Poverty and Inequality

The paper aims to present the first results of an in-depth and source-based research about socio-economic inequalities and agricultural growth in the Late Medieval Florentine society.
This area has been intensively studied because of its economic relevance and the rise of a peculiar share-cropping system (mezzadria). Mezzadria lease contracts spread broadly in Tuscany at the end of the Middle Ages (13th c.), linked to the building of the regional city-state by the city-commune of Florence and its raising economy. The system developed before the demographic shocks of Late Middle Ages and continued to develop further during the decline of the Florentine economy in 15th-16th centuries. The role of mezzadria in shaping declining economic trends and socio-economic inequalities, as well as the causes of its rise, are still debated among scholars.
This research would offer an original contribute on these issues through a new in-depth consultation of the Florentine fiscal surveys of the 15th and 16th centuries (the Catasto of 1427 and the Decima repubblicana of the early 16th century) and the use of a social agro-systemic approach. The information entered from sources will be used to draw a picture of the social and property structure of four different sub-regional study-areas within the Florentine territory (characterized by differences in the importance of institutions, in property distribution, in environmental features), comparing the trends and their causal relations for regional differences. The goal is drawing: 1) a more complete figure of agricultural output of mezzadria –  comparing different systems of exploitation and subregions –; 2) an in-depth figure of socio-economic inequalities – property and income distribution, ownership of oxen, access to credit and fiscal incomes. In this way it will be possible to offer a more detailed pattern of explanation of the main dynamics of Late Medieval rural Tuscany.

This paper studies through a quantitative analysis at micro-scale (the pieve of San Giovanni in Petroio in Mugello) in 1427-1512 the relation between the growing economic inequality of the Florentine rural society found by recent research and a peculiar share-cropping system, the mezzadria. By focusing on the mechanisms of wealth redistribution of this system, the paper suggests the role of mezzadria whether in increasing in the long-run the concentration of land property and in providing for the poorest social layers of rural population at subsistence level. In this regard, the paper contributes to explore the role of institutions in increasing wealth concentration from Middle Ages to the Early Modern times.

Brazil has endured multiple political, economic, and environmental crises-and now the COVID-19 pandemic-which have drawn social inequalities into razor sharp relief. This contribution analyzes the resilience of rural families facing these crises in southern Bahia. These families have benefited from various redistributive policies over the years, including redistributive land reforms (RLRs), conditional cash transfers (CCTs), and recent emergency aid (EA) payments related to the pandemic. Each (re)distributive approach involves different notions of distributive justice informed by competing background theories of "the good, " which hold implications for concepts of resilience. Drawing on long-term research with RLR communities in Bahia, this article considers the gains achieved by different redistributive programs. Families who acquired land through RLR projects appear more resilient, especially in the face of crisis.

The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development commits to promoting development in a balanced way – economically, socially and environmentally – in all countries of the world, leaving no one behind, and paying special attention to those people who are poorest or most excluded.

While the future is impossible to predict, there are clear directions on several economic and social aspects that will influence our ability to meet the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). This joint UNDP-UNRISD report reviews recent trends in six areas that are fundamentally important to achieving the 2030 Agenda. These six 'mega-trends' relate to (i) poverty and inequalities, (ii) demography, (iii) environmental degradation and climate change, (iv) shocks and crises, (v) development cooperation and financing for development, and (vi) technological innovation. Some of the trends are positive, including on the reduction of absolute poverty and several technological innovations. Yet negative trends in several of the others pose a significant risk to the realization of the SDGs. The report explores this in more detail and discusses policy implications for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda.

This paper proposes to revisit the debate on trade and investment agreements (TIAs), development and inequality, looking at the role of global value chains (GVCs) and trans-national corporations (TNCs). It first presents stylized facts about trade and investment (agreements), declining global economic growth and rising inequality under the latest round of globalization. It then provides a long-run perspective on the mixed blessings of external opening, summarizing some key contributions of the mainstream literature, which are converging with long-standing research findings of more heterodox economists, and the eroding consensus today. Based on this stock-taking, it takes a fresh critical look at the TIAs-GVCs-TNCs nexus and their impact. Using data on value-added in trade and new firm-level data from the consolidated financial statements of the top 2000 TNCs going back to 1995, it examines whether the fragmentation of production along GVCs led to positive structural change or rather stimulated unsustainable trends in extractive and FIRE sectors. It then turns to the role of TNC-driven GVCs as a vehicle for economic concentration. Finally, it presents evidence linking TIAs and their correlates to rising inequality. Key findings include the fact that the ratio of top 2000 TNCs profits over revenues increased by 58 percent between 1995 and 2015. Moreover, the rise in top 2000 TNCs profits accounts for 69 percent of the 2.5 percentage points decline in the global labour income share between 1995 and 2015, with the correlation coefficient between annual changes in both variables as high as 0.82. The paper concludes by calling for a less ideological policy debate on TIAs, which acknowledges the mixed blessings of external financial and trade opening, especially their negative distributional impact and destabilizing macro-financial feedback effects, which both call for policy intervention. As an alternative to short-sighted protectionism, it further discusses possible options for anticipating undesirable effects arising from TIAs (e.g. rising carbon emissions, economic instability, inequality, etc.) and addressing those in TIAs themselves.

There has been a significant shift among antipoverty nonprofits toward what we call relational work, which involves working with clients over time on life changes. Some scholars discuss this, often in negative terms, as part of a broader neoliberal trend. We argue that relational work is an important and unavoidable part of ongoing efforts against poverty and homelessness. We also discuss the broader theoretical context that make scholars suspicious of this kind of antipoverty work, and argue for a multifaceted approach to poverty that includes attention to relational work and the agency of clients.

Based on the failure to cut down poverty rate to 7% by 2019, I argue that the Indonesian Government needs not only planning and identifying targets, but also look for ways to realise its objectives. The State Budget spent through social spending only have a minuscule impact on poverty reduction, which I strongly suspect to eventuate because the poor lacks the capability to decide on which aspects they should utilise the funds.

I then explained two underlying aspects of blockchain technology: smart contracts and digital identity, and how these two could help the Government achieve its development objectives.

The Government must be both a planner and a searcher. Identify what needs to be resolved and search for ways to resolve it.

In this article I represented educational narratives from two students who completed college coursework while they were incarcerated in a closed cor-rectional facility in North Carolina. Alongside their narratives, I shared literature that addressed inadequacies in the United States social welfare programs, an absence of a living wage, and whitestream dominance in US public schools and analyzed the narratives of these students' childhoods. These narratives were situated at the intersections of poverty and illegal work. Often these intersections remain invisible in policy discourse and educational contexts in the high accountability/ high stakes testing movement that positions the curriculum, and not the child, as the most important thing in the classroom. Subsequently, I challenged educators and researchers committed to the pursuit of equity to question how the children in our classrooms and youth in our prisons were raced, gendered, and classed, and to engage in careful and layered understandings of our students' lives.

En el marco de las evaluaciones de impacto socioeconómico que el PNUD está realizando a nivel global en respuesta a la crisis de coronavirus, la oficina del PNUD en Chile diseñó junto al Ministerio de Desarrollo Social y Familia, una encuesta de evaluación para ser aplicada en los hogares del país. La Encuesta Social COVID-19 se realizó en alianza con el Ministerio de Desarrollo Social y Familia, sumándose a estos esfuerzos el Instituto Nacional de Estadísticas, que facilitó sus equipos técnicos para la fase de diseño muestral, el levantamiento de los datos y la elaboración de la base de datos final.

El objetivo del trabajo fue caracterizar los efectos socioeconómicos directos e indirectos que ha generado la crisis sanitaria en los hogares chilenos, reconociendo las particularidades de esta experiencia en diferentes territorios y configuraciones de hogares. Esto, de modo de disponer de información confiable y oportuna que sirva para el diseño de políticas públicas que entreguen una respuesta inclusiva a la crisis. El instrumento fue diseñado y los resultados son analizados con enfoque de género.

There has never been a book quite like Tax, Order, and Good Government, a history of Canada's first half-century of political development in which "the language of outraged taxpayers is given prominent place," in Canadian scholarship and not simply because the history of taxation has gone essentially unwritten since J. Harvey Perry's Taxes, Tariffs and Subsidies was published in 1955 or because political history more broadly became methodologically moribund in the 1980s and is only slowly recovering recently after two decades of desperate, life-sustaining interventions.

Little attention has been paid to mental health knowledge based of populace in Sierra Leone. The effect of trauma, personal exposures to Ebola virus disease (EVD) and culture myths how it impacts to mental health knowledge/ behaviours in Sierra Leone, West Africa. This study was done to test the awareness and knowledge base of mental health and culture perceptions in Sierra Leone. Content pages

En el presente trabajo estimamos la pobreza multidimensional en Nicaragua entre los años 2001
y 2009, con los datos de las últimas tres encuestas disponibles de medición del nivel de vida
(2001, 2005 y 2009) y siguiendo, principalmente, la metodología propuesta por Alkire y Foster
(2007, 2011). Para ello, utilizamos diez dimensiones y tres sistemas de ponderaciones: además del
sistema de ponderaciones iguales, dos sistemas de ponderaciones desde los propios datos, uno a
partir de las puntuaciones de la primera componente principal, y el otro a partir de las frecuencias
relativas de las privaciones dimensionales, ambos novedosos para el caso de Nicaragua. En
general, los resultados sugieren que la incidencia, intensidad y severidad de la pobreza
multidimensional en Nicaragua se redujeron entre los años 2001 y 2009, con mayor importancia
entre 2001 y 2005.

Because of processes of globalisation, internationali-sation, and neo-liberal world policy Flanders (Belgium) is facing new problems concerning inequality of opportunities in education. This might raise sever¬al questions. In this paper three questions are an¬swered: 1) is there equality of opportunity in the Flemish education system, 2) what is the policy of the Flemish government in relation to inequality of opportunities in education and which answers could be offered to remedy for inequality of opportunities in higher education, and 3) does the academisation of college education contribute to more equality of opportunities in higher education. Besides delivering a short description of the inequality of opportunity in education, the author criticised some of the limita-tions of the current research. The second part of the paper is mainly interested in the description of research about new actions in the USA for the promotion of equality of opportunity in higher education. The third part supports the thesis that the processes of academisation of college education contribute to more equality of opportunity, although the means provided by the government to attain this purpose are not sufficient.

De globalisering van de samenleving heeft aan de problematiek van de kansengelijkheid in het onderwijs een andere dimensie gegeven. Daarenboven gaat dit proces gepaard met een toenemend belang dat in onze samenleving aan het neoliberale gedachtegoed wordt gehecht. Het is duidelijk dat dit zijn sporen zal achterlaten op de ontwikkeling van het beleid voor meer kansengelijkheid. Ik licht deze begrippen eerst kort
toe om me dan toe te spitsen op drie vragen betreffende de kansengelijkheid in Vlaanderen

Abstract. Indirect recruitment through individual recruiters triggers specific areas of precarious employment in the construction sector of Bangladesh. This paper critically examines the navigating role of individual recruiters in determining precarious work conditions for the rural-urban migrant labourers. It unpacks the inter-connections between recruitment practices, rural-urban labour migration and precarious employment in the construction sector of Bangladesh. Taking the case study of migrant construction labourers in Dhaka, the capital city of Bangladesh, it draws on surveys and in-depth interviews to examine specific conditions of individualized recruitment practices and employment relations that contribute to various pressures and insecurities amongst migrant construction labourers. Examining labour recruitment through the lens of precarious work, this paper argues that neoliberal practices have led to indirect recruitment practices where the pronounced existence of individual recruiters as the key actors underpins the precariousness of construction labour in Bangladesh.

This book is a critical and multidisciplinary IPE of the unequal structures of South American development and uneven insertions in the global order following the decline of the commodities boom. The work explores the extent to which regional development issues are related to merely a decline of commodities´ prices and/or to the resilience of the historical structures within an unequal world order. Thus, the authors seek first to analytically explore the regional issues beyond the formal limitations of North American and Eurocentric approaches. Secondly, they empirically scrutinize the complex dimensions of regional inequality and global insertions. Aspects analysed include economic reprimarization, the impact of China, development finance, trade and regional value chains, knowledge and technology, regional and transnational organised crime, cities, economic integration and the Global South. Preface. Fredrik Söderbaum 1. The IPE Puzzle of Regional Inequality, Political Instability an...

Ihr Forschungsprojekt beschäftigt sich mit der filmischen Darstellung von Armut und gesellschaftlicher Randständigkeit. Hat der Film als fotografisches und narratives Medium ein besonderes Interesse an diesen, heutzutage auf den ersten Blick ja oft wenig auffälligen Phänomenen? Schon die Frage nach der Auffälligkeit ist interessant. Ich selbst stelle fest, dass ich die Armut auf den Straßen des Stadtteils, in dem ich wohne (Berlin Kreuzberg), ganz anders wahrnehme, wenn ich nach einer Reise aus einer Stadt, in der es weniger sichtbare Armut gibt, nachhause komme. Das eigentlich immer sichtbare Elend wird mir dann deutlicher bewusst, während der alltägliche Anblick von Flaschensammlerinnen, Alkoholikern oder Verkäuferinnen von Obdachlosenzeitungen bei mir auch zu einem Gewöhnungseffekt führt. Gleichzeitig handelt es sich bei diesen deutlich sichtbaren ja nur um die extremeren, öffentlichen Formen von Armut. Die meisten Probleme finden jedoch hinter verschlossenen Türen statt oder manifestieren sich vielleicht daran, dass Schülerinnen nicht mit den Kleidungs-oder Freizeitstandards ihrer Klassenkameradinnen mithalten können, weil der Vater arbeitslos ist und die Mutter nur einen Minijob hat oder so. Ich denke, dass der Film über eine ganze Bandbreite an Möglichkeiten verfügt, Probleme wie sozialen Ausschluss und Prekarität sichtbar zu machen. Die Fragen, die mich vorrangig interessieren, sind die nach den filmischen Mitteln und nach deren möglichen Effekten. Also: Wie wird Armut dargestellt, wie werden Geschichten über prekäre und ausgegrenzte Menschen erzählt und mit welchen Implikationen? Handelt es sich um individuelle Schicksalsschläge oder um politische und ökonomische Zusammenhänge, die filmisch aufbereitet werden? Wie gelingt es Filmen, die Kontexte in den Blick zu bekommen? Was können wir durch die Filme über die Gesellschaft, in der wir leben, lernen? Wie nah erlauben uns die Filme, den Menschen oder den Figuren zu kommen? Da mich dabei, wie gesagt, die gesamte Bandbreite interessiert, möchte ich mit meinem Team auch mit den verschiedenen Gattungen des Spiel-und Dokumentarfilms beschäftigen, und auch mit anderen und neuartigen Formaten wie etwa aktivistischen Webvideos. Jeweils scheinen mir die Gattungen und Medien unterschiedliche Potenziale zu besitzen, um Armutsphänomene zu reflektieren. Spielfilme können vielleicht aufgrund ihrer Dramaturgie und ihrer Figurengestaltung besonders zur Empathie mit den Figuren einladen, während Dokumentarfilme den realen Begebenheiten auf die Spur kommen und damit Wirklichkeitsbereiche für uns im Wort Sinn ent-decken können. Web-basierte Formate wiederum müssen aufgrund ihrer Kürze oft pointierter arbeiten, sind dafür aber meist in mediale Umgebungen eingebettet, die wiederum die Wirkung beeinflussen und durch die sie evtl. eine größere Reichweite bekommen und unmittelbar Diskussionen auslösen können. Anders gesagt: Ich glaube nicht zwingend, dass der Film als Medium von sich aus ein besonderes Interesse an den genannten Phänomenen hat. Aber ich glaube, dass er besondere Möglichkeiten aufweist, um uns damit zu konfrontieren. In welchem Maße und wie diese Möglichkeiten genutzt werden, ist Gegenstand unserer Untersuchungen. Je nach angelegten Kriterien ist das Material, das für die Untersuchung in Frage kommt, sehr umfangreich. Wie haben Sie die Filme ausgewählt? Der Fokus des Projekts liegt auf europäischen Filmen der Gegenwart und der jüngeren Vergangenheit, grob gesagt von den 1990ern bis heute. Mich interessiert, wie wir uns auf diesem Kontinent über unsere Lebensbedingungen und über die herrschenden Verteilungsungerechtigkeiten verständigen. Ein wichtiges Kriterium ist dabei, dass Armut, Prekarität oder Exklusion in den Filmen wirklich zentral thematisiert werden, also dass nicht nur kurz mal eine Obdachlose ins Bild gerät und dann wieder verschwindet. Es geht schon um den genaueren Blick darauf, um die filmische Diskursivierung verschiedener Facetten des sozialen Ausschlusses. Wie groß das Gesamtkorpus tatsächlich ist, wird sich wahrscheinlich erst nach einem Jahr Forschung zeigen, wenn wir als Gruppe systematisch mögliche Quellen wie etwa Festivalkataloge und andere verfügbare Publikationen ausgewertet haben. Momentan verfüge ich über eine Liste, die ich permanent erweitere, wenn mir relevante Filme begegnen, von der ich jedoch sicher bin, dass sie keineswegs vollständig ist. Das sind zur Zeit ca. 100 europäische Spielfilme zwischen 1991 und 2018 und etwa 50 Dokumentarfilme im selben Zeitraum. Natürlich können nicht alle Filme, die wir finden, gleichermaßen detailliert analysiert werden, aber wir werden

«Tiggerene er akkurat som rotter! De forpester byen vår og er under kategorien SKADEDYR!!» (Deltaker på Facebook-gruppen «Få tiggerne vekk fra Kristiansand», oktober 2014)

Den globaliserte fattigdommen er vanskelig å holde unna, selv i et Norge på velstandstoppen i verden. Men synet av fattige tilreisende som tigger i gatene, vekker ubehag, noe som kommer fram i den offentlige debatten. Hos noen synes det å slå ut i forakt, mens det hos andre vekker empati. De nye midlertidige migrantene som tigger i Norge, er hovedsakelig fra Romania, og stort sett etniske roma. Studier viser at det er mer snakk om «uorganisert fattigdom» enn om organisert kriminalitet, som ikke er blitt doku-mentert i direkte sammenheng med tigging (Djuve mfl. 2015; Engebrigtsen 2012; Engebrigtsen mfl. 2014). Både norske og europeiske undersøkelser tyder på at roma er den aller mest diskriminerte og marginaliserte minoriteten i vår del av verden (HL-senteret, 2012; Rosvoll og Bielenberg 2012). Mye tyder på at denne marginaliseringstendensen påvirker holdninger og diskurser også i det norske samfunnet, som ellers er preget av menneskerettighetsretorikk og regnet som et av verdens mest sosialt progressive land. Norske mediers framstilling av tigging og roma kan sies delvis å spille på og styrke fordommer (Adolfsson 2014). Enda sterkere ord og kategoriseringer forekommer i den mer uformelle, folkelige diskursen om tiggere i sosiale medier, en arena som ikke har vært utforsket i samme grad tidligere. Det er denne arenaen det settes søkelys på her.

I denne teksten presenteres en empirisk studie av ambivalensen overfor
fattige tilreisende i dagens Norge. Mer spesifikt vil jeg utforske hvordan tiggere omtales i en bestemt gruppe på et nettsamfunn, og hvordan dehumanisering og menneskeverd framtrer på og mellom linjene. Dette belyser jeg gjennom en diskursanalyse av innlegg fra gruppesiden og ved hjelp av språkpsykologisk og samfunnspsykologisk teori. Hensikten med analysen er å forstå hva slags dehumaniserende tendenser – og motkrefter – som forekommer i nettdiskursen. Dette danner igjen grunnlag for å drøfte mulige strategier som kan fremme empati framfor hatprat.

Background: Helicobacter pylori may cause many gastrointestinal problems in developing countries such as Iran. We aimed to analyze the cost-effectiveness and cost-utility of the test-and-treat and empirical treatment strategies in managing Helicobacter pylori infection. Methods: This was a Markov based economic evaluation. Effectiveness was defined as the symptoms free numbers and QALYs in 100,000 hypothetical adults. The sensitivity analysis was based on Monte Carlo approach. Results: In the test-and-treat strategy, if the serology is the first diagnostic test vs. histology, the cost per symptoms free number would be 291,736.1 Rials while the cost per QALYs would be 339,226.1 Rials. The cost per symptoms free number and cost per QALYs when the 13 C-UBT was used as the first diagnostic test vs. serology was 1,283,200 and 1,492,103 Rials, respectively. In the empirical strategy, if histology is used as the first diagnostic test vs. 13 CUBT, the cost per symptoms free numbers and cost per QALYs would be 793,234 and 955,698 Rials, respectively. If serolo-gy were used as the first diagnostic test vs. histology, the cost per symptoms free and QALYs would be 793,234 and 368941 Rials, respectively. Conclusion: There was no significant and considerable dominancy between the alternatives and the diagnostic tests.

"Review from Choice:
Waters, Tony. Schooling, childhood, and bureaucracy: bureaucratizing the child. Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. 255p bibl index ISBN 9781137269713, S90.00

Waters (California State Univ., Chico) is by education and profession a sociologist, and it shows on every page of this work. If readers are not familiar with the term "habitus," they will be by the end of the book. The term "habitus" means a certain behavior or belief that has become part of a society's structure and ingrained into individuals and sociological systems of that culture when the original purpose of that belief can no longer be recalled. In short, people continue to do things because that is the way they were taught, giving little thought as to why they do them. The word appears on nearly every page of this book, and is used to illustrate various sociological perspectives on the field of education. What this means is that, in the author's view, schools in the US exist the way they do because most of the people in the US are parts of larger bureaucracies, and schools reflect the needs of those bureaucracies by preparing children to fulfill bureaucratic roles once they become adults. It is an interesting book that explains why schools are the way they are today. Summing Up: Recommended. ** Graduate, research, and professional collections.--J. D. Neal, University of Central Missouri

Neal, J.D.

Source Citation  (MLA 7th Edition)
Neal, J.D. "Waters, Tony. Schooling, childhood, and bureaucracy: bureaucratizing the child." CHOICE: Current Reviews for Academic Libraries June 2013: 1895. Academic OneFile. Web. 29 Dec. 2013.

Currently, Botswana is one of high income economies in Africa. Since independence in 1966, the government has put emphasis on the development of human capital through education and skills development of the citizens. The country has dedicated much of the government funds to education to the extent possible while the contribution and payoffs of education expenditure have been limited. This study examines data from 1960-2013 and attempts to link GDP and education expenditure in a long run framework. It has been noted that member states of the United Nations are under pressure to achieve development goals and countries like Botswana need to estimate not only public spending requirements and the macroeconomic implications of financing them, but also the potential social and economic rewards associated with education. Estimations show that at least 40% of people in developing economies are illiterate and governments intend to leave no stone unturned in eliminating this problem. This study applies the Johansen cointegration test and Granger causality procedure to examine the long run affiliations of the variables. Astoundingly, for Botswana economy, there is no long run comovement between GDP and education expenditure for the period 1960-2013. It is advised to review the quality of education and the programmes offered by the local institutions. Jel code:

Housing has always been about privilege and scarce resources, since it has exchange as well as use value. One of those scarcities is the locational advantage of access to home, work and other amenities. Sydney's transport and housing has been through several distinct phases: first focused on privileged access to scarce transport routes, then on a relatively egalitarian tram network, followed by the model of car-based suburbia which became increasingly unworkable and inegalitarian. The article identifies an emerging model where decent public transport itself becomes a bankable asset with speculative exchange value. This article briefly describes the earlier stages before exploring the new model, which is only now becoming clear from New South Wales government decisions about metro and light rail transport routes, from Rouse Hill to Bankstown and Parramatta to Strathfield.

The Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act is India's (and the world's) largest employment scheme. While many analysis exist on its impact and implementation faults, scant attention has been dedicated to how political dynamics influence its implementation. This paper will try to fill this gap with evidence from the southern state of Andhra Pradesh. It will argue that the implementation performance of the scheme has been fairly good, despite the abysmal performance of the state government with previous employment schemes. The key factor in determining such a shift was the political commitment of the state's chief minister.

This article empirically assesses the validity of current theoretical models of attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region. This paper takes representative data from the World Value Survey and implements a multilevel model to test five of the main theories in the literature: the human capital theory, the social capital theory, the political orientation theory, the contact/group threat theory and the economic competition theory. The results from the analysis lend credence to the important effects of human capital, social capital and political-ideological variables on respondents’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy. However, results provide mixed and weak evidence for the contact/group threat theory and the role of economic determinants. Importantly, economic determinants tend to be more powerful in shaping people’s attitudes toward immigration policy than shaping attitudes toward immigrants as people. Altogether, this article sheds new light on the validity of current theoretical models based on western countries for other areas of the world. Finally, the results from the paper also support the usefulness of non-economic, as opposed to purely economic, models in the understanding of individuals’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration policy in the Asia-Pacific region.

Conversations about inequality abound at every turn: from political elections to classrooms, news magazines to global protests, discussions with neighbors and shouting matches on social media. In the book, Global Inequality: Anthropological Insights, Kenneth McGill provides a thorough examination of global, national, and local inequality through the lens of anthropology. While many conversations about inequality focus on financial disparity within countries, McGill adds a valuable resource to the often limited debate by examining social, economic, and political inequality both across and within borders. Drawing from the fields of anthropology, economics, history, political science, philosophy, and more, McGill weaves together a tapestry to support the book’s overarching argument: inequality is real, there is no primary form of inequality, and inequalities are multiple and overlapping.