Post-Socialism

During the 1990s, a long historical cycle of Bucharest came to an end. From the mid-19th century on, industry became an important economic and cultural presence in Bucharest's landscape. During the last 10-15 years it began to contract. Along with other urban processes such as urbanization, gentrification and emergence of ghettos, deindustrialization represents a major trend in Bucharest's recent history. Deindustrialization is both an economic and a cultural transformation. This volume uses insights from urban geography, heritage studies and urban history in order to understand the landscape of deindustrialization, situated between the fetish of gated communities and post-industrial wasteland.

Contents:

Chapter 1. Dezindustrialization and changes of urban landscape
Chapter 2. Postindustrial nostalgia, industrial heritage and refunctionalization
Chapter 3. The geography, history and the memory of Bucharest's industrialization
Chapter 4. Current usage of industrial spaces and the new urban landscape
Chapter 5. The social life of industrial ruins: The cultural reinsertion of industrial spaces

This study examines the role of political factors in attitudes toward World War II in contemporary Ukraine. The question under examination is which factors determine public views of the principal warring sides and their leaders in Ukraine. This paper uses a representative national survey specifically designed for this research project and conducted by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology in 2012. It analyzes the roles of regionalism, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, age, and sex in attitudes toward the Red Army, Soviet partisans, the German Army (Wehrmacht), and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) during the war, as well as toward the wartime leaders of the Soviet Union, Nazi Germany, and the UPA. The analysis of the survey data shows that regional values, political party preferences, ethnicity, language, and age have significant effects on views of the Soviet Army and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army during the war and attitudes toward the wartime activities of Joseph Stalin and Roman Shukhevych. Public perceptions of the German Army and Adolf Hitler in Ukraine do not vary much across regions, political parties, and ethnic, language, age, and sex groups.

The massacre of almost 50 Maidan protesters on February 20, 2014 was a turning point in Ukrainian politics and a tipping point in the conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. This mass killing of the protesters and the mass shooting of the police that preceded it led to the overthrow of the pro-Russian government of Viktor Yanukovych and gave a start to a civil war in Donbas in Eastern Ukraine, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine. A conclusion promoted by the post-Yanukovych governments and the media in Ukraine that the massacre was perpetrated by government snipers and special police units on a Yanukovych order has been nearly universally accepted by the Western governments, the media, and many scholars. The Ukrainian government investigation identified members of the special company of Berkut as responsible for killings of the absolute majority of the protesters, but did not release any evidence in support, with the exception of videos of the massacre.
              The question is which side organized the “snipers’ massacre.” This paper is the first academic study of this crucial case of the mass killing. It uses a theory of rational choice and a Weberian theory of instrumental rationality to examine actions of major actors both from the Yanukovych government, specifically various police and security forces, and the Maidan opposition, specifically its far right and oligarchic elements, during the massacre.
          The paper analyzes a large amount of evidence from different publicly available sources concerning this massacre and killings of specifics protesters. Qualitative content analysis includes the following data: about 1,500 videos and recordings of live internet and TV broadcasts from mass media and social media in different countries(some 150 gigabytes), news reports and social media posts by more than 100 journalists covering the massacre from Kyiv, some 5,000 photos, and nearly 30 gigabytes of publicly available radio intercepts of snipers and commanders from the special Alfa unit of the Security Service of Ukraine and Internal Troops, and Maidan massacre trial recordings. This study also employs field research on site of the massacre, eyewitness reports by both Maidan protesters and government special units commanders, statements by both former and current government officials, estimates of approximate ballistic trajectories, bullets and weapons used, and types of wounds among both protesters and the police. This study establishes a precise timeline for various events of the massacre, the locations of both the shooters and the government snipers, and the specific timeline and locations of nearly 50 protesters’ deaths. It also briefly analyzes other major cases of violence during and after the “Euromaidan.” This study includes two video appendixes.
            This academic investigation concludes that the massacre was a false flag operation, which was rationally planned and carried out with a goal of the overthrow of the government and seizure of power. It found various evidence of the involvement of an alliance of the far right organizations, specifically the Right Sector and Svoboda, and oligarchic parties, such as Fatherland. Concealed shooters and spotters were located in at least 20 Maidan-controlled buildings or areas. The various evidence that the protesters were killed from these locations include some 70 testimonies, primarily by Maidan protesters, several videos of “snipers” targeting protesters from these buildings, comparisons of positions of the specific protesters at the time of their killing and their entry wounds, and bullet impact signs. The study uncovered various videos and photos of armed Maidan “snipers” and spotters in many of these buildings. The paper presents implications of these findings for understanding the nature of the change of the government in Ukraine, the civil war in Donbas, Russian military intervention in Crimea and Donbas, and an international conflict between the West and Russia over Ukraine.

Political revolutions are, by their very nature, contested events, and liable to remain the subject of conflicting interpretations long after they have turned the existing order upside down and spun it around. This is especially so when they have been violent in their making and then evolved through further cycles of violence and repression, leaving large numbers of people dead and even more traumatised and intimidated into silence. The Zanzibar Revolution is a case in point, and this edited volume, published in association with the French Institute for Research in Africa (IFRA), grapples with collective and individual memories of the events of 12 January 1964 and their aftermath, and the continuing reverberations of these in the everyday life of Zanzibaris both home and abroad.

Social Memory, Silenced Voices, and Political Struggle begins and ends with reflections on the official commemoration of the 50th anniversary of the revolution in 2014, firstly in the editors’ thought-provoking introduction (‘Memory, media, and Mapinduzi: alternative voices of revolution, fifty years later’), latterly in a series of 15 black-and-white photographs by Ania Gruca (‘Capturing the commemoration: a documentary photo essay on the 50th anniversary of the revolution’). Anniversaries provide the islands’ government with a regular opportunity to reproduce its founding narrative, just in case its name (Serikali ya Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar, the Revolutionary Government of Zanzibar) and longstanding slogan (Mapinduzi Daima!, Revolution Forever!) weren’t reminder enough.

There is an increasingly growing literature on the transnational flow of planning ideas that researchers attribute to the interconnected and globalised nature of political systems (Healey, 2013). It seems that ideas move from one place to another with speed and ease, yet the
investigation of this process reveals the dispersing role actors play in negotiating “diffusion” and the complexity that lies within translating and adapting policies (Huxley, 2013). In this essay I will focus on Central Eastern Europe (CEE) as the transition of the formerly socialist block to capitalist liberal democracy provides a particularly illuminating case for understanding and theorising the process of transnational flows of planning ideas.This essay consists of five parts. In the first section through delineating existing theoretical approaches that explain the flow of planning ideas with the help of Healey’s (2013) and Varró and
Bunders (2019), I set out to utilise Huxley’s genealogical methodology to “problematise” such processes. Accordingly, next I give a brief summary of Hungary’s planning history in order to reveal spatial rationalities and discourses which underpinned the “EUropean” (Varró and Faragó, 2016)
reform (Hurton, 2010; Hoffman 2017; Locsmándi 2001; SPECIAL, 2005). Third, I problematise the flows in Hungarian planning and show how policy objectives were hollowed out because of an uncritical pursuit of policy ideals (Medve-Bálint, 2018), resulted in quasi-failure because of excessive volatility (Kemmerling and Makszin, 2018), and were sabotaged due to deeply rooted debates about planning ideals (Varró and Faragó, 2016). Fourth, argue for a the need of a multiscalar perspective in the theorisations of policy flows and the continuing relevance of the problematisation of European policies in the region (Varró and Faragó, 2019). Fifth, problematise the ideological framework of liberal planning, the normative demand of participation set by “EU democratisation project” Gille, 2010).

L’enquête de Norah Benarrosh-Orsoni nous plonge, comme dans un roman, au coeur de la vie quotidienne de familles roms installées à Montreuil. On y découvre le surprenant parcours de personnes vivant dans deux pays. En région parisienne, dans les villages roumains et sur les routes qui relient l’Est et l’Ouest, on les voit déployer des trésors d’imagination pour vivre ensemble malgré la distance, s’approprier différents espaces de vie, concevoir et construire peu à peu leur maison ici et là-bas.
Dans un contexte français de forte polarisation autour de politiques publiques répressives ou inclusives, cette recherche prend à rebours les approches attendues, privilégiant les parcours individuels et familiaux pour donner à voir un processus migratoire en train de s’inventer. Examinant par le menu les usages, circulations et détournements des objets au sein des espaces domestiques, l’anthropologue décrit la mise en place d’une véritable économie de prestige, dans laquelle les colis et cadeaux en direction des parents restés au village prennent une place prépondérante.
Parmi les signes de réussite matérielle, la maison, rénovée ou construite en Roumanie, fait office d’emblème. Cette maison semble devoir vivre dans un état de perpétuel inachèvement, comme pour souligner combien le projet de vie de ses propriétaires est toujours, lui aussi, en devenir.
Ces maisonnées roms, devenues transnationales, racontent l’histoire d’un double ancrage, comparable à d’autres migrations contemporaines. Le livre invite ainsi à porter un regard renouvelé sur l’un des phénomènes les plus commentés de notre époque.

The essays in Globalization on the Margins explore the continuities and changes in Central Asian education development since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Reflecting on two decades of post-socialist transformations, they reveal that education systems in Central Asia responded to the rapidly changing political, economic, and social environment in profoundly new and unique ways. Some countries moved towards Western models, others went backwards, and still others followed entirely new trajectories. Yet, elements of the “old” system remain. Rather than viewing these post-Soviet transformations in isolation, Globalization on the Margins places its analyses within the global context by reflecting on the interaction between Soviet legacies and global education reform pressures in the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan. Instead of portraying the transition process as the influx of Western ideas into the region, the authors provide new lenses to critically examine the multidirectional flow of ideas, concepts, and reform models within Central Asia.

Notwithstanding the variety of theoretical perspectives, methodological approaches, and conceptual lenses, the authors have one thing in common: both individually and collectively, they reveal the complexity and uncertainty of the post-Soviet transformations. By highlighting the political nature of the transformation processes and the uniqueness of historical, political, social, and cultural contexts of each particular country, Globalization on the Margins portrays post-Soviet education transformations as complex, multidimensional, and uncertain processes.

Monografija Danila Vukovića predstavlja prvu celovitu sociološko-pravnu studiju o transformaciji socijalne politike u Srbiji pod uticajem neoliberalizma. Studija se temelji na autorovoj doktorskoj disertaciji (“Društveni uslovi stvaranja i primene socijalnog prava u Srbiji”), odbranjenoj 2012. godine, i nizu samostalnih ili koautorskih istraživanja nastalih od 2011. do godine objavljivanja monografije. Prema rečima autora, primarni cilj studije je da opiše promene socijalnog zakonodavstva u sferama obrazovanja, socijalne zaštite i rada i njihove ishode od 2000. godine, dok je sekundarni cilj objašnjenje sukoba društvenih grupa koji stoje u pozadini transformacije socijalne politike. Iz sociološke perspektive sekundarni cilj je daleko značajniji, jer nam polje
socijalne politike prikazuje kao poprište borbe oko kontrole nad strateškim resursima koji definišu okvire reprodukcije klasa u Srbiji tokom deblokirane postsocijalističke transformacije. Prema tome, stanovište autora jeste da klase kao društvene grupe jesu subjekti kolektivnog delanja, a da se kolektivno delanje ostvaruje putem organizacija ili mreža koje povezuju pripadnike iste klase. U fokusu studije su strategije reprodukcije srednje klase i elite, jer su ove klase bile u mogućnosti da formiraju dovoljno moćne saveze koji su branili njihove udele u kontroli resursa.

Over nineteen years, a significant restructuring has taken place across Central Europe’s industrial landscape. The crisis and decline of state-owned industry had initiated a wide de-industrialisation process, transforming post-socialist states into service-dominated economies. Nonetheless, industry has not lost its role in shaping spatial formations, and maintains a leading role in influencing competitiveness. “Post-industrial development” – a process which does not denote an industry-free growth trajectory even in advanced economies – is not yet an option for the majority of Central European regions: there is a need both for the further development of established industry, and the reindustrialisation of under-industrialised or de-industrialised peripheries.

In this paper, I briefly discuss the de-industrialisation process that has taken place in Central Europe, with an eye towards its spatial legacy: the various roles industry plays today in different types of regions. Naturally, industrial development is characterised by substantial inertia, where the staying power of previously existing structures, productive and institutional legacies continue to have a long-term effect on current possibilities and future growth opportunities. These questions are explored in the second part, while in the third, I discuss the case of Upper Silesia, Poland, as a successful example of industrial restructuring.

This book examines the ways Cuban families struggle to access food and maintain a decent quality of life as the socialist welfare state continues to falter in post-Soviet Cuba. Drawing on long-term ethnographic research in Santiago de Cuba, book reveals how Cuban families struggle to acquire food and assemble “a decent meal,” a local social category where families determine whether food quality and cultural-appropriateness meet their standards. The research illuminates the social and emotional dimensions of the practices of food acquisition. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s and subsequent the loss of its most significant trade partner, Cuba entered a period of economic hardship known as the “Special Period.” Although new trade agreements have significantly improved the quantity and quality of rationed food, supplies have not returned to Soviet-era levels. Several years after the worst scarcities of the Special Period, many people from Santiago reported that they continued to live with food shortages and economic hardship. This book reveals that one of the most common ways of dealing with food scarcity, was “luchando la vida” (struggling for life): the arduous task of finding ingredients seen as essential to what is considered a “decent” meal. To understand this situation, the book introduces “the politics of adequacy,” which details how people resist and make sense of scarcity or changing availability of basic life necessities, such as food. This work is based on intensive ethnographic fieldwork inside the homes of 22 families in Santiago de Cuba, the island’s second largest city. Spanning neighborhood, social class, household income level, and skin color, this book captures previously undocumented details of household dynamics, community interaction, and individual reflections on everyday life in Cuba today.

Book Keywords: Food, Cuba, Socialism, Inequality, Consumption, Adequacy, Caribbean, Distribution, Household, Everyday Life

Murawski’s article examines the political economy and political aesthetics of public space in contemporary Russia, focusing on Zaryadye Park. It argues that the current transformation of public space in Russia is at the epicentre of a global Culture Tree, in which progressive notions of ecology, publicness and hybrid subjectivity are appropriated in the service of an emergent, “recolonial” regime of speculative sovereign capitalism (in Russian)

Verzija prije zadnjih korektura. Hrvatska verzija članka “L'économie de la musique traditionnelle en Croatie postsocialiste”, obj. 2013. u Ethnologie française 43/2: 255-265.
Autorica slijedi tijek novca na polju tradicijske glazbe u Hrvatskoj u prošlosti i danas. Raščlanjuje usmjerenost glazbeništva prema dominantno ekonomskom, društvenom ili simboličkom kapitalu. No, razmatrajući postsocijalističko razdoblje, ukazuje na opći trend sve snažnijeg vezivanja glazbeništva kao kulturnog kapitala s ekonomskim. Na kraju zaključuje da standardno znanstveno bavljenje “politikom i poetikom” treba nadograditi “ekonomijom” koja je trećim ključnim aspektom glazbenih kultura.

Na początku tej książki jest chaos. Chaos jako sama Warszawa, czyli pełna problemów przestrzeń miejska, oraz „chaos” jako słowo-klucz, którego używamy, by ją krytykować. Demaskując pojęcie „chaosu” jako ideologiczny wytrych, a nawet rodzaj teorii spiskowej, autorka analizuje systemowe porządki, które skrywają się za pozornym chaosem Warszawy: od logiki przestrzennej globalizacji po nieudane projekty reform, od upadku kooperatyw ogrodniczych na Białołęce po kredyty we frankach i lokalny szowinizm, od przedwojennej „akcji terenowej” Starzyńskiego po legalistyczne fikcje reprywatyzacji. Czy warszawski chaos przestrzenny jest rzeczywiście „ustawowo zaprogramowany”? Co miało pierwotnie powstać w miejscu osiedla Derby na Białołęce? Kto nam ukradł konflikt o własność? Książka ta jest nie tylko systemową analizą najistotniejszych procesów, które ukształtowały przestrzeń Warszawy po 1990 roku. Jest również autoanalizą nas samych jako miejskiej wspólnoty, która – żyjąc w mieście – interpretuje jego przemiany.

This paper explores Tirana's growth as a process of urban block formation across two starkly differentiated ideological periods: the socialist (1945-1991) and the post-socialist (1992-present). It examines the effects of this ideological shift on Tirana's urban development presented as an informal morphogenetic process of block deconstruction; a process with major implications for pedestrian and vehicular circulation, building accessibility, land use, land parcelling and building form. The evolution of Tirana's block layout is explored through three neighbourhood case studies comprising blocks arranged according to Soviet planning models. These were originally formed as semi-perimeter or free standing residential blocks with large public open spaces enclosed within or around the block. Tirana's growth has been dramatically shaped by the sudden shift in the ruling ideology and capacity of planning authorities, leading to almost a tripling of the capital's population in less than a decade, through the systematic appropriation of open space by newcomers in need of somewhere to live, local opportunists and speculative developers. The paper uses the capital city as a case study to comment on the morphological dimension of social change in post-socialist Albania and the way in which 'planned 'and 'unplanned' urban environments have contributed to the emergence of distinctive modes of urban life.

Wie postsozialistische Wohlfahrtsregime angemessen begriffen und typologisch eingeordnet werden können, bleibt umstritten. Entsprechende Versuche seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre reichen von „marktsozialistisch“ (Kornai 2001), „sozialdemokratisch“ über „(postkommunistisch) konservativ korporatistisch“ bzw. „bismarckisch“(Deacon 1992; Kovacs 2003; J. Szalai 2005) bis hin zur Diagnose („gemäßigt“) „liberaler Regime“ in Mittelost- und Osteuropa (Götting 1998; Ferge 2001; E. Szalai 2005).

This article analyses the drafting of the document eventually printed as the Nineteen Propositions. Section two addresses certain issues regarding the methods and concepts employed in the subsequent analysis, focusing on consensus-building, constitutional leanings and the drafting of parliamentary declarations in early 1642. Section three examines the origins of the Nineteen Propositions in the draft Declaration of Ways and Means (January 1642) (hereafter cited as the Ways). Section four traces the emergence of the Declaration Concerning Grievances and Remedies (hereafter cited as the Grievances) from the Ways (January–February). Section five examines the junta's efforts to overcome the Lords' prevarication over passing the Grievances (February–May). Section six examines the emergence of the initial draft of the Nineteen Propositions from the Grievances (24–7 May). Section seven analyses the 28 May draft, while section eight explores the amendment of that draft (31 May and 1 June). Section nine examines parliament's abortive attempts to revise the Nineteen Propositions in light of His Majesty's Answer to the XIX Propositions (21 June–2 July). It is concluded that, contrary to the received view, the text of the Nineteen Propositions began to emerge in January rather than May 1642, and that the junta in the Commons rather than the Lords drove this process.The three appendices identify, respectively, the constitutional leanings of the relevant parliamentarians, the parts of the text of the Ways that were repeated in the Grievances, and dates on which the various parts of the final text of the Nineteen Propositions were written.

Albania spent much of the 20th century under one of Europe’s most ideologically repressive regimes. In
order to justify and ostensibly protect this system, the Albanian Communist regime (1944–1992)
constructed a massive array of defensive works, which formed a major piece of the Hoxhaist (after
Enver Hoxha) aesthetic. Twenty years after the fall of Communism, Albanians have gained the freedom to
travel abroad, but have largely avoided addressing the legacy of this difficult past within their own society.
Based on the theory that some aspects of traumatic memory can be addressed through confronting and resignifying
material heritage, we explore some localized cases in order to comprehend the roots of this
concrete legacy, combining theoretical analysis with field experiences in collaboration with the Gjirokastra
Foundation. We suggest one possible approach to the difficult process of creating open community
dialogue to deal with the scars of a traumatic past and thus begin the healing process.

This module will provide a close reading of some of the key texts from the early writings of Karl Marx, examining some of the most important elements of Marx’s contribution to political philosophy, up to the publication of The Communist Manifesto in 1848. We will examine a number of aspects of Marx’s thought, including some of the main features of Marx’s relationship to Hegel; Marx’s account of alienation and his critique of capitalism; his critique of bourgeois standards of justice, and the relationship between Marx’s political philosophy and analytic political philosophy; Marx’s views on exploitation and the relation between his political philosophy and his understanding of the dynamics of capitalism; and Marx’s advocacy of a communist society and his account of the transition from capitalism to communism.

Розкрито особливості та закономірності розподілу та перерозподілу доходів населення в умовах трансформації економічних систем посткомуністичних країн. Простежено зміну механізму формування доходів населення у країнах з перехідною економікою в умовах занепаду командно-адміністративної економіки, трансформаційного спаду та економічного зростання. Проаналізовано динаміку доходів населення, особливості їх функціонального та родинного розподілу, а також з’ясовано ефективність використання соціальних трансферів та оподаткування у перерозподілі до
ходів у перехідних економічних системах. Вивчено особливості та закономірності розподілу та перерозподілу доходів населення в умовах ринкової трансформації економіки України.
Для науковців, аспірантів, студентів економічних факультетів та усіх тих, хто цікавиться соціально-економічними проблемами у країнах з перехідною економікою.

Статья посвящена теме зарождения и развития идеологии русскоязычного джихадизма, предшествовавшей той стадии джихадистского движения, которая связана с ближневосточными событиями последних нескольких лет. В статье развивается идея, что тему джихадизма в России необходимо рассматривать не столько в контексте исламской проблемы или как результат влияния из-за рубежа, сколько как пример постсоветского радикализма, который формировался на отечественной идейной и интеллектуальной базе. В работе утверждается, что зарождение и развитие этой содержательно довольно разнообразной идеологии происходило под большим влиянием советских и постсоветских интеллектуальных традиций, которые и сделала эту идеологию такой эффективной в российском контексте.

This article is devoted to the origin and development of the propagandist ideology of Russian-language Jihadism, which is linked with the events in the Middle East over the last few years. It develops the idea that the jihadism in Russia should be considered not so much in the context of the Islamic issue or as a result of the influence of foreign countries, but rather as an example of post-Soviet radicalism, formed on a native ideological and intellectual base. The article states that this meaningfully diverse ideology originated under the influence of Soviet and post-Soviet intellectual traditions, which made this ideology so effective in the Russian context.

This contribution interprets the east-central European post-liberal governments’
recent anti-immigrant, anti-refugee and anti-human-rights hysteria in the context of the increasing dependence of the region’s societies for livelihood on employment in the western EU, the widespread racialization of east European labor in the western EU, and the refusal of east European political elites and societies at large to consider possible “Left” critiques of the EU. Given those circumstances, and laboring under related anxieties, post-state-socialist political elites and societies have assumed a fundamentalist-racialist posture. They redirect their repressed anger toward incoming refugees, claim an ahistorical, essential kind of Whiteness and contribute to rigidifying European discussions of “race.”

To access the article, please follow the link to the publisher https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/slavic-review/article/unbearable-whiteness-of-the-polish-plumber-and-the-hungarian-peacock-dance-around-race/59244B15CB295020E51DF252BDA76604.

If the above link does not work, please look up Slavic Review in your own institution's library website and download the paper from there.

If that fails, please contact the authors at jborocz@rutgers.edu or jborocz@gmail.com or msarkar@binghamton.edu and they will be happy to provide a copy. Sorry for the inconvenience.

Predmet ovog rada je status političkog i emancipacije u literaturi o postsocijalističkim nostalgijama 1 na prostoru bivše Jugoslavije. To znači da se bavim konstrukcijama i načinima kroz koje su fenomeni postsocijalističkih nostalgija u istraživačkim radovima shvaćeni kao politične, odnosne emancipatorne društvene pojave. Cilj analize je dvostruk. Prvi je mapiranje koncepata i pojava koje su shvaćene kao političke ili emancipatorne. Drugi cilj odnosi se na analizu političkog kroz sučeljavanje pojmova prisutnih u literaturi o post-socijalističkim nostalgijama sa onima koje nudi savremena sociološka i političko-filozofska literatura. Na ovaj način ispitala bi se održivost ideja o političkom koje su zastupljene u literaturi o postsocijalističkim nostalgijama. Ispunjenje oba cilja rada trebalo bi da ukaže na sam emancipatorski i politički potencijal postsocijalističkih nostalgija kao društvenih pojava. Od dostupnog istraživačkog materijala odabrao sam da analiziram naučnu literaturu iz dva razloga. Prvi razlog je taj što su se istraživači u njoj često eksplicitno opredeljivali da neke od fenomena postsocijalističkih nostalgija obeleže kao političke ili emancipacijske, što pruža obilje različitih koncepata i stanovišta. Drugi razlog je u tome što literatura popisuje širok varijetet različitih nostalgičnih pojava, čiji obuhvat ne bi bio moguć drugim izvorima.

Desde sus orígenes, la cibernética ha basado su voluntad en el concepto de naturaleza transversal, hoy transdisciplinar. Dentro de su historia, el punto de ruptura es sin duda Stafford Beer y el VMS aplicado en el gobierno de Salvador Allende. Las condiciones históricas y el contexto de Chile permitieron, sin duda, una serie de emergencias conceptuales que no necesariamente se desarrollaron después del golpe de Estado de 1973. El diseño de Beer, como él mismo afirma, podía servir tanto a una visión socialista como a un mando fascista. Esto nos dice que la herramienta depende de la mano del administrador.  Por otra parte, se han hecho intentos buenos pero insuficientes en el campo de las biologías, como la teoría de la autopoiesis y las posiciones epistemológicas relativas al observador, que no han podido añadir valor de uso al VMS. Los errores en el diseño del VMS se pueden resumir en: confundir las interacciones con las relaciones, confundir la coautonomia con la autoorganización, confundir el centralismo y las centralidades necesariamente como centrales y establecer isomorfismos en un sistema matemático que pretende la homologación conceptual, como es el caso de la Información y la Entropía. Este trabajo muestra que el VMS debe migrar obligatoriamente a un sistema relacional viable, cuyas bases son las relaciones de cooperación y reciprocidad basadas en estructuras heterárquicas para recursos energéticos materiales limitados o escasos. Esta es la base del diseño relacional pos-socialista que obliga a la economía a reducir la producción de Variedad No Requerida o desperdicio,
Palabras clave: Pos- Socialismo, Cibernética, Variedad, Variedad no requerida, Sistemas relacionales viables.

“The social system that will come into being, keeping parallelism and harmony with time, space and person, will be called progressive socialism, according to Prabhat Rainjan Sarkar, the founder of PROUT. “Our PROUT is that very progressive socialism.” “Marxism believes in an equality between human beings which is only theoretical and not possible in practice because no two individuals are alike, hence they cannot be equal.” “Intelligent people will not cling to old, outdated ideas. Rather they will wholeheartedly embrace that theory which adjusts with time, space and person and will continue to exist forever.” “Human beings are not merely destined to fill their bellies. There is much more to human life than that. Human beings are veritable children of God having a thirst for unlimited happiness.” In this article, which is a collection of excerpts from various discourses about PROUT by P.R. Sarkar, the five fundamental principles of PROUT are clearly explained and elaborated. P.R. Sarkar (1921-1990) was a spiritual guru in the tradition of Shiva and Krishna. He introduced the empowered universal spiritual mantra “Baba Nam Kevalam”, composed a collection of 5018 spiritual songs called Prabháta Saḿgiita, and founded the socio-spiritual movement Ananda Marga (“the Path of Bliss”). – Richard Gauthier, St. George, Utah, USA, January 5, 2022.

The 20th Century revolved politically around competing interpretations of Capitalism, Communism, Socialism and Fascism. These are all ways to organize the lives of people on a large scale. Are real alternatives or new interpretations likely to emerge in the challenging years ahead? What might they look like?

In socialist Yugoslavia work and labor were central to the legitimacy of the state and government, and represented the basis of social and political rights. Such position of labor was underpinned by social and cultural institutions that either disappeared or underwent dramatic transformation with the restoration of capitalism. This chapter traces the emergence of regional class cultures in relation to print and literacy in the 19th century, and offers a look at one subsequent institutional  development under socialism—factory newspapers. The chapter revolves around the weekly paper of one of the biggest industrial systems in Yugoslavia, Borovo. This was the oldest factory newspaper in the country. The aim of the essay is twofold: to show how the social transformation of the time was registered in the newspaper, and to reflect on the ways in which a cultural form participated in the longer process of class formation.

Transformacja nigdy się nie skończyła. Nie dlatego, że polskie społeczeństwo nie przeszło przemiany. Nie mogła się skończyć, ponieważ w tę narrację czy wręcz schemat kulturowy, wpisana jest nieuchronna porażka. Słowem-kluczem polskiej transformacji jest „normalność” – nieprecyzyjne, ale wygodne pojęcie przywołujące powab Europy, Zachodu, właściwego i rzekomo neutralnego porządku (gospodarczego, społecznego, estetycznego). Paradoks tak rozumianej transformacji zasadza się na podwójnym podejściu do normalności w latach 90., 2000., a może również dziś. Z jednej strony normalność uznaje się za stan „naturalny”, niepozostawiający wątpliwości, który przychodzi sam wraz ze zmianą systemową. Z drugiej, normalność w latach 90. jest czymś, czego należy się nauczyć, uważnie naśladując zachodnioeuropejskie wzory, normy i standardy. Ich źródłem są przede wszystkim krążące w transformacyjnej sferze publicznej obrazy – to właśnie z nich Polacy uczą się, jak być normalni i nowocześni. W polskiej kulturze lat 90. obrazy są zatem nie tyle efektem procesów transformacyjnych, ile współtwórcami przemian. Od wizerunków biznesmenów ze zdjęć stockowych, przez podróbki zachodnich towarów, po wyklęte białe skarpetki, obrazy i praktyki naśladowcze kształtują wzorce tożsamości. Normy widzialności opisują więc kształtowanie się wizji wizualnej normalności – na przykładzie wyłaniania się dominującego obrazu klasy średniej i dyskusji wewnątrz zmarginalizowanej mniejszości seksualnej o wizerunku nowoczesnego „geja”. W ten sposób książka pozwala dostrzec to, co znajduje się „na wierzchu” obiegu treści kulturowych polskiej transformacji, oraz na to, co słabo widoczne, czasami ukryte, by pokazać zasięg i zaskakujące konteksty działania kultury wizualnej polskiej transformacji.

This paper looks into the post-1989 transformation of Podgorica by analysing the ways in which two distinct urban neighbourhoods, Blok 5 and City Kvart, have emerged from their respective socio-economic contexts at the beginning of the 1980s and 2010s. The comparison
reveals how the changes in every sequence of the housing development mechanism - funding, planning, designing, building, owning - created vastly different cityscapes of the contemporary capital city, along with different, at times even opposing standards for what it means to live in an urban environment today. The analysis also shows the ways in which the practices of everyday life transcend the original rules, plans and designs and help reinvent the space in both of these neighbourhoods, while highlighting their differences in the process. By existing almost side by side, Blok 5 and City Kvart showcase some of the most important points in urban development history of Podgorica, and create a perfect stage from which current urban development policies, laws, choices and strategies should be examined, criticized and reimagined.

In 1988, still living in Łódź, Poland, I was a host to an unusual guest from the United States: Roman, a Vietnam vet and resident of Montana. My guest's Vietnam war background and complex experiences of living the trauma aerwards had made him quite 'dierent' from other westerners around me, who were mainly American and British teachers in the English Philology department where I was a student at the time. ese invited scholars knew well how to act out their 'superiority' as 'native speakers' dispensing to us an 'authentic' knowledge of culture, history and literature. Perhaps my guest's family's complicated history also contributed to his ability to make our transcultural encounter a memorable one. His parents were refugees from Ukraine; he himself was born in a refugee camp in Germany during the war and remembered his parents' stories of dispossession and pain of dislocation and exile. He spoke about their plight; their journey in a boxcar to Germany. I remember returning home from the university and nding him sharing these stories with my parents (he spoke Ukrainian, my parents spoke Polish and Russian); the table was oen full of his drawings on pieces of paper and napkins. He is a graphic artist and when they could not nd the right words, he would draw for them. e memory of this compelling encounter is coming back now as I nish this project because my guest was the rst westerner who spent a substantial time with me and my family and was genuinely interested in nding out about our experiences of Soviet colonization. is was 1988 and the Berlin Wall was still in place; nobody would use the term 'colonization' openly. Rather, people talked about the Soviet-imposed regime; the shorthand for it was the word komuna. Years later, when I was a doctoral student in the United States and postcolonial studies was gaining momentum, I often wondered (Figure 1: Lightstones, Łódź, 2009).

Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, Ukrainians and Russians have been living peacefully in two separate and independent states for nearly a quarter of a century. Much has been said about the cultural and historical links between these two ‘brotherly’ countries, but also about the tensions between the two countries’ different perspectives on nation building and democratisation processes (Jakubanecs, Supphellen, and thorbjørnsen, 2005; Janmaat, 2000; laba, 1996; Prizel, 1998; Puglisi, 2003; Shulman, 1998; Szporluk, 2000; Velychenko, 1992). Although Russian leaders, in the manner of an older brother, have consistently labelled Ukraine as the central element of Russia’s ‘near abroad’ (cameron and orenstein, 2012; Rywkin, 2003; trenin, 2006), the citizens and their foreign policies preferences have historically (i.e. on gas, on the Georgian War, on the EU and nAto) converged and diverged several times over the course of the last twenty-plus years.
Yet, even though there were sensitive moments during the last twenty-plus years of Ukraine-Russia relations (october 1996 crisis, 2004 orange Revolution, gas crisis of January 2006, gas crisis of January 2009), the events of 2014 (the Euromaidan Protests, the annexation of Crimea, and the ongoing conflict in the Donbas3) are predicted by social scientists to not only sour formal relations between the two states, but also between ‘ordinary’ citizens. While there are many ‘myths’ about the way brother Russians and Ukrainians view the ‘other’ state and its people, the reality is much more complex, permeating with conflict, competition, and ideological disagreements, as in any other family. in such critical times, we must stop and ask: do Russians and Ukrainians view the events of the last year differently? or are there points of convergence? do these events affect the way Russians see Ukraine and Ukrainians see Russia? if so, how? And can we identify any shifts in views overtime from before the 2014 crisis to today? Data on the topic is difficult to find and even more difficult to assess. This is specifically the case when so many contextual variables are in flux and when little, if any, of the available data consists of either a repeated and duplicated schedule of questions, or a panel (following citizens and their views) tracking preferences over time.
Thus, we must scour a variety of polls conducted at different times, by different institutions, to map out the views of Ukrainians and Russians.

Corrupt exchanges are often brokered by a third party, but this phenomenon has not been satisfactorily explored by researchers of corruption. Literature on brokerage in general provides interesting models but they have not previously been applied to corrupt exchanges. Based on in-depth qualitative interviews with respondents who participated in actual corrupt transactions, this paper identifies several distinct brokerage types in low-level corruption in contemporary Hungary. The paper also provides explanation of variation in corruption brokerage in terms of actors' group affiliations, forms of the corrupt exchanges, brokerage mechanisms, as well as neutrality, benefit and motivation, risk distribution, and stability of the brokerage structure. Finally, we discuss some policy implications of corruption brokerage.

This book explores Vietnamese popular television in the post-Reform era, focusing on the relationship between television and national imagination. It locates Vietnamese television in the experiences of everyday life and the prevailing network of power relations resulting from marketization and globalization, and, as such, moves beyond the clichéd assumption of Vietnamese media as a mere propagandist instrument of the party state. With examples from a wide range of television genres, the book demonstrates how Vietnamese television enables novel conditions of cultural oppression as well as political engagement in the name of the nation. In sharp contrast to the previous image of Vietnam as a war-torn land, post-Reform television conjures into being a new sense of national belonging based on an implicit rejection of the socialist past, hopes for peace and prosperity, and anxieties about a globalized future.

Routledge, Published October 30, 2018, ISBN 9781138069022.

Crni talas: novi jugoslovenski film Sanja Lazarević Radak www.malinemo.rs Blog Pedesetih godina dvadesetog veka filmskom umetnošću Jugoslavije dominirao je sovjetski, propagandistički pristup. Ubrzo su usledile promene na planu političkih veza sa Sovjetskim savezom, što je dovelo do uvođenja holivudskog pristupa sličnim temama. Zahvaljujući ovoj promeni, sredinom pedesetih godina, filmovi su snimani po višim standardima kako u tehničkom, tako u estetskom smislu. Usledila je složenija fabulizacija i psihološka razrada, uvedene su promenu na planu mizanscene i složeniji pristup montaži. Ovako nastaje podloga za novi film koji prati svetske trendove, ali se usmerava na kritiku društvnog stanja u neposrednom okruženju. Crni talas se danas određuje kao izraz bunta jugoslovenskih kinematografa protiv preovlađujuće politike realnog socijalizma. Nastao šezdesetih godina dvadesetog veka, a podstaknut trendom novog talasa i estetikom crnog filma, dovodi se u vezu sa praksom cenzure, diktature, žrtvama intelektualnog i ideološkog progona, te se njegova estetska i značenjska dimenzija potiskuju u drugi plan. U javnosti se češće prepoznaje kao dokaz o represivnosti realnog socijalizma, nego kao oblik umetničkog izraza, pa se događaji u vezi sa premijerama filmova i njihovim zatvaranjima u " bunker " koriste kao upotrebljive činjenice o istoriji jugoslovenske kinematografije. Namera reditelja crnog talasa bila je traganje za novim oblicima umetničkog izraza koje prati estetizacija nezadovoljstva društvenim stanjem. Oponiranje realnom socijalizmu postizano je ukazivanjem na pukotine u idealizovanoj slici socijalističkog sistema: skretanjem pažnje na nezaposlenost, maloletničku delikvenciju, prostituciju, ekonomsko siromaštvo, marginalizaciju etničkih grupa i osoba sa posebnim potrebama, uporedo sa prvim tematizacijama homoseksualnosti, naturalističkim scenama seksa i upotrebe opijata. U istorijskom i sociološkom kontekstu ovaj film postaje izvor za kritičko sagledavanje prošlosti kao ekonomskog raja prožetog liberalnom nostalgijom. Ukupna ideologija crnog talasa oslanja se na pesimizam crnog filma, koristi slične postupke, ali tematizuje vlastitu stvarnost i za razliku od film noir-a, neobično je heterogena. Kamera