Panamericanism

El Primer Congreso Feminista de la Liga Panamericana de Mujeres, celebrado en la ciudad de México en 1923, tiene especial significación en tanto sintetiza buena parte de las concepciones y de los objetivos políticos que orientaron las acciones del feminismo en esa década.

La presente tesis doctoral analiza la colisión entre el panamericanismo estadounidense y el hispanoamericanismo español que ambos ejercieron sobre América Latina entre 1890 y 1931. Fueron dos ejercicios de imperialismo informal que operaron principalmente en los ámbitos económico y cultural, y tuvieron entre sus objetivos ejercer una suerte de hegemonía sobre los países latinoamericanos que habían sido antiguas colonias
españolas. Detrás de ambos proyectos de creación de “comunidades imaginadas” se hallaba un importante objetivo: la mejora de los intercambios comerciales. La situación de España a comienzos del siglo XX no era la mejor en términos económicos, por lo que
la recuperación y mejora de las redes comerciales con América Latina era fundamental. Estados Unidos se hallaba inmerso en su expansión capitalista y necesitaba encontrar nuevos mercados donde dar salida a sus productos y obtener materias primas a bajo coste.
Pero ese objetivo económico se ocultaba tras una cuestión de prestigio internacional: España recurría a su condición de antigua metrópoli para buscar un lugar privilegiado en
su relación con los países latinoamericanos desde una perspectiva tutelar. Estados Unidos, como “hermano mayor” del norte, reviste ese mismo deseo de un supuesto interés altruista de proteger los intereses de su hemisferio. Esta tesis indaga en los puntos de encuentro y
desencuentro de estos dos proyectos entre 1890 y 1931, haciendo énfasis en varias exposiciones universales, acontecimientos muy importantes en lo simbólico: la
Exposición de Filipinas (Madrid, 1887), las celebraciones del Cuarto Centenario del Descubrimiento de América (celebrado en Madrid en 1892 y en Chicago en 1893), la
Exposición Panamericana (Buffalo, 1901) y la culminación del hispanoamericanismo práctico: la Exposición Iberoamericana de Sevilla de 1929.

There is a growing consensus that Latin American regionalism has entered a new phase. For some, the increasing complexity of regional cooperation initiatives renders collective action ineffective. For others, the creation of new schemes signals a " post hegemonic " moment that opened a space for collaboration on social issues. Both attribute this shift to the absence of the United States and the presence of left-leaning governments. By contrast, we demonstrate that this agenda is not new, nor has the United States been an impediment to similar initiatives in the past. In fact, the United States was instrumental in expanding regional cooperation on social issues in the early twentieth century. Instead we argue that agenda shifts are best explained by an evolving consensus about the role of the state. The " new agenda " is in line with historical attempts by governments to use regionalism to bolster their own domestic reforms.

1917 was a decisive year in the diverse theatres of the First World War, contributing to the globalisation of the conflict. In Latin America, the entry of the United States into the conflict was the most significant event, which triggered essential developments in the diplomatic, economic, political, and cultural fields. The United States displayed an active campaign to align the countries of the subcontinent behind its foreign policy, led by the principle of Pan-Americanism. As a result, most Latin American states severed diplomatic relationships with, or declared war against, the German Empire, in the context of heated internal debates.

This article aims to analyse the impact of the United States’ entry into the war on the Latin American intellectual field. It will tackle two main reactions unleashed by that event. On the one hand, it led many intellectuals to support the notion of continental unity under American leadership, reinforced later by the so-called ‘Wilsonian moment’. On the other hand, it also gave rise to the rejection of American interference in the subcontinent’s domestic affairs and the revival of anti-imperialism, a vigorous ideological trend that appeared after the Spanish-American War of 1898.

Este artículo analiza los encuadres mediáticos desde los cuales la National Geographic Magazine —NGM—(1903-1926) contribuyó a la construcción de la identidad de los colombianos a comienzos del siglo XX. El argumento central del artículo es que los encuadres mediáticos encontrados están soportados por las ideologías del Destino manifiesto y del positivismo. A través de la estrategia retórica de la apropiación, los
encuadres encontrados promueven dos valores asociados al Destino manifiesto: la virtud de las instituciones de Estados Unidos y la misión de transformar el mundo de acuerdo con los valores profesados por este país. En relación con la ideología del positivismo, los encuadres mediáticos la reproducen a través de la estrategia retórica de la clasificación, ya que los reportajes observan la identidad de los colombianos a través del lente de la teoría científica del darwinismo.

From the end of the 19th century various movements developed around the political, economic and cultural climate and the need to create unity within the American countries. All of them had their own narratives and circumstances which often collided due to their interests and objectives. One of these projects was the Pan-American movement which was led by the United States, which intended to become a mediator in the continent. The other was the Hispanamericanist movement, a plan by which Spain intended to recover its significance in South and Central America. This movement’s influence was notably especially since the 1880s, when Spain reclaimed a main position in America due to her condition of former empire.  Each project used different tools and discourses in order to gain the American public opinion. During the 1920s there were different and controversial situations. In my paper I will do an overview about the main ideas, objectives and actions from these two projects, focusing in the aforementioned decade, followed by an analysis of the clashes, tensions, and problems that arose, like the Sixth Pan-American Conference in La Habana, in 1928.

Carella's diary constitutes a key text in Latin American queer thought, identity, politics, and performance. This chapter demonstrates how Carella's work raises important issues related to the failure of binaries, such as national/transnational, centre/periphery, hetero/homosexualities, North/South hegemony - which in Carella's case means  the challenge of the notion of pan-Americanism - as well as racial and social dichotomies.

Uma das últimas decisões dos países latino-americanos antes de ser instituída a OEA- Organização dos Países Americanos- em Bogotá, em 1948, foi a criação de uma universidade interamericana, no Panamá. O Brasil comprometeu-se com esse projeto, ao lado dos países signatários, colaborando com a elaboração de seu estatuto e participando das primeiras articulações para que a iniciativa desse certo, o que, infelizmente, não ocorreu.

RESUMEN El objetivo del artículo es analizar la organización del Concurso Latinoame-ricano de Literatura, al cual convocó en 1940 la Unión Panamericana. La finalidad del certamen era premiar obras inéditas de autores latinoamerica-nos. El concurso fue un instrumento de diplomacia cultural, diseñado para fungir como eje articulador entre las principales redes literarias del continen-te y promover entre lectores, editores y escritores el ideal de la solidaridad panamericana en el contexto de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A diferencia de otros proyectos de cooperación interamericana éste no fue una iniciativa promovida unilateralmente desde Estados Unidos, sino que estuvo organiza-do por un órgano multilateral que incluía la participación de actores e insti-tuciones latinoamericanos.

Abstract | In recent years, historians have focused on efforts at the turn of the 20th century by Alejandro Álvarez, Luis María Drago, and Baltasar Brum (all Southern Cone diplomats) to foster continental cooperation by Pan-Americanizing the Monroe Doctrine. Overlooked in this endeavor are the remarkable activities of Colombian author, journalist, and diplomat, Santiago Pérez Triana. Using primary and secondary sources, this article analyzes Pérez Triana’s support of the Drago Doctrine at the 1907 Hague Convention, his speeches at the Pan-American Financial Conference in 1915, and his essays published in Hispania, a journal that he edited between 1912 and 1916, to show how he won the respect of American and European diplomats by emerging as an influential spokesman for Pan-Americanizing the Monroe Doctrine and for hemispheric unity.

Resumen | En los últimos años, los historiadores se han concentrado en los esfuerzos realizados a comienzos del siglo XX por Alejandro Álvarez, Luis María Drago y Baltasar Brum (todos diplomáticos del Cono Sur) para fomentar la cooperación continental mediante la panamericanización de la Doctrina Monroe. Se han pasado por alto en este esfuerzo las notables actividades del autor, periodista y diplomático colombiano, Santiago Pérez Triana. Utilizando fuentes primarias y secundarias, este artículo analiza el apoyo de Pérez Triana a la Doctrina Drago en la Convención de la Haya de 1907, sus discursos en la Conferencia Financiera Panamericana de 1915 y sus ensayos publicados en Hispania —revista editada por él mismo entre 1912 y 1916— para mostrar cómo él ganó el respeto de los diplomáticos americanos y europeos al constituirse en un portavoz influyente de la panamericanización de la Doctrina Monroe y de la unidad hemisférica.

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The term “Latin America” emerged around the middle of the nineteenth century with the intention of indicating or stimulating a cultural, social, and geographical link. Since the late nineteenth century, the terms Pan American or Pan Americanism were forged from an expansionist political strategy in order to obtain commercial advantages for the United States. At the beginning of the 1960s, after the Cuban Revolution, the Alliance for Progress helped to blur some of the region’s  individualities, and Pan Americanism seemed to impose itself on Latin Americanism. In this socio-political context, between 1963 and 1971, the Latin American Center of Advanced Musical Studies (CLAEM) of the Torcuato Di Tella Institute in Buenos Aires gathered Latin American  fellows to train in advanced techniques of composition.
Through traces present in various writings and musical productions, this work aims to show the multiplicity of proposals intended to define what Latin American music was or should has been during the 1960s. In the field of so-called “art music,” the Latin American quality was contingent on the expectations and wishes of the recipients and producers of the music. In this sense, I will explain how writings (books, articles, and letters), mainly by Gilbert Chase and Alberto Ginastera, created a construct of Latin American music and to what extent musical works responded to those models.

In 1940, in the context of the so-called “good neighbor policy,” regent Leopold Stokowski (1882-1977) visited some South American countries on a tour with the All-American Youth Orchestra. Through the analysis of press sources and the Villa-Lobos Museum documentary collection, this article aims to illuminate aspects related to the recording of the album Native Brazilian Music, which brought together, under Stokowski’s initiative, some exponents of popular music from Rio de Janeiro – such as Donga, Pixinguinha, and João da Baiana. The paper discusses the role played by musicians in the diplomatic sphere and argues that one of the effects of the “good neighbor policy” was to create a specular game in which, despite the continent’s alleged cultural unity, the approach fostered discussions about national identity, difference and resistance.