Race and Ethnic Relations

In the last decade, as hip-hop has emerged as a political force among youth,regimes across the world have intervened to promote some sub-styles and sideline others, in an attempt to press-gang the genre to disparate political ends. In Venezuela, Hugo Chavez funds hip-hop schools around the country, and invites Bolivarian raperos onto his Sunday television show, “Aló, Presidente.” In the US, Michael Steele has tried to give the Republican Party a “hip-hop makeover” to bring its ideas to “urban-suburban hip-hop settings.” The US Army, in partnership with The Source magazine, has used hip-hop culture in its “Taking It to the Streets”campaign to recruit African-American youth.

Governments are also sending hip-hop culture to far-flung corners of the globe.  From its putative birthplace in the Bronx, hip-hop has traveled to become, at once, a means of protest and a tool of public diplomacy, counter-terrorism, democracy promotion and economic development. It is in the post-September 11 “war on terror” and in Western states’ dealings with Muslim-majority states and Muslims in Europe that government mobilization of hip-hop is most noticeable.  While European states are using the genre to integrate and“moderate” their Muslim populations, the US has made hip-hop part of its outreach to the Muslim world. The very music blamed for a range of social ills at home—violence,misogyny, consumerism, academic underperformance—is being deployed abroad in the hopes of making America safer and better liked. The officials behind the sundry hip-hop diplomacy initiatives invariably point to the success of jazz diplomacy during the Cold War as evidence of the “smart power” potential of music.

The rise of psy discourse has been the subject of considerable academic attention, but one of its most popular and visible forms, the self-help book, has received comparatively little attention. This article provides a Foucauldian analysis of a selection of relationship manuals; it examines the ways in which they set up a relation of the reader’s self to itself, and it explores the ethical valorizations and teleologies therein. The emphasis on the relationship with the self, and the development of mastery over the emotions advocated in the books, is related to the values held in liberal democratic societies.

The following paper overviews the current statistical picture of domestic violence experienced by both single and married women within Iranian society.
Although numerous independent studies on domestic violence against women and children have been conducted on small scales in Iran, they have never been widely published or utilized due to political issues.
The discussion in this paper is directly derived from the only widely accredited research carried out on a massive scale, supported and funded by the Iranian government to tackle the issue of domestic abuse. Since the study is currently only available in Farsi, this paper is, in part, an attempt to make the information available to a broader audience. Furthermore, it attempts to look for underlying etiology to understand better the crisis women face within the complex geopolitical, economic, religious, ethnic, and social arena which makes up modern-day Iran.

Christopher Buck, Alain Locke: Faith and Philosophy. Los Angeles: Kalimat Press, 2005. Pub date: July 3, 2005. ISBN-13: 978-1890688387. ISBN-10: 189068838X. L

In print. (Order from Kalimat Press: http://www.kalimat.com/Locke.html.)

REVIEWS
•  Derik Smith. World Order 38.3 (2006/2007): 42–48. (Published in 2008.): ”Christopher Buck’s recent book, Alain Locke: Faith and Philosophy, is a welcome addition to the literature on early twentieth-century American and African American culture. But, perhaps more important, Buck’s study is a significant contribution to scholarship on the history of the Bahá’í Faith in the United States. … Any future study of Locke must necessarily make its way through Christopher Buck’s Alain Locke: Faith and Philosophy. The scholar forcefully proves his thesis that, in Locke’s thinking, philosophy and religious belief operated as synergistic terms. He has shown that the Bahá’í Faith was integral to Locke’s life and ideology. …  Yet, after reading Buck’s work, it is difficult to imagine Locke the philosopher rapt in prayer. Of course, this is not a shortcoming of the book. Rather it is an indication that, while he may have wanted to portray a more pious figure, Buck maintains the vow he made in his introduction to Alain Locke: Faith and Philosophy “to constrain any grandiose claims on Locke as a Bahá’í.”

• M. Anthony Fitchue. Journal of African American History 92.1 (Winter 2007): 131–133: “But the jewels in this book are unmistakable. … Clearly, Buck has given voice to the men and women who not only put the Baha’i faith first in their lives, but also left key documents, personal letters, notes, and memoranda related to the life of philosopher Alain LeRoy Locke for future researchers to ponder and use for years to come.”

• William P. Collins. Insights (Library of Congress Professional Association Newsletter) 38.1–3 (Jan–Oct 2006): 10–12: “Both of these books [Lights of the Spirit and Alain Locke: Faith and Philosophy] go a long way toward correcting the historians’ failure to note the important role played by the Bahá’í Faith and prominent African-American Bahá’ís in the struggle for racial equality in the United States.”

Contemporary approaches to integrating "self" and the "other"—such as multiculturalism, cultural diversity, race relations, inclusiveness strategies, or identity politics—are flawed from the perspective of traditional thought. At their core, modernist ideologies are inimical to and destructive of all human diversity. The new face of antipathy to pluralism is becoming more deceptive as it grows less focused on respecting diversity and more on promoting ideological uniformity and the erection of a global monoculture. This essay argues that it is from a metaphysical perspective that human diversity can be fully understood and can seek to reconcile the dichotomy of "self" and the "other".

Les sociétés modernes, démocratiques et pluralistes sont fondées sur le principe de l’égalité formelle de tous les citoyens, ce qui n’empêche pas des inégalités réelles de se reconduire et de se creuser, un rapport de pouvoir inégal subsistant entre la majorité et les groupes minoritaires ou minorisés. En nous penchant sur le cas des jeunes des banlieues françaises issus de l’immigration africaine et maghrébine, nous examinerons comment ce rapport de pouvoir se constitue et se maintient à travers la manière dont l’Altérité est représentée et construite par le groupe majoritaire. En nous appuyant sur la théorie de G.H. Mead, selon laquelle toute identité se construit à travers le rapport avec une altérité, ainsi que sur la théorie de la reconnaissance d’Axel Honneth, nous verrons, d’une part, comment les jeunes français issus de l’immigration sont susceptibles d’intérioriser, ne serait-ce qu’en partie, le regard et le discours stigmatisant que la société porte sur eux et, d’autre part, comment ce déni de reconnaissance, qui est assumé subjectivement, contribue à perpétuer chez ces jeunes des inégalités, de la marginalisation, de l’exclusion et, par conséquent, des comportements déviants. La ghettoïsation, la stigmatisation, le profilage et le racisme systémique qu’ils subissent les amènent à développer une vision négative de leur identité, de leurs perspectives d’avenir et de leur place dans la société. La «révolte des banlieues» de 2005 traduit la frustration générée par cette situation et constitue l’une des modalités par lesquelles s’exprime leur lutte pour la reconnaissance.

Jews have for centuries contributed much to Polish culture and society. Jews were an integral part of what it meant to be Polish. Unfortunately, from a height of over 3 million before the Holocaust, only an estimated 10-20 thousand Jews still live in Poland today. Poland now finds itself at a crossroads of sorts, where long-standing official policies, some church teachings, and personal belief systems conspire in the exclusion of Jews, while a still relatively small but growing segment of the population genuinely desires to welcome Jews back into the cultural, political, and social life of the country. This practical guide is designed to help people realize the goal of opening Poland’s doors (and the doors of other Eastern European countries) to Jewish people for the enrichment of the nation and all its residents.

The presentation focused on communist festivals and celebrations as associated with a specific visual stereotypes and a religious mimicked power iconography (we can speak of new rituals and civil religion), exhibiting the communist happiness “life has become more joyous, comrades” (Petrone, 2000). The paper uses a series of concepts and theories related to Soviet propaganda and in particular celebrations (Baiburin & Piir, 2009) and festivals (von Geldern, 1993; Petrone, 2000;  Simpson, 2004). The case study is focused on a very interesting and genuine example of such events - the 4th World Festival of Youth and Students (WFYS) held in 1953, in Bucharest,  Romania – rather ignored by research (with few exceptions, mainly the section dedicated by Ştefan Borbély as editor of a collective volume on totalitarianism and culture, Caietele Echinox, volume 7/2004). The presentation approaches the event both as a popular culture youth manifestation (and its specific features in the unusual context of a communist satellite country during the first decade of the Cold War) and the functions it played within propaganda. More specifically, it deals with the manner in which these were reflected in the discourse (including the visual rhetoric) promoted by the main periodicals of the time (particularly those with a cultural profile such as "Flacӑra" or those addressing young audiences, such as "Scânteia tineretului"). Archive documents are used to offer the unofficial reception of the festival among the foreign participants. Finally, the approach is based on perspectives and concepts related to popular culture which reveal that adapted and reinterpreted, prove to be extremely useful tools in approaching phenomena related to the former Eastern bloc and that the specificity of these manifestations offer interesting comparisons and open new debates.

Each of us has a Voice. Our Voice cannot be more or less than “who” and
“what” we are. Paradoxically, it is our Voice that determines and sustains—
or changes, “who” and “what” we are. Our Voice always creates form; you
know: our visions, our future, our present, as it did our past. In other words,
we cannot escape our Voice whether we are aware of “it,” believe “it” manifests form, or know “it” is a perfect reflection and projection of our core values, desires, and motives. So what, specifically, is this Voice that each of us
has? Our Voice is our awareness, observation, witnessing or being mindful of
our mind or state-of-being (including our internal dialogue or our dialogue
with another person), either spoken or written.
How often have you read or heard that a leader must have a Voice that envisions and clearly articulates his or her vision? Or perhaps you’ve heard that
if you can conceptualize “it” you can achieve “it.” These sentiments are motivational but have you ever wondered just how do you get “it,” and, other than
magic, how does one’s Voice create form? For most of us, the practicality of
these motivational sentiments is that viewing and manifesting our desires is
only slightly less difficult than knowing (notice I didn’t say “believing”) that
Chapter One
Coincidence, Consciousness, Creation
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voice is energy and energy create form. More often than not there is a disconnect between our Voice and our ability to:
1. specifically and clearly mentally draw the picture of what we want,
2. acknowledge that it does matter what and how we self-talk,
3. have the mental discipline to be internally congruent with our vision, our
desires, and our actions; and
4. be aware that through association there is assimilation—in other words it
really does matter whom we respect, associate with, and what their Voice
reinforces or destroys within us.
Each of us has within ourselves the essential elements to have our Voice
make each and every one of our dreams, desires, hopes, wishes, and needs
manifest for us—in the perfect form that is for our highest good and for the
benefit of others. Or, as Dr. Bruce Lipton’s book The Biology of Belief (2005)
so elegantly concludes as he outlines the holistic, often complex interactions
between matter and energy, “You are only as powerful as your belief system.”
For instance, at work and in your personal relationships have you ever conceptualized living and working in a harmonious environment that was personally affirming, shared core values, and wealth was abundant? Do you realize that all you need to start the manifestation of this vision is for you to
hear your own Voice and to be open to the possibility this will occur? This
first personal step, being open is—so to speak—equivalent to “ringing the
doorbell” to your conscious awareness. When you finally hear the “door bell”
and open the door to your conscious awareness you begin the discovery that
your vision is the manifestation of precisely “who” and “what” you are. Your
vision is one tangible manifestation of your energetic Voice. Your Voice is energy, and energy creates form.

OK, now we have given the obligatory nod to the esoteric good feeling stuff.  This is not a snarky statement, but one to emphasize that if you are involved on a regular basis with bullies, determinedly difficult people, and predators you have some serious business you need to attend to either: detach, confront, acquiesce, engage with legal consultation or any combination until you either: resolve the situation become embittered, become a despicable person, or vanquish your nemesis.

None of these options will be pleasant (but you haven't been this way in a long time).  Some affiliations will noticeably change or disappear.  Your finances may be drained.  Finally, you can count on your nemesis calling in all powerful and political allies to decimate you. Just remember if you do nothing, this is going to continue and escalate anyway.  However, if do something, there will most definitely be a change.  The goal is to have the change be in your benefit.

This book is written as a teaching tool for Human Resource Managers and executive staff, for Labor Representatives, for Educators, for ordinary people, and for you to start teaching your kids and grandkids so as they grow, they will get to practice these skills to be better prepared to handle these situations that most of us were.

Times change, but human nature - if it changes typically gets worse.  So, there are several options presented for you to consider.  There are detailed basic actions one should meticulously attend.  And there are some historical and social backstories that often influence the twists and turns of our life.  This book should be quite helpful, it is most definitely "real," and

The last bit of advice I can give you is for you to decide: "what will you determine that you have won?"  Are you flexible enough to win without topping off your win with vengeance? (You already started out with an enemy; they will get worse as you stand up for yourself.  This is the real world and not everyone is mentally stable or knows how to control their anger - some reactions can be scathing or deadly.  You need to determine as you start devising your strategy, how will you determine whether or not you think you've won or lost? Dealing with difficult people can be emotionally draining, demoralizing, and sometimes frightening/fearful.  On the other hand, most difficult people most get really "twisted" because you dared to stand up for yourself.  So just remember, they aren't sleeping well either.

From reading all the comments from my recently published article, I have come out with a conclusion that there are people who agree and disagree with this discriminatory practice. There are also those who are in the middle and don't see this dual pricing issue as black and white like me. I will give my personal perspective on how dual pricing is constructed based on the theory of " intersectionality " and why it is vital for everyone to better understand how multiple identities can impact our lives. First of all, Gina Crosley-Corcoran, Author and advocate behind TheFeministBreeder.com emphasized that people can be privileged in some ways and not privileged in others and there are many types of privileges apart from skin color/race that can benefit a group of people (Crosley-Corcoran, 2014). This intersectionality includes citizenship, class, sexual orientation and religious identity. I will mainly focus on class and citizenship privilege as these are more related to this topics than others. As for dual price system, Thai citizens (regardless of their income and social status) can be privileged than non-Thai citizens because they are more likely to not be charged by both intuitions and individuals who apply this practice. Differing prices for Thais and foreigners is not actually unique in Thailand. In the UK, foreign students need to pay 2 or 3 higher tuition fees than British students. Some other countries also practice the activities that favor local citizens instead of non-citizens such as expensive immigration and visa fees. We can see that citizenship privilege is a universal problem, not just in Thailand. However, this does not mean I agree with the way each country treat insiders better than outsiders. According to In-group favoritism, it is normal that people are likely to favor members of one's in-group over out-group members. Yes, this is a barrier to being empathetic towards other cultures and groups. As for Western/white and first world privilege, the majority of Western expats from northern Europe and the America are more privileges than Thai people and the working class back home to be able to enjoy the sort of lifestyle that would allow them to vacation/expat on the other side of the world. Many Thais and poor Westerners cannot enjoy this experience because of their poor financial status. You can make an argument that there are Westerners from developing nations such as South America and Eastern Europe who also live in Thailand. But this argument is flawed because according to Office of Foreign Workers Administration, the highest number of registered expats is from English speaking nations and

The focus of this study will be on the crime and punishment history of Alaska and how the different ethnic and cultural backgrounds of its inhabitants helped shape up its history. To help understand this period we will rely mainly on secondary material and a few primary sources that are available online. These will help us get a better understanding of the social and legal changes that were going on during the different periods, where race relations – even those that did not take place in this territory – would play a key role in the formation of the Alaskan legal history.

Since the Civil Rights Movements, the emphasis on confronting power, inequality, and racism in US schools has receded. So too has the movement to reverse racial/ethnic segregation and enhance student interactions. Instead, much popular and academic discourse focuses on standardized tests and achievement gaps, leaving the social aspects of schooling and race/ethnic interactions under-explored and largely ignored. Meanwhile, racial/ethnic tensions, hierarchies, inequalities, and the patterns, institutions, and systems that maintain them persist. During a period of growth in the percentages of Latina/o and Asian American/Pacific Islander students, this article argues for the importance of theorizing, researching, and reconceptualizing race/ethnic interactions in schools. Key to this process is adopting a multifaceted and multilevel approach. This involves moving beyond dichotomous thinking and instead adopting a framework that explores (1) the strengths of quantitative and qualitative research; (2) cross- and intra-racial/ethnic relations; (3) the significance of race/ethnicity, class, and gender; (4) a conflict-solidarity continuum of relationships; and (5) the salience of macro-, meso-, and micro-dynamics on school interactions. The adoption of this approach allows for a more complex, nuanced, and contemporary analysis of the phenomena occurring in today’s schools, thereby facilitating the possibility for change.

The experience of being on the receiving end of racial segregation has been fundamental to the way generations of Aboriginal people in NSW view the landscape. Racial segregation was and is a spatial system with a plenitude of dividing lines, but the lines were unmarked more than marked, the conventions unvoiced more than spoken. Historically, in the Australian case, it was a system that covered its own tracks and left few marks apart from those it left on the lives of its victims. The colonial, cadastral mapping of land was instrumental in racial separation. In theory, the colonized were gridlocked by the cadastra but there were always ways through it and ways of subverting it.

Nationalism and its counterpart, modernism, are projects that involve the attempt to homogenize and incorporate the masses through the creation of a majority identity that usually leads to the classification of certain deviant groups as ‘others’. In Spain, civic and ethnic nationalisms driven by the state have historically drawn on cultural and biological notions of ethnicity and race to construct a representation of the Maragatos as ‘cursed peoples’, while at the same time homogenizing and incorporating them into the nation in practice. By tracing a genealogy of the origins and evolution of the representations of Maragato otherness created during the Enlightenment era, the Franco dictatorship and the current super-modern period, this paper argues that representations of otherness significantly influence current research agendas and understandings of identity well beyond the disappearance of the actual subjects described as others.

Assimilation scholarship is rooted in the race relations framework that has been critiqued for providing legitimacy to the prevailing racial order, not least because it credits ethno-racial group agency as the mechanism that causes inequities among groups' socioeconomic outcomes and the degrees to which they are socially accepted. To explain socioeconomic inequities, alternative frames centering on racialization and structural racism look to white supremacy and the unequal ends it entergers, but the sociological theory developed in these alternatives is largely tangential to assimilation theory. That the assimilationist model still dominates leaves a key part of the discipline vulnerable to supporting white supremacist ideologies about societies falsely believed to be colorblindly meritocratic. For this reason I call upon sociologists to work together to dethrone assimilationism from its exalted status in the sociology of immigration and scholars of race knowledgeable in these alternative approaches to actively reenter the arena of immigration studies and take the ground that has been ceded to the assimilationist frame. I suggest these as next steps in a campaign to overturn the dominance of the race relations model in sociology as a whole.

In a San Juan, Puerto Rico, concert held in February 2007, the pop singer Ricky Martin made an obscene gesture with his finger while singing a line about having his picture taken with President Bush. This essay uses the backlash emanating from the gesture to illustrate a two-part argument: (1) after September 11, 2001, American citizenship (both political and cultural) became a tenuously tied to ideas about patriotism and non-immigrant status, and (2) patriotism was linked to an unyielding support for President Bush and his administration. We can see demarcations between notions of “the citizen” versus “the other” in United States mainstream discussions of the finger incident. Responses to the reports about Ricky Martin’s gesture showed a distrust of his Puerto Rican body, which stemmed from a general distrust of deemed non- and un-American bodies. The essay outlines a specific relationship between social narratives, popular culture, and post-9/11 constructions of citizenship.

This paper discusses the empirical manifestations of the notion of active citizenship in the context of the experiences of migrant
youth. It focuses on the practices of active citizenship through
involvement in social networks and creative civic engagement. In doing so, the article examines the complex and multi-faceted
nature of social networking among migrant youth and the extent to which their approach to engagement is dependent on the specificities of the local environment, the type of social issues involved, and the cultural norms of one’s own cultural heritage. Key empirical insights are derived from quantitative and qualitative research conducted among migrant youth of African, Arabic-speaking and Pacific Island backgrounds in Australia. These empirical insights are used to examine the changing perceptions of active citizenship among migrant youth, and the possibilities offered through non-traditional networks to engender civic engagement and social participation.

Con este artículo aspiramos a plantear vías y elementos para el análisis, el estudio y la comprensión de un fenómeno complejo de violencia étnica con múltiples implicaciones a todos los niveles y un escenario transnacional marcado por diferentes tempos, razones y estímulos, todo ello propiciado por las consecuencias de la guerra y las condiciones planteadas por la inmediata posguerra. Por tanto, nuestro objetivo sería dar cuenta de la complejidad inherente al éxodo y la expulsión de las comunidades alemanas y Volksdeutsche de Europa centro-oriental a la par que introducir una nueva variable en nuestra comprensión de la guerra civil europea.

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In this article we want to pose some lines and objects in order to go into detail about the analysis, research and understanding of a complex phenomena of ethnic violence, a problem with too much implications at every level in a transnational scene characterized by different tempos, reasons and stimulus, all of that favoured by the consequences of war and postwar situation. Therefore, our aim is to show the complexity attached tothe exodus and expulsion of German and Volksdeutsche communities at Central-Eastern Europe. At the same time we would like to introduce a new fact in our understanding of the European civil war.

From the Germans of Danzig (now Gdansk, in Poland) to the Turks of Rhodes: the «Europa etnografica» map (1:6.000.000) of the Atlante internazionale del TCI (1st ed., 1927). For a later version of this map (3rd ed., 1929) you can see www.davidrumsey.com

This article traces two broad discourses concerning gender in a selection of relationship manuals from 1974 to 2004. On the one hand are manuals promoting traditional gender roles, and on the other are those that promote financial and emotional independence for women. In contrast to other analyses, I argue that these approaches cannot be categorised into a simplistic dichotomy of ‘feminist’ and ‘patriarchal,’ but that they are better understood as being bound up with conservative and liberal discourses of the self. I further demonstrate that these approaches both assume and require types of self that are somewhat removed from their historical antecedents and should be understood as neo variants.

In this article, I use a case study analysis of two white nationalist movements online, in the Australian context, to consider whether the prevalence and everyday uses of social media by white nationalist groups today has impacted on race relations and multiculturalism in Australia 12 years after the Cronulla riots. Social media affordances present a set of conditions that were absent during the 2005 riot, and yet, are today mobilising distinct variants of white nationalism online. Rather than these expressions being locally situated, social media allows these performances to be connected up virtually, extending the white nationalists’ capacity to occupy and terrorise a range of networked public and intimate spaces and influence mainstream political culture. Nonetheless social media affordances, which situate these movements in a virtual ‘ecology of subcultures’ also contributes to their instability and ambivalence, with the uncivil ‘trolling’ practices of online movements undermining broader social goals and contributing to even more extreme and unstable expressions online.

The basic tenets of the international refugee protection regime, set out in the UN’s 1951 Convention and the 1967 Protocol, grant individuals the right to seek asylum, but do not provide for laws obliging signatory states to grant asylum. This inherent
paradox allows signatory states ongoing manoeuvre to prevent would-be asylum seekers from accessing protection in their territories. To this end, countries of the global north have designed and implemented a range of harsh measures aimed at deterring onshore asylum seekers, and privileging border control over refugee protection. This paper examines the effectiveness of deterrence measures taken by Australia, taking into account that the key drivers of the asylum process are not
always easily disentangled, as argued by politicians and policy makers, and as per prevalent popular understandings. It argues that deterrence measures are not only contrary to international humanitarian obligations, but obscure empirically grounded understandings of forced migration as a complex social phenomenon and as such are problematic in terms of meeting their publicly stated objectives of stopping on-shore
asylum seeking in the long term.

This article sets out to summarise the policies, practices and experiences of immigration detention in contemporary Greece, as well as outlining how they have been critiqued domestically and internationally. The article proceeds to address the ways in which the Greek state has reacted to criticisms and pressures for reform, especially from abroad. It is argued that neither domestic nor international interventions have succeeded in bringing about substantive progressive change in the Greek immigration detention system. Rather, Greek state authorities have systematically neutralised criticisms by employing an array of rhetorical techniques, most notably through evocation of philoxenia (broadly meaning hospitality to foreigners and strangers more generally) as a natural trait common to all Greeks. In addition to highlighting the dubious and paradoxical dimensions of the rhetorical defences deployed by the state in Greece, particularly as concerns its discourse of philoxenia, the article goes on to discuss the main socio-political functions that have subtly been served inside the country’s borders through maintenance of deplorable policies and practices of immigration detention, including the symbolic management of public anxieties in accordance with what may be termed the ‘more eligibility’ principle. In pointing to these functions, the article helps to explain why the Greek state persists in making use of rhetoric that is blatantly indefensible and bound to attract further disapprobation.

An Example of Positive Intergroup Contact
Calling All Colors offers a dramatic example of the benefits of “intergroup
contact” (Allport, 1954). When children from different racial groups come
together in positive ways, collaborate on shared projects, and develop
personal connections with one another, important changes take place
(Pettigrew and Tropp, 2006). Anxiety about interacting with people who
appear to be different from oneself diminishes. Stereotypes and prejudices
are reduced. The unknown, and often feared, other becomes an individual
with whom one has worked on meaningful activities. Children discover that,
despite their differences, they have a great deal in common. As they discuss
similar interests and preferences (food, music, hobbies, etc), and similar life
experiences (e.g., “I’m the oldest one in my family, too,” “I know what you
mean, I hated it when I had to move to a new school,”) they come to know
each other in an increasingly personal way. Over time, the racial divide does
not seem quite so wide, and the possibility of a truly integrated community
does not seem so far away.|

Australia’s education system endeavours to provide an environment in which students can learn in a safe and comfortable manner, free of fear of verbal or physical abuse. However, for many schools, the ability to create this safe environment has been undermined by a recent rise in society-wide intercultural tensions that inevitably permeate the school boundary. Empirical data from a national project about racism among Australian youth provides evidence that these intercultural tensions are generating an unsettling level of verbal, and in some cases, physical abuse in Australian secondary schools. These project findings inform the discussion presented in this paper that schools, as sites of intercultural relations, reflect wider societal attitudes. Nevertheless, this paper also contends that schools as microcosms of social realities have the potential to change social attitudes gradually, including those about diversity, culture and race. To do so, schools need to be supported by teacher education programs which explore the ways in which issues of race, culture and diversity can be incorporated in the content choice in school curriculum. This will influence positively the way in which graduating teachers approach diversity and inter-cultural tensions within their own classrooms and the wider school.

ABSTRACT Purpose – This study analyzes the rhetoric casting U.S. President Barack Obama in the role of betraying and undermining the nation because he seeks government policies supporting a social safety net, gay rights, abortion rights, and other progressive agendas.Methodology/Approach – The analysis is based on sociological social movement theories, especially the interrelationship of ideology, frames, and narratives in understanding how activists take their ideas and turn them in to action. The power devaluation model of Rory McVeigh is applied to the construction of reality used by right-wing anti-Obama forces, especially those linked to the various Tea Party movements.Findings – The most militant anti-Obama ideologues construct frames and narratives based on a dualistic worldview in which Obama and liberals in general are demonized and scapegoated for existing economic, social, and political problems.Research limitations/implications – More scholarly research using statistical analysis of the views and demographics of Tea Party supporters is needed to provide a complete picture of this new social/political movement.Practical implications – By showing that right-wing populists are basing their beliefs on a long history of similar frames and narratives, this study can help prompt a more constructive response by political opponents who wrongly demonize the Tea Party supporters and their allies as ignorant or crazy.

College students study race and class in sociology courses or in Black Studies programs, although it should be part of the core curriculum for all incoming college freshmen who need to understand the history of this multi-racial, multi-ethnic, multi-religious society. The issue of race identity vs. class identity in the US is as old as the institution of slavery followed by an apartheid society from the end of the Civil War to the Supreme Court decision of 1896 in Plessy v. Fergusson, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and down to the early 21st century with lingering cultural and institutional racism manifesting itself in everything from the criminal justice system to public schools and public health.

Abstract This chapter examines the connections between systemic police terror, solidarity, collective consciousness, emotion work, and negative health outcomes for black Americans. While much social science and criminological research has focused on police brutality and the black male without much consideration of the collective effects of police violence on communities of color, we shift the conversation from brutality to systemic terror by incorporating the cumulative and collective effects policing has on communities of color, beyond those directly victimized via interactions with the police. In this chapter, we introduce and theorize about the deeper connections between policing, black communities, and emotional labor and the relationship(s) these factors have on negative health outcomes.