedded into the process of globalisation. The subsequent US-led coalition attacks on Iraq and Afghanistan have resulted in the consolidation of the Anti-American and Anti-Western sentiments by illuminating the imperialistic character of the United States of America (Fuchs, 2010; Kellner, 2005). The contradictory character of globalisation has pushed the vast majority of global population against the wall thus, leaving them no choice but to embrace violence and terror as a last resort. This raises an important question that whether terrorism in the globalised world is a reactionary phenomenon or a malice that exists independently? Thus, the objective of this essay is to critically evaluate the relationship between globalisation and terrorism by exploring the political, social, cultural, and economic transformation of the world under the blanket of globalisation.

Viene ad ogni momento sulla scena avanzata dell'attuale vita economica - convenientemente inquadrata nel fascio di luce dei riflettori della politica e della stampa - l'opera di pubblica utilità. E si presenta come capolavoro della civiltà contemporanea e del progresso sociale che da ogni parte incalza l'espropriazione di privati possessi e privati diritti, necessaria perché il piano della nuova opera, più o meno grandiosa ed estesa, possa aver luogo e corso, conducendo ai magnifici benefizi, ai decantati innovamenti e miglioramenti.

In The Communist Manifesto Marx and Engels wrote that workers have no country. This chapter defends that tendency in Marxist thought. Patriotism is identification with and loyalty to a nation-state. States arise in human pre-history to consolidate and extend exploitation and oppression of laboring classes by a ruling class. Philosophers often write of a “national community,” but class societies in general and capitalist societies in particular are so brutal in their oppression of workers that the language of “community” is nonsense. In capitalist society the state suppresses those who are exploited and oppressed by capitalists and advances capitalists’ aims beyond national borders. So for the working class patriotism is loyalty to the state of those who oppress them, and it makes no sense to be loyal to one’s oppressors.

Both Marx and Engels and Marxists who followed them were ambivalent about national and patriotic loyalties. Lenin argued that workers have an internationalist duty to recognize the right of national self-determination because otherwise they side with oppressing ruling classes against oppressed nationalities. Lenin neglected the possibility of opposing national (and racial) oppression without recognizing a right of national self-determination. This neglect was due to the belief, inherited from Marx and Engels, that nationalist movements could be progressive and help the development toward communist society. However, the history of the twentieth century shows that this is wrong. Nationalism and patriotism undermine the struggle for classless society.

(promoción del libro que aparecerá en Septiembre de 2017 en todas las librerías)

¿Qué causas históricas han llevado a que buena parte de la izquierda española asocie la idea de España con el franquismo, rechazando por tanto el asociarse con dicha idea, e incluso con defender la nación española como proyecto de izquierdas? La respuesta a esta pregunta conlleva realizar un análisis tanto de la Historia de España como de los avatares que el marxismo ha sufrido desde su entrada en el país en el último tercio del siglo XIX hasta nuestros días. Este libro sostiene que el rechazo de gran parte de la izquierda hacia la idea de España tiene que ver con la nula existencia de un marxismo propiamente español y, por extensión, en es-pañol. Y la ausencia histórica de un marxismo español, que tiene causas históricas muy concretas, explica por qué la cuestión nacional española no se ha resuelto desde las izquierdas, particularmente las de raíz mar-xista, que han acabado derivando hacia derroteros federalistas, confederalistas, plurinacionales o directamente independentistas que no tienen conexión alguna ni con la doctrina de Marx sobre el Estado y la nación, ni con los desa rrollos posteriores, inspirados en él, de Engels, Lenin y Stalin. Los textos de estos autores, junto a los de Rosa Luxemburg, fueron traducidos muy tardíamente, cuando la asociación de la idea de España con Franco estaba ya consolidada. El marxismo y la cuestión nacional española analiza las causas históricas que han impedido la construcción del marxismo español, la resolución de la cuestión nacional española desde el marxis mo y la asociación entre la idea de España y el franquismo. Pero también ofrece a los lectores la au-téntica doctrina marxista-leninista sobre la nación, en base a los autores ya mencionados y a sus textos más importantes sobre este asunto, incluidos los de Marx y Engels sobre España. Y aporta, también, caminos po-líticos prácticos que ayudarían al marxismo español a actuar de cara al futuro en torno a una nación, España, a la que no debería rechazar sino apropiarse. Santiago Armesilla (Madrid, 1982) es politólogo y economista. Inves ti ga dor del Euro-Mediterranean Uni ver sity Institute (EMUI), de la Fun dación de Investigaciones Marxistas (FIM) y de la Red Española de Estudios del De sarrollo (REEDES). Militante del Par tido Comu-nist a de España, ha par ticipado en diversos movimientos sociales a nivel nacional e interna cio nal, y co labora con diversas instituciones académicas españolas y ex tranje ras. Es autor del libro Trabajo, utili dad y verdad (Maia, 2015).

Liev Nikolayevich Tolstoy, or, as he was better known from some Brazilian translations, Leo Tolstoy, was undoubtedly one of the greatest writers of world literature. But, beyond his impressive literary curriculum, the author of War and Peace also became well known for his controversial ideas, in which he won admirers and followers and, also, persecutors and detractors. Within the aesthetic complex, if it is true that Tolstoy was able to figure a part of his characters with a great subjective wealth, presenting them from the social determinations that involve them and consubstantiate them; it is also a fact that he, at other times, (in a much lower literary quantity), he had mystifying and prejudiced conceptions. In the great majority of his books, Tolstoy bases his figuration on a conception that mixes, on the one hand, precepts of a materialist ontology and, on the other, elements of religious and mystification, just like a mixture of true and false ontologies. And when, in the later part of his life, in which the writer was surrounded by a resigned and, in a certain way, nihilistic religious thought, among the values prophesied by Tolstoy, one seems to have been more prominent: misogyny. The aim of this article was to present and analyze, briefly, some indications about this relationship in the works of the Russian writer. From examples extracted from the artistic figurations of this author, it could measure the degree of approximation or distance with a conception of the humanist and historical world, which was embodied by various aesthetic, philosophical and political contradictions.

KISS, Corinne Fournier, "Fernando Pessoa and the Russian world" (2020). Pessoa Plural―A Journal of Fernando Pessoa Studies, No. 18, Fall, pp. 124-165. Brown Digital Repository. Brown University Library. https://doi.org/10.26300/n8hg-az69

Is Part of:

Pessoa Plural―A Journal of Fernando Pessoa Studies, Issue 18

Fernando Pessoa and the Russian world
[Fernando Pessoa e o mundo russo]

https://doi.org/10.26300/n8hg-az69

ABSTRACT

The work of Fernando Pessoa seems, at first sight, to pay scant attention to either the people or culture of the Slavic world. Moreover, when overt statements occur, they tend to be disparaging. But why should Pessoa, with his exceptional intellectual curiosity and a mindset naturally inclined towards comparisons and cosmopolitanism, consider that "of Russia it is not necessary to speak"? Some at least provisional answers to this question require a closer look at Pessoa's genuine knowledge of and interest in the Russian world (and especially Russian literature and politics) through the examination of his poems and prose, but also through a consideration of his unrealized projects and the annotations and underlinings made in his hand in the books he possessed in his private library.

RESUMO

A obra de Fernando Pessoa parece prestar, à primeira vista, pouca atenção quer ao povo, quer à cultura do mundo eslavo. Adicionalmente, quando há declarações óbvias, estas tendem a ser depreciativas. Por que motivo Pessoa, com a sua curiosidade excepcionalmente intelectual e mentalidade naturalmente inclinada para comparações e cosmopolitismo, consideraria que "não é necessário falar da Rússia"? Pelo menos algumas das respostas provisórias a esta pergunta exigem um olhar mais atento ao conhecimento genuíno de Pessoa pelo mundo russo (e especialmente da literatura e política russas), através do exame dos seus poemas e da sua prosa, mas também através da consideração dos seus projetos não realizados e das anotações e trechos sublinhados feitos pela sua mão nos livros que tinha na sua biblioteca privada.

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VAKCEL, Platon (1868). Quadros da Literatura, da Ciência e das Artes na Rússia. Funchal: Typographia da Gazeta da Madeira.
VOGÜÉ, Eugène-Melchior de (1971). Le Roman russe. Lausanne: L’Âge d’homme.
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WOLF, Elena M. (1988). “Alguns episódios da vida literária em Portugal no seculo XIX.” Revista de História, vol. VIII, Porto, Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica, Centro de História da Universidade do Porto, pp. 313-329, https://ler.letras.up.pt/uploads/ficheiros/6457.pdf

El debate de las izquierdas antes de 1917. Revolución Industrial y mundo obrero.
Rasgos generales.
Los socialistas románticos: utopistas, filántropos y activistas.
La propuesta dialéctica de Karl Marx (1818-1883).
Las disputas entre anarquistas y marxistas.
La vía británica: del cartismo a los fabianos.
El pensamiento socialista tras la muerte de Marx.
El gran debate revisionista:  Bernstein / Lenin / Rosa Luxemburgo.

This paper weaves together two recurring themes in philosophical and political debates of recent years: the idea, loosely inspired by Walter Benjamin, that describes melancholia as a dominant structure of feeling and desire among the left; and the suggestion that we are currently witnessing a revival of debates on the question of organisation. My argument identifies not one but two left-wing melancholias, the specular relation between which precludes the work of mourning and deprives us of the conditions for thinking organisation concretely. I follows that a real return to the question of organisation can only take place if we escape this melancholic mechanism; I propose that the very idea of organisation might offer us theoretical resources with which to do so. We come to love our left passions and reasons, our analyses and convictions, more than we love the existing world that we presumably seek to alter with these terms or the future that would be aligned with them. … What emerges is a Left that operates without either a deep and radical critique of the status quo or a compelling alternative to the existing order of things. But perhaps even more troubling, it is a Left that has become more attached to its impossibility than its potential fruitfulness, a Left that is most at home dwelling not in hopefulness but in its own marginality and failure, a Left that is caught in a structure of melancholic attachment to a certain strain of its own dead past, whose spirit is ghostly, whose structure of desire is backward looking and punishing. Wendy Brown The test of a first-rate intelligence is the ability to hold two opposed ideas in mind at the same time and still retain the ability to function.

Socialist realism was more than just a trend in art. It was also, and perhaps predominantly, a method of educating the new post-revolutionary society in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In socialism, the state became the commissioner, consumer, and critic of art, treating it as a major propaganda tool. It is thus not surprising that the socialist realism patterns were imposed on artists working in those countries which found themselves in the Soviet sphere of influence after the end of the Second World War. In Poland, which was the Soviet Union’s closest neighbour and one of the larger countries in the post-war “Eastern Bloc”, socialist realism was the only permitted creative method in the years 1949–1956. The ideologists of the new art assigned a special role to sculpture, which, next to posters and murals, was considered the most socially accessible form of artistic expression due to the possibility of placing it in public space. Monuments as material carriers of ideology were used as an expression of power, but they also marked the places of strengthening collective identity. During the period of socialist realism in Poland, sculptural activity followed the main three directions: heroic, portrait, and architectural–decorative. Therefore, this paper aims to present theoretical and ideological assumptions relating to socialist sculpture and their confrontation with realisations in Poland during the period of the Soviet artistic doctrine. The paper also presents the aesthetic paradigms of socialist sculptures and their relationships with the canons of European art, and, for Poland, also with the native art, mainly sacral.

The Critique of the Gotha Programme, written by Karl Marx in 1875 and posthumously published in 1891, contains his most detailed statements on the essential features of a communist economy. One of them, the end of the exchange of commodities, was a widely accepted hallmark of the post-capitalist society among German social democrats like Kautsky and Hilferding, as well as among Russian Bolshevists, who actually tried to apply Marxian theory in Soviet Russia. This essay follows the fortunes of Marx's theory through the entire history of the Soviet Union and of the East European " popular democracies " : from Bucharin's enthusiastic case for overcoming the exchange of commodities to Lenin's retreat from war communism in favour of the New Economic Policy; from the reasons given by Stalin for the existence of market relations under socialism to the use of such relations in the Sixties-by reformers like Brus, Šik, as well as by GDR economists in the Ulbricht era – as a tool for getting rid of the centralised planning model. At the end of the Eighties, some of the former reformers emphasized the victory of market relations over planning. In more recent debates, some marxist authors insisted on the incompatibility between exchange of commodities and true socialism, while others held Marx's model of socialism accountable for the failures of real socialism.

In the process of decommunisation, Ukraine has toppled all its Lenin monuments. This book documents the inglorious fate of these Soviet statues, following their often violent removal. Photographer Niels Ackermann and journalist Sébastien Gobert have scoured the country in search of the remains of these toppled figures. They are found in the most unlikely places: Lenin inhabits gardens, scrap yards and store rooms. He has fallen on hard times –  cut into pieces, daubed with paint, turned into a Cossack or Darth Vader. Yet despite every attempt to reduce their status, the monuments retain a sinister quality, resisting all efforts to separate them from their history.

Myroslava Hartmond's introductory essay puts Niels and Sébastien's journey across Ukraine into historical and global perspective, highlighting the uniqueness of the Leninfall phenomenon and the significance of their work in the context of post-Soviet studies.

160x200 mm hardback
176 pages
ISBN 978-0-9931911-7-6
Published in 2017

Purchase from publisher here:
http://fuel-design.com/publishing/looking-lenin/

Троцкизм, который в нынешнюю эпоху глубокой контрреволюции считается течением экстремистским, является лишь фланговым авангардом русского империализма, а теоретически и в плане повседневной политики ничем иным как демократическим вариантом буржуазной мысли. Отстаивая с шумом и гамом свое право на имена Ленина и Троцкого, он не перестает попирать ногами марксизм, неизменную революционную доктрину, только лишь реализаторами которой желали быть эти два руководителя Октябрьской революции.

S’il faut une preuve que ce ne sont pas les plus grands génies qui guident la vie du monde, nous pourrons également la trouver dans le fait que, lorsqu’Einstein voulut scruter le dense brouillard du futur social humain, il ne sut parvenir à aucune conclusion d’une véritable hauteur, et retomba dans ces peu géniales formules que lui avait transmises un passé usé, et il ne tenta même pas, lui le puissant iconoclaste de la pensée, de se dégager de ce misérable piège.

Though generally associated with the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, the idea of hegemony had a crucial history in revolutionary Russia where it was used to conceptualize the dynamics of political and cultural leadership. Drawing on extensive archival research, this study considers the cultural dimensions of hegemony, with particular focus on the role of language in political debates and in scholarship of the period. It is shown that considerations of the relations between the proletariat and peasantry, the cities to the countryside and the metropolitan centre to the colonies of the Russian Empire demanded an intense dialogue between practical politics and theoretical reflection, which led to critical perspectives now assumed to be the achievements of, for instance, sociolinguistics and post-colonial studies.

Table of contents
Preface
Acknowledgements
Introduction: the Multiple Dimensions of Hegemony
1. Hegemony in Russian Social Democracy Before 1917
2. Hegemony without Social Science: Traditional Intellectuals in Late-Imperial Russia.
3. Verbal Art and Revolution: the Living Word
4. Metamorphoses of Hegemony in the Period of the NEP
5. The New Paradigm in Linguistic Science
6. The Revolution in the West and East: Hegemony and the National Question
7. Hegemony: the Decline and Fall of a Paradigm
8. Ideology Critique, Positivism and Marxism: the Paradoxical Legacy of Nikolai Marr
9. Conclusion
Glossary of Names
References

Adolf Hitler. Joseph Stalin. Benito Mussolini. Mao Zedong. Kim Il Sung. Vladimir Lenin. These cruel dictators wrote their names on the pages of history in the blood of countless innocent victims. Yet they themselves were once young people searching for their place in the world, dealing with challenges many of us face—parental authority, education, romance, loss—and doing so in ways that might be uncomfortably familiar.

Historian Brandon K. Gauthier has created a fascinating work—epic yet intimate, well-researched but immensely readable, clear-eyed and empathetic—looking at the lives of these six dictators, with a focus on their youths. We watch Lenin’s older brother executed at the hands of the Tsar’s police—an event that helped radicalize this overachieving high-schooler. We observe Stalin grappling with the death of his young, beautiful wife. We see Hitler’s mother mourning the loss of three young children—and determined that her first son to survive infancy would find his place in the world.

The purpose isn’t to excuse or simply explain these horrible men, but rather to treat them with the empathy they themselves too often lacked. We may prefer to hold such lives at arm’s length so as to demonize them at will, but this book reminds us that these monstrous rulers were also human beings—and perhaps more relatable than we’d like.

“Brandon Gauthier is that rare academic whose writing is both incisive and clear; even more than that, it is entertaining. Here he has chosen a subject that, on the face of it, isolates an alarming contradiction, one rarely confronted, that history’s worst butchers (he chooses Stalin, Hitler, Mussolini, Lenin, Mao, and Kim Il Sung, but they stand for the full rogues gallery) were once cuddly infants, playful schoolchildren, and sexed up teenagers. The result is a book that is as enlightening as it is disturbing, in part because we get a fresh view of history’s criminals, more so because in them, we can also see ourselves.”

— Todd Brewster, New York Times best-selling author of The Century (with Peter Jennings) and Lincoln's Gamble

"Before Evil isn’t your average history. Written in a colloquial language. Like listening to an old friend, not a stuffy intellectual. It tells the story of some of history's most reviled men. Dictators and despots. As though they were the dorky teens we all once were. Brandon Gauthier has done a first rate job in dispelling the myth that these tyrants were anything other than human. Same as you and I."

— Steve Anwyll, author of Welfare (Tyrant Books)

“We mustn't forget the terrifying dictators who were behind the policies foreign and domestic that made much of the 20th century such a bloody hell for so many. But Brandon Gauthier in this meticulously researched, compellingly written, highly accessible volume shows why we need to remember them less as monstrous aberrations, more as human beings who ended up demonstrating the capability of our species for evil.”

— Bradley K. Martin, author of Under the Loving Care of the Fatherly Leader: North Korea and the Kim Dynasty

“Before Evil opens a compelling window into the humanity of some of the most tyrannical despots of the modern era. At times poignant, powerful, erudite, and even humorous, it reminds us that those we consider truly evil are still truly human, and that the lines between good and evil are not as simple as we might like to believe.”

— Mitchell Lerner, Professor of History and Director of the East Asian Studies Center at The Ohio State University

“Brandon Gauthier has written a powerful investigation into the myriad influences that created six of the most evil men in modern history. Before Evil deftly explains in stunning detail how Lenin, Hitler, Stalin Mao, Mussolini and Kim slowly turned from unremarkable children into authoritarian adults whose choices affected the course of the entire world. By asking readers to grapple with the humanity of men who are widely abhorred, Gauthier provides a fresh way to understand why these six leaders were able to wield power—and how dictators could use those same tactics to rise again.”

— Beth Knobel, Associate Professor of Communication and Media Studies, Fordham University

“For the past 30 years I have worked as a psychological expert witness in murder cases and visited with children and youth in war zones around the world. I have struggled, as has Brandon Gauthier, to find a 'human' explanation for the psychological realities of violence and evil that I have encountered first-hand in prisons and refugee camps. His book is a significant contribution in that morally and emotionally challenging but necessary task. A fascinating book!”

— James Garbarino, Professor of Humanistic Psychology, Loyola University Chicago, author of Lost Boys: Why Our Sons Turn Violent and How We Can Save Them

“A lively yet rigorously researched inquiry into how and why some innocent little children grow up to become mass-murdering monsters.”

— Daniel Kalder, author of The Infernal Library: On Dictators, the Books They Wrote, and Other Catastrophes of Literacy

SANTRAUKA
        Iš užkariautų kraštų įkūrusi imperiją carų valdžia jos administraciniam padalijimui skyrė nuolatinį dėmesį. Prie Rusijos mokslų akademijos 1739 m. įsteigtas Geografijos departamentas, kuris vadovavo visiems geodeziniams ir kartografiniams darbams, reikalingiems administraciniam padalijimui atlikti, žemėtvarkai bei kitiems valdymo reikalams. Vėliau jis buvo pertvarkytas į kitokias organizacijas. Administracinės sritys yra pažymėtos rusų topografų ir kartografų sudarytuose žemėlapiuose ir savaip atspindi Rusijos politiką užkariautų kraštų atžvilgiu. Pavartykime dokumentus bei žemėlapius ir pamatysime, kokiais būdais carai ir TSKP generaliniai sekretoriai vykdė Lietuvos nutautinimą, į kokius administracinius vienetus skirstė Lietuvą ir kur žymėjo jos rytinę ribą.

SUMMARY
        The administrative division and changes of boundaries of Lithuania on the Russian maps of the 19th and 20th centuries are analyzed. The administrative division and its changes reflect the official politics of Russia against the neighbouring conquered countries. Analysis of old maps and related documents shows the methods and scale of Lithuania’s denationalization, executed by the Russian tsars and secretaries-general of the Communist party.

РЕЗЮМЕ
      Анализируются административное деление и изменения границ Литвы на картах России XIX и XX веков. Административное деление и его изменения свидетельствуют об официальной политике России по отношению к соседним оккупированным странам. Анализ старых карт и связанных с ними документов дает представление о методах и масштабах денационализации Литвы, которую проводили цари России, а позже – генеральные секретари коммунистической партии СССР.

A caballo entre la síntesis y la interpretación, pero con uso de investigación propia, "La Revolución rusa: Historia y memoria" ofrece un enfoque de este acontecimiento histórico que se aparta de lo trillado y del relato de las vidas de los dirigentes victoriosos de Octubre. Aprovechando la avalancha de material procedente de los archivos de la antigua URSS que puso a disposición de los historiadores y estudiosos el efímero paréntesis que transcurrió entre Gorbachov y el ascenso al poder de Vladímir Putin (la llamada "década memorable"), José M. Faraldo se centra en transmitir una instantánea del episodio y de los años inmediatamente posteriores a él, reflejado desde la experiencia de los protagonistas con ayuda de los documentos y registros vivos, palpitantes. El resultado es una crónica original, ágil y reveladora de la Revolución rusa, desde su estallido hasta la construcción de un nuevo Estado, un nuevo régimen y una nueva cultura, complementado por sendos capítulos dedicados a su interpretación y a su memoria.