Rohingya Crisis

This article discusses the recent state visit of Indian President Ramnath Kovind to Myanmar and uses the joint statement from the same to argue that India is avoiding uncomfortable (but critical) aspects of the Rohingya crisis - like holding the Tatmadaw generals accused of serious war crimes to book - just to maintain cordial bilateral relations with Myanmar.

This chapter deals with the contemporary issues and incidents of the
Rohingya crisis with an aim to investigate the subject from the historical
and political point of view where it will be engaged in discussing the
historical paradox about Rohingya community along with shading light
on the different arguments. It will also address the contemporary history
of persecution against Rohingya community from a non-aligned
approach.

Keywords: Rohingya, refugee, history, human rights,
Bangladesh, Myanmar

This paper mainly deals with the Rohingya crisis from a historical
point of view. Alongside, it also attempts to unfold the scale of the
present genocide, persecution and refugee status with a special
reference to its plausible affects to the politics of Bangladesh at
the national and the international level.

I have been writing news articles about the Rohingya genocide since 2012. We have been described as genocide under State Policy, but the World media and politicians have denied that it was genocide. The UN used the term ethnic cleansing and to refer to the 2012 genocide of the Rohingya as a communal conflict. Naming the violence against the Rohingyas as a communal conflict, the Burmese government has postponed the Rohingyas being locked up in ghettos instead of solving the problem.  More than 240,000 Rohingyas who were displaced in 2012 and they are still not allowed to return to their homes and live in poverty in IDP camps.
        The international community has not taken action against Burma's military leaders, leaving them with an opportunity for further violence. In 2016, clearance operations were launched to massacre the Rohingyas. In 2017, more than 400 Rohingya villages were set on fire. More than 10,000 Rohingyas, including children, were brutally massacred. Many women were raped. As a result, nearly a million Rohingya have fled to neighboring Bangladesh. Since then, the international media has begun to report on the genocide of the Rohingya.
          The international community is increasingly interested in the Rohingya issue as the Gambia prosecutes Burma over the Rohingya genocide. To this day, however, the Rohingya continue to suffer persecution as the United States and other major powers do not officially use the term Rohingya Genocide. We urgently need the help of International Community to free the Rohingyas from genocide. 
      The United Nations has long characterized Myanmar's Rohingyas as one of the World's most persecuted minorities and Myanmar consistently denies their existence or considering them illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. They have been being kept in ghetto-like villages - encompassing restrictions on religious freedom, lethal use of force, forced displacement and denial of equal citizenship rights - has not only exasperated the humanitarian crises confronting the Rohingyas but also threatens to undermine democracy transition and commit crime against humanity. 
              To understand the nature of Rohingya problem, it is necessary to see the historical background of Myanmar dictators who violated their own laws as well as international laws. All human beings should be equal before the law; implementing particular laws for the particular people in a country is not only illegitimate but also a crime against humanity. Improving a community is possible only by elevating the young generations to the rank of humanity, not by obliterating the bad ones; spreading propaganda against other faiths or races will harm stability and prosperity of the country.
            Those who are full of bad feelings and whose souls are influenced by the egoism look like human beings, whether they really are human is doubtful. Rules and regulation are beneficial to guarantee human happiness and help us attain true humanity while the apartheid policy destroys human dignity. Humanity is a tree, and nations are its branches, denying a nation for its biological and ideological differences harms existence of the tree.
        Denying Rohingya and their legitimate right of citizenship, Myanmar authority has committed crime against humanity. I will explain two aspects of institutionalized violations; legal rights of Rohingyas and historical evidence that will be enough to say Myanmar has committed Rohingya Genocide.
        On 23 January 2020, the ICJ issued an order on The Gambia's re-quest for provisional measures. The order "indicated" provisional measures ordering Myanmar to prevent genocidal acts against the Rohingyas the pendency of the case, and to report regularly on its implementation of the order. According to Amnesty International, more than 750,000 Rohingya refugees, mostly women and children, fled Myanmar and crossed into neighboring Bangladesh after Myanmar forces launched a brutal crackdown in August 2017.
            Since Aug. 25, 2017, nearly 24,000 Rohingya Muslims have been killed by Myanmar’s state forces, according to a report by the Ontario International Development Agency (OIDA). More than 34,000 Rohingya were also thrown into fires, while over 114,000 others were beaten, said the OIDA report, titled Forced Migration of Rohingyas: The Untold Experience. As many as 18,000 Rohingya women and girls were raped by Myanmar’s army and police, while over 115,000 Rohingyas homes were burned down and 113,000 others vandalized.
      The ICJ directed Myanmar to prevent genocide, and this could have a real impact in protecting the 600,000 Rohingyas who remain in the country. Additionally, the ICJ process means Rohingya survivors and activists have a platform for their experiences to be recognized. Rohingyas inside Arakan have been being kept in the ghetto-like situation since 1980s, more than 240000 internally displayed Rohingyas have been living in the concentration camps since 2012 and more than one million live in Bangladesh refugee camps since 2017. We need support of international community to end ongoing Rohingya Genocide in Myanmar.

August 2019 marked the second anniversary of the exodus of nearly one million Rohingyas from Myanmar, fleeing atrocities arguably amounting to genocide and other crimes. For the most part, this news sank without a trace in India. This reality begs the question why the Indian media is unable or unwilling to create public consensus on the need to recognize refugees as victims of violence, terrorism, or State oppression. In comparison with news coverage of earlier refugee influxes into India, reportage around the Rohingya has seen a major shift. Tibetans, Bengali Hindus, Sri Lankan Tamils, among others, were welcomed with empathy, historically.

However, the Indian media’s reportage of the Rohingya crisis is at best negligible; at worst misleading, exaggerated and emotive—pitting the Bengali speaking Muslim Rohingya as an economic and security threat to India, and feeding into rising xenophobia and anti-Muslim ideologies in India and abroad. The role of the media as a watchdog in democracy cannot be understated. Its task is to inform the public accurately and hold governments to Constitutional standards—actions that can influence both opinion and policy. Much like the anniversary of the Rohingya exodus, reportage around India’s acceptance of the Global Compact on Refugees and the Global Compact on Migration has also been next to absent in the Indian media—both print and television. Given the voluntary nature of the GCR, its uniqueness lies in its holistic approach towards refugee protection by bringing different stakeholders, including the media, together in order to generate support for victims of humanitarian crises. With nomenclature around refugees, migrants, asylum seekers merging into each other in the public mind today, how can the media improve its coverage of refugees as victims of a humanitarian crisis? Can it play a role in positively influencing opinion and building wider consensus around India’s acceptance of the Global Compact on Refugees? Accurate, well-informed reportage can sensitise audiences to the situation facing refugees and their distress, as well as introduce them to key debates and potential solutions to humanitarian crises. This paper analyses the role of media as a stakeholder in propagating, promoting and influencing narratives around ongoing refugee and migrant crises.

This paper attempts to engage with the Rohingya crisis, visually explained as the boat people. The  attempt is to transcend the immediate context of a stranded people and explore the larger world of
reference, compelling the people to take suicidal voyage. In absolute definiteness, their lives unfold a  reality of endless hatred, abuses, rights violation and continuous persecution inside Myanmar. These
unjust acts in epistemic way unfold conspicuous intention of categorical indifference to the existence  of the group. The displacement and refugee crisis is but half reality of a naked truth of state sponsored
dehumanizing efforts. However, it would be more appropriate to state the case as one of domestic as  well as global injustice fundamentally embodied in abandonment, the extreme form of indifference.

This Peaceworks report maps the religious landscape of Myanmar’s Rakhine State, focusing in particular on the current and potential influence of religion in peace and reconciliation efforts. Part of a broader USIP initiative to map the religious landscape in conflict-affected environments, it presents key findings and offers recommendations to enable policymakers and peacebuilding practitioners to better navigate and engage within Rakhine’s religious landscape.

The refugee crisis is one of the greatest problems in the world right now. Countries from both developed and developing parts of the world have faced this crisis for many years. Usually, refugees lost their home-relatives, income source and all meaningful aspects of life. Living in another country with the help of the foreign government and NGOs, the refugees spend a challenging time under many difficulties. This study concentrates on social media uses of the Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh under the light of uses and gratification theory. The purposive sampling technique used to collect the data. This study focuses on what are the main reasons for using social media, attitude toward social media, and lastingness on social media by the Rohingya refugees. Data has been collected from 37 Rohingya refugees ranging in age of 19 to 32 years, gendering both male and female. Results indicate that Facebook is the most preferred social media. The majority of them (37.8%) are using social med...

The Rohingya genocide in Myanmar is an ongoing crisis of ethnic cleansing that has recently come into international recognition. The hostility displayed by the Myanmar government towards the Rohingyas is based on the narrative that the Rohingyas are illegal Bengali immigrants who arrived in the country during the colonial rule. However, the Rohingyas have completely refuted thisnarrative as a misrepresentation of their history. This paper intends to look at the role of literature in challenging the hegemonic discourse, through the analysis of Exodus: Between Genocide and Me, a collection of poetry, written by the Rohingya refugee writer, Mayyu Ali. The paper tries to read this collection as micro-narrativesthatprovide an opportunity for the Rohingyas to represent their version of the story as an alternate history and break the hegemony of the government narrative as the only history of Myanmar. The paper also aims to retrace the Rohingya version of history to understand the reasons behind the persecution of Rohingyas in the postcolonial Myanmar.

Bangladesh has shown a great level of generosity by opening its door for the Rohingya ethnic minority, which is sadly lacking in many parts of the world, including in this particular region of South Asia. Bangladesh hosts nearly 1.1 million Rohingyas who have fled the persecution in Myanmar. Among these, the majority took shelter in the last few years of massive oppression directed by the Myanmar military forces. Further, they live in cruel conditions in the camps and need severe help. The fate of the Rohingya refugees in the camps of Cox's Bazar is insecure and uncertain. This article aims at highlighting the two most critical issues about the Rohingya crisis, which are: one of the most critical aspects of the crisis⎯ 'the repatriation process', which did not come into sight until now, and the delay of the repatriation process, which add another new dimension in this crisis⎯ 'Bangladesh's plan to relocate 100,000 Rohingyas in an island called Bhashan Char'.

The United Nations embraced the doctrine of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P) in 2005, which states that it is a shared responsibility of the international community to protect peoples from the atrocities of war crimes, crimes against humanity, ethnic cleansing, and genocide. Regarding Myanmar, the UN Human Rights Council claimed there were gross violations of human rights and international law in Myanmar's Rakhine state. Also, the UN Independent Fact-Finding Mission found evidence of genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes, and accordingly requested that the international community employ R2P to protect the Rohingya people. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights acknowledged the clearance operation that occurred on 25 August 2017 at the hands of the Myanmar military regime was a “textbook example of ethnic cleansing”. In spite of this, the international community has taken no effective measures to protect the Rohingya community from what was an “entirely predictable” act of genocide. This paper is a qualitative investigation, a review of possible strategic reasons for why the international community has failed to protect the Rohingya. The paper relies on secondary scholarly literature, policy records, UN, government, and NGO reports, grey literature sources, and online materials. ASEAN's non-interference strategy, the OIC's dependency on diplomacy, the EU's priority for the hybrid democratic transition of Myanmar, the UN's political dialogue strategy, and the UN Security Council's structural weaknesses are obstacles to the international community preventing genocide in Myanmar. This study contributes to understanding the strategies of ASEAN, OIC, EU, UN, ICC, and the ICJ in relation to the Rohingya issue. It examines the chances of these organisations championing R2P, and also considers whether the Rohingya crisis is too intractable or difficult to resolve under current arrangements.

The Myanmar army’s disproportionate use of military force in response to attacks in 2016 and 2017 by Harakah Al-Yaqin (Faith Movement) drove some 700,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar’s western state of Rakhine across the border to Bangladesh. While not the first military-driven exodus of Rohingya from Rakhine, the current humanitarian crisis is linked to violence that broke out in 2012 between the Rohingya and another Myanmar minority, the Rakhine Buddhists, who first came into conflict during World War II. This chapter aims to present an understanding of the conflict in Rakhine, including the factors that have shaped it over time until the present, its incompatibilities, and their management. The first part of the chapter discusses competing Buddhist-Muslim perceptions of history and identity, which form a core incompatibility in the conflict, the long history of Buddhist-Muslim relations in the state, and the effects of British colonial policy. The chapter then turns to the post-independence period and examines the triangular nature of the conflict, the ‘Burmanization’ programme that followed Ne Win’s 1962 coup, discriminatory measures introduced by the government, the introduction of the 1982 Citizenship Law, the role of the ‘War on Terror’, and the tenuous links of Rohingya militant groups to international terrorist organizations. The final part focuses on the build-up to the 2012 violence and the current crisis, including the role of international media.

Would there be any difference in the treatment of Rohingya populations if a military government or civilian government ran the state? With Rohingya repatriation serving as a flashpoint of the Myanmar coup, invoking global responsibility to protect this population seems long overdue.

Rohingyas of the Rakhine state of Myanmar have earned the status of migrants
while escaping from mass killing and torture. Bangladesh has been their close destination
since the first attempt to migrate and it has welcomed them. This study
aims at uncovering the economic impact of the Rohingya crisis in Bangladesh,
which has faced the first wave of the influx, through understanding the changes
in its economy. The Rohingya exodus may not have affected the economy yet but
it has already caused enough trouble to its only touristic region, Cox’s Bazar. The
business intervention of China and Myanmar has a significant role in creating the
current crisis. Thus, Rakhine state under the surveillance of the Myanmar military
witnessed torture and persecution of Rohingya Muslim community for decades.
Therefore, the international community has to come forward immediately and force
Myanmar to resolve the crisis and help recover Bangladesh from great distress.

The Myanmar army’s disproportionate use of military force in response to attacks in 2016 and 2017 by Harakah Al-Yaqin (Faith Movement) drove some 700,000 Rohingya Muslims from Myanmar’s western state of Rakhine across the border to Bangladesh. While not the first military-driven exodus of Rohingya from Rakhine, the current humanitarian crisis is linked to violence that broke out in 2012 between the Rohingya and another Myanmar minority, the Rakhine Buddhists, who first came into conflict during World War II. This chapter aims to present an understanding of the conflict in Rakhine, including the factors that have shaped it over time until the present, its incompatibilities, and their management. The first part of the chapter discusses competing Buddhist-Muslim perceptions of history and identity, which form a core incompatibility in the conflict, the long history of Buddhist-Muslim relations in the state, and the effects of British colonial policy. The chapter then turns to the post-...

Since its foundation in 1967, the member states of ASEAN have established cooperation mechanisms in a number of sectors, ranging from trade to environmental protection. ASEAN has been highly successful in achieving cooperation in trade and commercial issues. However, it has been unable to achieve similar level of cooperation in political and humanitarian issues. For instance, the ASEAN has failed to deliver a unified response against the human rights violations of Rohingya people in Myanmar. Though the declaration of 34th ASEAN Summit in 2019 calls for 'safety and security for all communities in Rakhine state' and facilitation of the 'voluntary return of displaced persons in a safe, secure and dignified manner', it failed to mention a timeline of such repatriation process. Moreover, the declaration did not criticize the actions of Myanmar's military in the Rakhine state. This study offers a critique of ASEAN's traditional approach of diplomacy known as 'ASEAN Way'. Examining a set of relevant issues, the study seeks to outline the legal, institutional and political factors which prevented a unified ASEAN response to the Rohingya crisis. Through a qualitative analysis, it concludes with an observation that the failure to develop an institutional mechanism to deal with political and human rights issues in SouthEast Asia could hinder ASEAN's objective of becoming a more integrated 'European Union'-like community.

Since August 2017, crisis surrounding Rohingya settlements in Myanmar intensified across the borders between Myanmar and Bangladesh, resulting into fleeing and subsequent resettlement of a million Rohingya as refugees in Bangladesh. This short piece is reflective of bits and pieces of my field experience in the Rohingya camps of Bangladesh in 2019.

A brief analysis reveals that the foreign policy history of Bangladesh has been swayed from time to time to manage or avoid risks and to secure the opportunities in the outside environment to meet immediate needs of the country which were significantly channeled by the leaders and regimes in power. The problem is that these are largely 'reactive' in nature, in other word, 'being shaped' by the events and policies of others. However, the present Rohingya challenge demands something more. In order to face the present challenge, Bangladesh needs to take the initiative to 'shape' others and their policies instead of being shaped by them. So, it is high time that Bangladesh starts rethinking its foreign policy.

Товч Хураангуй
“4.1.7. Аюулгүй байдал, гадаад бодлогын салбарын эрдэм шинжилгээ, судалгааны байгууллагын чадавхыг бэхжүүлж, төрийн бодлого боловсруулахад тэдний оролцоог нэмэгдүүлнэ.” (ҮАБҮБ 2010)
Улс орнуудын үндэсний аюулгүй байдалд халдах хуурамч мэдээ буюу мэдээллийн аюулгүй байдлын эрсдэл хийгээд Монгол улсад нийгмийн сүлжээний хүрээнд олон нийтэд чиглэсэн улс төрийн зорилготой бодит бус өгөгдлийн урсгалд анхаарвал зохих хандлагатай субектууд байгаа эсэхийг шинжих нь уг судалгааний нэг зорилт. Уг зорилтыг олон улсын харилцааны шинжлэх ухааны судалгааны ажиглалт, харьцуулалт, туршилт болон агуулга—нөхцөл байдал—үйл явдалд дүн шинжилгээ хийх аргуудыг үндэслэн ашиглаж боловсруулсан мэдээллийг дүгнэж асуудал, шийдэл цаашлаад шинэлэг санааг онолын бөгөөд бодит түвшинд танин мэдэх замаар үр дүнтэйгээр биелүүлхээр төлөвлөв. Судалгааны хүрээнд хариулт эрсэн асуултууд:
Мьянмарын зэвсэгт хүчний үндэстний цөөнхөө “цэвэрлэсэн” ажиллагаанд хуурамч мэдээ хэрхэн нөлөөлсөн болон хуурамч мэдээний бусад орны үндэсний аюулгүй байдалд үзүүлэх нөлөө.
Монгол улсад нийгмийн сүлжээний хүрээнд зарим нэг субектүүдийн явуулж бүй үйл ажиллагааны шууд ба шууд бус үр дагавар нь олон нийтийг улс төрийн зорилгоор маркетингийн арга хэрэгслийг ашиглаж хувь хүний үндсэн хуулиар олгогдсон суурь эрхүүдийг зөрчих эрсдэл үүсч буй эсэх.
Үндэсний аюулгүй байдлын бүтцэд олон нийтийн үзэл бодол, байр суурь, үйл ажиллагаа нь хэмжээний хувьд эзлэх чанар, түүнд аливаа зорилгоор нийгмийн сүлжээг ашиглан нөлөөлөх талуудын ашиг сонирхлыг тодорхойлох, хянах болон хязгаарлах шаардлага болон бодит жишээнүүд.

Түлхүүр Үгс: үндэсний аюулгүй байдал, хуурамч мэдээ, нийгмийн цахим сүлжээ, олон улсын харилцаа, хүний эрх, пропаганда, Мьянмар, УИХ, цахим аюулгүй байдал, Монгол улс

The recent Rohingya crisis has drawn intense research attention worldwide lately, but the Tatmadaw's perspective in the crackdown has not received much attention. Thus, this article analyses Tatmadaw's perspective on its crackdown decision on the Rohingyas. The article avails SWOT framework (Strength, Weakness, Opportunity, and Threat) for the analysis. The article argues that the Tatmadaw is militarily successful in achieving its goal. However, even though Tatmadaw is successful in the short-term, sustaining it in the long-term or converting military success into political success will be challenging, especially if international community comes into the stage with robust action.