(Documento preparado por el Instituto Kroc y un amplio equipo de trabajo. Mi rol en este esfuerzo conjunto ha sido como Representante del Instituto Kroc en Colombia y Coordinador de la Inciativa Barómetro de la cual surge este informe).... more
(Documento preparado por el Instituto Kroc y un amplio equipo de trabajo. Mi rol en este esfuerzo conjunto ha sido como Representante del Instituto Kroc en Colombia y Coordinador de la Inciativa Barómetro de la cual surge este informe). Más información: https://kroc.nd.edu/research/peace-processes-accords/pam-colombia/ Este informe presenta los resultados del seguimiento y análisis del estado efectivo de la implementación del Acuerdo Final de Colombia realizado por el Instituto Kroc. Lo presentamos en respuesta a la invitación recibida y la responsabilidad asignada al Instituto por el Gobierno de Colombia y las FARC-EP en el epígrafe 6.3.2 del Acuerdo Final. Allí, se le pide al Instituto Kroc, entre otras funciones, que diseñe una metodología para identificar los avances en la implementación de los acuerdos brindando soporte técnico de seguimiento, verificación y acompañamiento a la implementación a la Comisión de Seguimiento Impulso y Verificación a la Implementación del Acuerdo de Paz (CSIVI) y al Componente Internacional de Verificación (CIV) del Acuerdo de Paz a través de informes regulares. Este informe se construye con una amplia base empírica que incluye más de 3.500 eventos de implementación, validados y sistematizados por el equipo del Instituto Kroc en una gran base de datos. Los porcentajes de avance que se presentan en las diversas tablas surgen de un análisis empírico y de un ejercicio de codificación de la información hasta al 31 de agosto del 2017. Para los otros avances cuantitativos posteriores al 31 de agosto que se presentan en este texto, se cita la fecha actualizada y la fuente en que se apoya esa información. El análisis cualitativo que acompaña la información empírica validada y recopilada, se realiza a partir de espacios de diálogo y reflexión compartidos con más de 180 actores territoriales y nacionales en Colombia con los que el Instituto Kroc ha venido construyendo relaciones de cooperación.
The years following the Colombian Congress’ 2016 approval of peace accords with the country’s oldest and largest guerrilla army have brought into stark relief Cynthia Enloe’s assertion that “wars don’t simply end, and wars don’t end... more
The years following the Colombian Congress’ 2016 approval of peace accords with the country’s oldest and largest guerrilla army have brought into stark relief Cynthia Enloe’s assertion that “wars don’t simply end, and wars don’t end simply.” As Colombia and the international community grapple with the complexity of constructing a society at peace, it is essential to listen to Colombian feminists’ visions of what a true and lasting peace would look like. While the feminist gains evinced by the accords represent a significant step forward, my research with feminist peace networks during the negotiations points to a still broader vision of peace that has not yet been embodied by the accords or their implementation. I argue that the antimilitarist, antineoliberal and antipatriarchal peace envisioned by feminist activists is more comprehensive, more transformative and more stable than that contained in the accords, and offer predictions of how feminists might pursue their vision in the post-accords reality.
Der Ende 2016 ausgehandelte Friedensvertrag zwischen der kolumbianischen Regierung und der ältesten lateinamerikanischen Guerilla Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) beendete einen mehr als 50 Jahre... more
Der Ende 2016 ausgehandelte Friedensvertrag zwischen der kolumbianischen Regierung und der ältesten lateinamerikanischen Guerilla Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia – Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP) beendete einen mehr als 50 Jahre anhaltenden bewaffneten Konflikt und wurde international gefeiert. Doch mit der Unterzeichnung dieses Friedensschlusses sind die Probleme nicht gelöst, der Aufbau eines stabilen und dauerhaften Friedens ist in vielerlei Hinsicht noch unsicher. Trotz weitgehend erfolgreicher Demobilisierung und der Waffenabgabe der FARC-EP sowie einer allgemeinen Reduktion der Gewalt stieg die Anzahl der Morde an „sozialen Anführerinnen und Anführern“ seit 2016 kontinuierlich an und erreichte 2018 einen nie zuvor dokumentierten Höchststand. Vor diesem Hintergrund sucht der vorliegende Report nach den Ursachen und Bedingungen, die diesem jüngsten Anstieg der Gewalt zugrunde liegen.
One day in 1999 a woman by the name of Regina José Galindo decided to hang herself barefoot from an impossibly high arch in the downtown post office of Guatemala City. Like a black-haired angel wearing a long wrinkled white dress, she... more
One day in 1999 a woman by the name of Regina José Galindo decided to hang herself barefoot from an impossibly high arch in the downtown post office of Guatemala City. Like a black-haired angel wearing a long wrinkled white dress, she descended from above to a confused crowd, honking cars and police whistling, while clinging with both hands to the cable that dropped her above the crowd.
Although there has been a good deal of political and research focus on including women in peace negotiations at various levels and through various mechanisms, with an emphasis on involving women’s civil society organizations, there has... more
Although there has been a good deal of political and research focus on including women in peace negotiations at various levels and through various mechanisms, with an emphasis on involving women’s civil society organizations, there has been much less attention paid to the ongoing role of women’s groups in the implementation process and their importance for making peace accords actually work. Even more unusual is to emphasize for this stage in the conflict cycle the ongoing power and potential of mediation (broadly defined), as done by women’s organizations. It is the potential high impact of such work in creating a sustainable peace that we want to emphasize here.
This policy brief is based on interviews with leaders of 14 women’s organizations across Colombia engaged in this sort of work, conducted in June of 2017. Details of these groups and their work is included in the final report for this project. It also benefitted from deeper discussions with leaders of two of these organizations at a workshop held in Tampere, Finland, in October of 2017, and their exchanges with women mediators from Burundi and representatives of Finnish NGOs that support mediation, also at that workshop. Background conversations with a variety of experts in Colombia also nourished the analysis, as did a previous two years of closely following and collecting Colombian and international press coverage of struggles over gender in the peace accords. This work was funded by the Office of the Prime Minister of Finland, through the project “Inclusive Mediation and Conflict Prevention: The Finnish Model”.
With much more development than in other peace accords, the Colombian Final Agreement includes a series of transversal and differential aspirations, principles and criteria of an equitable character that reflect a human rights-based... more
With much more development than in other peace accords, the Colombian Final Agreement includes a series of transversal and differential aspirations, principles and criteria of an equitable character that reflect a human rights-based approach to the process of building peace. The inclusion of these transversal themes is one of the most distinctive and innovative features of the Colombian agreement. Evaluating the implementation of these themes is fundamental to understanding the fulfillment of the political commitments in the agreement and assessing the overall quality of the peace process.
