Political participation of ethnic minorities

In the current context of generalized Islamophobia and the proliferation of anti-discrimination organizations, this article aims to analyze the willingness of Muslims to participate in some kind of common initiative, focused or not on the fight against discrimination. The objective is to find out if among Muslims in Madrid a common awareness of subalternity exists, based on their Muslimness, which structures any expression of claims-making, whether collectively organized or not. We investigate the nature of such claims by applying Fraser’s status model (2000) to the materials obtained from six discussion groups held in October 2016.

The literature and international instruments of protection of minority rights dealing with the research of minorities focuses on the issue of effective participation of national minorities as
well. The aim of the paper is to analyse institutional possibilities of political participation of national minorities in Serbia with regard to some practical implications. The paper researched the constitutional possibilities of political participation of minorities in Serbia from 2000 until present time through the qualitative analysis of primary and secondary literature. It can be stated that institutional assumptions of participation of minorities in Serbia correspond to highest international standards. However sound constitutional model does not automatically means the high impact of minorities on the governance and political processes. The issue of a practical impact of the constitutional model of minority participation must therefore be researched in the future.

The main goal of the present position paper is to set an interpretative framework for the study of the role of origin countries and societies in influencing the political participation of immigrants.
Considering that we are opening a new research line within the existing literature on political participation of immigrants and integration, we first consider the more classic methodological approaches in this field to understand the existing gaps. Secondly we consider other literature’s fields, namely diaspora policies and transnational politics, allowing for a deeper identification of the influence of the countries and societies of origin.
Then, we map state and non-state actors implicated in the countries of origin, their strategies, and how they overcome the difficulties in their action. On the one hand, we consider specifically state actors’ strategies and interactions with emigrants, both in conventional and unconventional forms of political participation, as well as the issue of external voting, as a paradigmatic example of conventional political participation towards origin countries. On the other hand, we look at non-state actors and their strategies to influence migrant political participation, towards the destination and origin countries.
In parallel, we introduce some relevant case studies underlining and exemplifying the role and the impact of origin countries’ actors on political participation of migrants, both in their host and home countries.
Afterwards, we propose a framework to interpret those relations between the different actors in origin countries and migrants in the field of political participation. Finally, we identify the gaps in the scientific knowledge that deserve to be covered in the next steps of Interact project, we point out the key factors influencing migrants’ political participation that deserve deeper research, and we underline the specific questions to answer to fill the gap in the knowledge of those interactions.

The paper attempts to answer the following questions: What is the role of Croatian political parties in minority participation in general? Which political options have managed to foster multi-ethnic political profile? Do ethnically based political parties predominantly attract minority electorate, or minority members tend to vote for civil political options? Do national minority electoral provisions, the reserved seats for minority MPs, as well as the special minority electoral unit, raise a risk of intimidation and discrimination? Has political representation been achieved primarily through minority parties at regional and local level? What role the kin states play in formation and maintenance of minority political parties? Are there several minority parties representing a single minority and what room is there for plural views within minority parties? Finally, answering specificities of the Croatian political context, the paper seeks to find out what has been the impact of Serb deputies supporting the HDZ government since 2003 at the local level and whether the minority councils had implications on the representation of minorities at local level?

The main goal of the present position paper is to create an interpretative framework for the role of origin countries and societies in influencing the political participation of immigrants. Considering that we are opening a new line of research within the literature on political participation of immigrants and integration, we first consider the more classic methodological approaches in this field: this is to understand better any gaps. Second we consider other fields in the literature, namely diaspora policies and transnational politics. This is to allow a deeper identification of the influence of the countries and societies of origin. Then, we map state and non-state actors implicated in the countries of origin, their strategies, and how they overcome difficulties in their actions. On the one hand, we consider state actors’ strategies and interactions with emigrants, both in conventional and unconventional forms of political participation: as well as the issue of external voting, a...

The statement was presented on August 9th 2021 during the press conference of the Coalition Parliamentary Club of the Left concerning the project of deputies' bill changing the Act on National and Ethnic Minorities and on the Regional Language (draft filed on July 7th 2021, no. EW-020-585/21) / Stanowisko przedstawione zostało 9 sierpnia 2021 r. na konferencji prasowej Koalicyjnego Klubu Parlamentarnego Lewicy dotyczącej poselskiego projektu ustawy o zmianie ustawy o mniejszościach narodowych i etnicznych oraz języku regionalnym (projekt złożony 9.07.2021 r., nr EW-020-585/21). / Dy śtełnan wiöd gywejza ȧ 9-da śjerpjyń 2021 ufer preskonferencyj fum Koalicyjnikja Parlamentaryśa Klub fun Łynkiśa, wo zy traktjyt fum posełyśa projekt fum gyzec fun klina felkjyn ȧn etnyśa klinfelkjyn ȧn regjonalśpröh (der projekt ogan ȧ 9.07.2021, nr EW-020-585/21).

There are two channels for achieving the representation of national minorities in representative bodies. One of them is the inclusion of minority representatives on mainstream party lists, while the other is their self-organization via ethnic parties. The arrangements pertinent to the organization of European Parliament elections hypothetically provide citizens with equal opportunities to be elected, regardless of their belonging to national minorities. However, some EU Member States are characterized by a relatively ethnically homogeneous population combined with a small number of allocated MEP mandates. Based on the empirical evidence from Lithuania, this article assesses the feasibility of the use of the two channels by politicians with a minority background in relation to their being elected MEPs, and shows that the latter methods represent two different types of representation according to Pitkin’s concept. The article concludes that being elected via the mainstream party lists requires a politician to have a high profile in the public life of Lithuania, whereas the success of use of the monopolized ethnic channel is contingent on the general electoral condition of the ethnic party and its capacity to sustain its constituency among the country’s national minorities. The text’s findings provide a country-specific illustration that may also be applicable in the wider context of East Central Europe in relation to studies focused on the electoral performances of ethnic parties and the inclusion of minority representatives in the activities of mainstream parties.

The main goal of the present position paper is to create an interpretative framework for the role of origin countries and societies in influencing the political participation of immigrants. Considering that we are opening a new line of research within the literature on political participation of immigrants and integration, we first consider the more classic methodological approaches in this field: this is to understand better any gaps. Second we consider other fields in the literature, namely diaspora policies and transnational politics. This is to allow a deeper identification of the influence of the countries and societies of origin. Then, we map state and non-state actors implicated in the countries of origin, their strategies, and how they overcome difficulties in their actions. On the one hand, we consider state actors’ strategies and interactions with emigrants, both in conventional and unconventional forms of political participation: as well as the issue of external voting, a...

The article deals with the system of political participation of the Roma in Slovenia, focusing on the municipal level. It contains an analysis of the development of the legal regulation of political representation of the Roma and the system of electing Roma municipal councillors. There is discussion of problems connected with the establishment of the institute of Roma municipal councillors, resulting mainly from unclear and inadequate legislation. The article further discusses the role and importance of the Roma Community Council as the umbrella Roma organisation in Slovenia. The introduction of the institute of Roma municipal councillors is seen as an important step forward in the political inclusion of the Roma, while the current form and way of working of the Roma Community Council are not believed to offer the right foundations for the development of legitimate and effective Roma representation at the national level.

Vloga slovenskih krovnih organizacij SKGZ in SSO pri politični participaciji Slovencev v Italiji V prispevku je predstavljen razmislek o vlogi slovenskih krovnih organizacij SKGZ in SSO pri politični participaciji Slovencev v Italiji. Na osnovi teoretičnih virov avtorici izpostavljata pomembne vidike koristnosti obstoja krovnih organizacij kot mehanizma politične participacije narodnih manjšin. Na osnovi izsledkov empirične raziskave o predstavništvu in organiziranosti slovenske skupnosti v Italiji pa predstavita ključne dileme, s katerimi se soočata SKGZ in SSO pri svojem delovanju, predvsem na področjih reprezentativnosti, procesov odločanja (in organiziranosti) ter vodenja (in z njim po-vezanega načina delovanja krovnih organizacij), in razmišljata o možnih rešitvah. Ključne besede: krovna organizacija, SKGZ, SSO, politična participacija, Slovenci v Italiji.

The paper discusses the role of the Slovene umbrella organizations SKGZ and SSO in the field of political participation of Slovenes in Italy. From a theoretical point of vhew the authors highlight important aspects of the role of umbrella organizations as a view of political participation of national minorities. Moreover, based on the results of an empirical study on representation in organizations of the Slovene community in Italy, they analyse major dilemmas of their functioning related to representation, decision-making processes (in the organization) and leadership and introduce a discussion on possible solutions.

The respect for Human Rights and for minority protection are important issues in the enlargement policy and one of the main Copenhagen Criteria for accession to the EU for aspiring states. This study case analyses the role of EU through its enlargement policy in the situation of minority rights protection in Kosovo as a potential candidate country. The research focuses on the EU approach in regard to the right of political participation of national minorities in the enlargement countries, then the assessment of Kosovo's progress in the area of Roma Community's political participation and challenges on the ground. Study is based on the analysis of the European Commission annual progress reports for Kosovo in the period after independence until now and also on the issued reports by the Advisory Committe of the Council of Europe on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (FCNM) in the same period. Research finding further showed that within Kosovo's communities, it is Roma community which remains the most unprotected and powerless ones, especially concerning to their political participation.

This paper examines opportunities and possibilities for national minority councils (NMC's) to serve as a channel for dialogue and cooperation between national minorities, governmental authorities and non-governmental organisations within the Republic of Serbia and across this state. The main objective of this paper is to review the constitutional and legal framework of trans-ethnic cooperation in Serbia. In order to achieve this, I am analysing the constitutional and legal status of NMC's, and their competences and role in the trans-ethnic cooperation in Serbia and across it. The model of trans-ethnic cooperation and its functioning in practice is analysed especially within the case study of the Slovak NMC in Serbia. The previous framework of cooperation was restricted by the decision of the Serbian Constitutional Court in 2014. Remaining opportunities and possibilities for NMC's in trans-ethnic cooperation are not fully used in practice. There is no systematic cooperation of the Slovak NMC with other organisations of ethnicities within and across Serbia. Trans-ethnic cooperation is not so common and is conducted usually on an ad hoc basis. Nevertheless, the existing institutional and legal model for trans-ethnic cooperation is relatively good. NMC's can and should be active agents fostering trans-ethnic cooperation in and beyond Serbia.

The paper examines participation through representation in elected bodies and participation in consultative bodies for Slovenes in Italy. The legal framework for political participation for Slovenes in Italy is also discussed. Recent legal reforms of the Italian public administration at national and regional levels are considered since they reduce the level of the participation of Slovene representatives in decision-making processes, as well as limiting the public use of Slovene. The analysis shows that the presence of Slovene-speaking elected representatives in some municipalities has not yet been accomplished. Moreover, the question of various forms of political participation at the level of legal provisions on the rights of Slovenes in Italy remains unsettled.

By the 2010s, in managing ethno-cultural diversity, the minority self-governments in Croatia and Hungary, the self-governing ethnic communities in Slovenia and the minority national councils in Serbia appear to best exemplify the elected variant of non-territorial cultural autonomy in the region. Yet, surprisingly little research has been devoted to assessing the extent to which these regimes meet minority demands, how group members become active within these systems and, overall, to developing criteria to evaluate their effectiveness. The relevant literature findings point out how the implementation and practice, as well as the competences of these organisations, vary between states, but they also emphasise the need to support bottom-up activities and to strengthen democratic accountability and effective representation. This argumentation gives prominence to minority elections as a potential tool for identifying and critically assessing intra-group dynamics. To address the issues above, the paper seeks to measure the extent to which these autonomies are able to cover and mobilise the often territorially dispersed and highly assimilated group members by comparing registration and voter turnout at minority elections with census and other electoral data (e.g. votes for ethnic parties at parliamentary elections). In light of the institutional incentives for ethnic representation, it also investigates whether there are differences in ethnic voting across these countries, minority communities and elections and how adaptive these regimes are to intra-group changes. Based on electoral and census statistics, interviews and country experiences, the paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of the general patterns of cultural autonomies and their elections in the countries in question and to assess whether they can be considered as successful forms of diversity management with the potential to preserve minority identities.

The tribal societies have been stagnant for a vey long time; since they have been devoid of their right over land and resources under colonial rule and subsequently the under various national governments. Therefore they are neither in transition nor in progress. In fact, when the very existence of a community itself is in question, the thought of transition (in a positive sense) or progress is remains to be only a notion. The process of transition (in a positive sense-change from good to better) should be subjected to all round transformation in its existence. The right and privileges of the community needs to be expanded, according to the progressive changes that are witnessed among any other communities. Arguably, the issues of Indigenous community hardly find a place among the immediate concern of rulers or mainstream policy analysts. The existence and identity of an individual or a group in a rural settlement is largely linked to the right over land to which they fend for life. The slogan " Land to the Tillers " is almost disappeared from the political lexicon of major political parties. Despite, long struggles and resistance (like Nilpusamaram of Adivasi Gotra Samrakhshana Samiti) which brought the issues of tribals into public attention, much has not been changed. The apathy of the law makers, irrespective of colour of the flag or ideological orientations which they are being identified with Right or Left Wing, pushes the land questions related to Indigenous community a non-issue. The tribal community till today has not been established as an organized political group with a say on the electoral process. As we know, the political orientation is a direct result of the investment in educational and cultural arena. In this spheres, the Indigenous community in general have been excluded from schooling for generations. Any attempt on the assertion on the right of the community is fragile and can easily be exploited by an outsider with ulterior motives.