Rohingya

Extrait : "Que pensez-vous qu’il faille faire pour arrêter ce massacre ? et l’ONU est-il en partie responsable de laisser faire ?

C’est une question très difficile et personne ne détient la solution miracle. Cependant, ce que nous avons toujours exiger, c’est l’arrêt immédiat des exactions et le rétablissement de l’accès aux humanitaires. Pour y arriver, les efforts doivent se faire aussi bien à l’intérieur du pays (le gouvernement, les partis politiques, la société civile Birman) mais aussi de l’extérieur, à travers la pression de la communauté internationale en misant sur l’action additionnée de divers organes tels que les institutions représentatives internationales (ONU, Commissions Européens, l’action de l’ASEAN…Etc.), les différentes sociétés civiles dans le monde (ONG, manifestations…etc.), mise en place de mesures et sanctions efficaces (embargo économiques et militaires…) par des compagnes de boycotts et de sensibilisation a plus large échelle".

The very name Myanmar brings to mind a precarious picture of human insecurity. It is the land where the world’s most persecuted minorities still struggle to survive; and, it is the theatre where the longest-ever civil war in the world has been staged since 1948. Murder of people, rape, violence, and, censorship of the press, etc., are common scenes in the country. A Nobel laureate (for peace in 1991) Mrs. Aung San Suu Kyi who brought hopes to Myanmar assuring resolution of all such issues through democracy, could not do something substantial, and she is now languishing in detention. Despite international pressure and sanctions, the Military Junta (called Tatmadaw) is still in the seat of power at Nay Pyi Daw dislodging a democratically elected government led by Mrs. Kyi that won the elections held in November last year by staging a coup d’état in February 2021. However, literature in this regard (i.e. human security) is scantily comprehensive and scarcely suggestive of recourses to be taken. Against this background, this paper looks into these developments and suggests the way forward to secure the security for the insecure. This paper argues that Militarism and Majoritarian Nationalism are responsible for this state of affairs in Myanmar.

This article discusses the recent state visit of Indian President Ramnath Kovind to Myanmar and uses the joint statement from the same to argue that India is avoiding uncomfortable (but critical) aspects of the Rohingya crisis - like holding the Tatmadaw generals accused of serious war crimes to book - just to maintain cordial bilateral relations with Myanmar.

Highlights the problems with the historiography that has attempted to question the historicity of the Rohingya ethnic identity. I had originally published the document with Buchanan's reference to the Rooinga (Rohingya) in 1799 in 2003 in the SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research (it can still be downloaded on the internet) and presented this research at a conference in 2005 in Bangkok on Arakan attended by many indigenous Arakanese and EFEO scholars. The present talk, at Oxford University on 23 November 2017, mainly highlights the abuse by colonial scholars of Rakhine history and their contributions to the Buddhist Yakhaing imaginary and the idea of National Races.When the paper is rendered into an article I will post the text for this talk as well.

The Rohingyas have been described as one of the most discriminated ethnic communities across the globe. The majority of the Rohingyas are Muslims who mainly resided in the Rakhine state of Myanmar but since the independence of Myanmar in 1948, this community has been persecuted and chased out from their homes by the majority Buddhist community. After the Burmese coup d'état of 1962, the newly established regime orchestrated a more

How do contemporary subjects navigate, withstand and even contest the particular governmental assemblages that define regimes of power today? The article addresses this question by considering 'refusal', which has emerged as an increasingly potent empirico-theoretical anthropological concept by, in part, marking an explicit contrast with the longer-standing concept of 'resistance'. Through analysis of resistance and refusal literatures, and with reference to fieldwork with Burmese grassroots activists and Rohingya civil society actors, the article delineates resistance and refusal as divergent but intertwined tools for engaging different aspects of any given apparatus of power. Where resistance describes opposition to direct domination (sovereign modes of power, following Foucault's schema), refusal describes the disavowals, rejections and manoeuvrings with and away from diffuse and mediated forms of power (governmentality). To the extent that contemporary apparatuses of power typically constitute a hybrid assemblage of sovereign and governmental forces, subjects of population groups draw upon both resistance and refusal tactics in their navigations of these apparatuses, navigations that refigure the collective resisting/refusing subject. Resistance and refusal hence operate in a quasi-dialectical relation, meaning that through a play of recursivity between apparent converse strategies (direct confrontation versus evasion) groups come to fortify stronger positions from which they can persist. Resistance and refusal not only constitute the conditions of each other's possibility , sharpening the particular interventions that each makes, but demonstrate the necessity of a politics of manoeuvre in which subjects—as individuals and part of collective groups—oscillate between direct confrontation and governmental navigation

On the notion of Bhasan Char, the island, it is imperative that the Bangladeshi plans of ‘relocating’ or perhaps more correctly ‘forcibly removing’ 103,000 Rohingya next month (April 2019) are challenged sufficiently. There can be no doubt that the island is not fit for purpose – that is if the purpose is of housing a refugee population.

This article aims at studying and analyzing the role of ultra-Buddhist Nationalism towards the ethnic conflicts in Rakhine State which escalated into the religious disputes in 2012. The situation caused demonstrations and riots between Buddhists in Rakhine State and Muslim Rohingyas. The condition was different from the contemporary history of public sector in Myanmar, especially when compared it to the clashes between civilians and military government both in 1988 and 2007. In this case, however, the group of monks led by U Wirathu and 969 Movement became the main representatives of ultra-Buddhist nationalist ideology who opposed groups of Muslim in Myanmar. As a result, Muslim Rohingyas as well as other Muslims were put in danger. They were targeted in attacking, rioting, killing and burning residences by Buddhists in Rakhine State. This kind of movement could be performed accordingly between military and religion. As the attempts in making riots between religions paved the way for military to stand out and present their roles. Thus, people could see the role in maintaining peace of military during the time of democratic transition. The arguments in natural resource conflict between Myanmar government and Rohingyas in Rakhine State were as well products of the movement. In addition, apart from spreading all over Myanmar, the conflict created insecurity to neighbouring countries as well as regional stages. Religious conflicts throughout the region and the irregular migration in the Indian Ocean were also parts of the consequences.

Bangladesh is facing a severe crisis regarding the Rohingya refugees. This paper is a reflection of a theoretical ground to see whether they are involved in several protracted conflicts or may cause any insurgency. This is an analysis from the academic perspective.

Este breve artículo introduce los argumentos presentados por la Fiscalía de la Corte Penal Internacional en su consulta a dicha Corte, respecto a la posibilidad de que ésta ejerza jurisdicción en la supuesta deportación del pueblo Rohingya de Myanmar a Bangladesh.

This chapter deals with the contemporary issues and incidents of the
Rohingya crisis with an aim to investigate the subject from the historical
and political point of view where it will be engaged in discussing the
historical paradox about Rohingya community along with shading light
on the different arguments. It will also address the contemporary history
of persecution against Rohingya community from a non-aligned
approach.

Keywords: Rohingya, refugee, history, human rights,
Bangladesh, Myanmar

On 23 January 2020, the International Court of Justice (‘ICJ’) indicated provisional measures against Myanmar in the case brought by The Gambia under the 1948 Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (‘Genocide Convention’). This case marks the first time that a non-injured state has brought an action at the ICJ under the Genocide Convention. The Court’s provisional measures order recognised the vulnerability of the Rohingya minority in Myanmar and directed Myanmar to take ‘all measures within its power’ to prevent the commission of genocidal acts against the Rohingya, as well as ‘effective measures’ to prevent the destruction of evidence. The Court’s tentative finding that the Rohingya people are a protected group under the Genocide Convention and that their precarious situation in Myanmar demanded protection was significant. However, the decision did little to clarify the Court’s evolving approach to ‘plausibility’ in the provisional measures context, and the Court declined the opportunity to grant relief that might have gone further towards protecting the rights at issue.

জন্মভূমি থেকে বিতাড়িত রোহিঙ্গা জনগোষ্ঠী চার দশকের বেশি সময় রাষ্ট্রহীন জীবনযাপনের ভয়াবহ অভিজ্ঞতার সম্মুখীন হচ্ছে। রোহিঙ্গাদের নিয়ে মাঠপর্যায়ে গবেষণার ভিত্তিতে রচিত এ বইয়ে সে বাস্তবতার নিরিখে তাদের রাষ্ট্রহীন জীবনের বিভিন্ন দিক ও সংকট নিরসনে জাতীয়, আঞ্চলিক ও আন্তর্জাতিক শক্তিগুলোর ভূমিকা নিয়ে বিস্তারিত বলা হয়েছে।

Link:
https://www.rokomari.com/book/218401/rohingya-sharanarthi-jibon

While Tatmadaw and military-state leaders have pursued both protracted policies of Rohingya population control, health service denial, murder and cultural annihilation and punctuated policies of expulsion, mass rape and slaughter, it has only been through the actions of those such as Suu Kyi, who have reframed those actions as necessary for the survival of the nation, that the Myanmar masses have been mobilized to endorse them.

This research aims to examine the role of Alternative Dispute Resolution (ADR) as a method in dealing with the continuous conflict that of Rohingya Conflict in Myanmar. Both the victims and persecutors are in mutual distrust condition, which leads to non-everlasting perpetual peace. As the Myanmar authorities produced draconian rules in accepting foreign actors and yet still persecuting the Rohingyas, an emergency resolution is vital to address this issue. This research uses descriptive qualitative by collecting data related to the topics. Other materials that can support writing are obtained from books, scientific articles, various valid sources from the internet such as news, reports, and other data that are considered relevant. The results show that in resolving the crisis for Rohingya ethnic, an effective strategy for intervention targeting the root of the causes will slowly diminish the conflict by involving various multisector of actors starting from the grassroots level and its engagement with the key stakeholders to create a more inclusive society by solving the unsuitable and overpowered military junta-led government, including its policies.

The paper aims to find out possible solutions to the ‘hatred’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’ operations going on in Myanmar. Myanmar, the largest country in mainland Southeast Asia, is bordered by India to the west and China to the east. Drawing on works in the field of social and political instability, this study shows how ethnic cleansing has become a controversial issue in Myanmar and Myanmar Government policies to create the bulk of urban poor who are the victims of hatred and ethnic cleansing. It also discloses how certain structural features of the social and political system, including the power of the security forces and the business sector are facilitating and perpetrating, perhaps even encouraging the violence.

The study provides accounts of the social and ideological make-up of both the victims and the perpetrators of hatred and ‘ethnic cleansing’. It argues that the victims are targeted not because of their political views or activities, but because they are perceived as bearers of unwelcomed attributes, such as poverty, criminality and ill-health. It shows that many of the perpetrators of ‘ethnic cleansing’ are state agents, often members of the National Police or of paramilitary groups that operate with official license and backing. Members of the business sector are also deeply mixed up in the violence. Lastly, this study shapes two principal reasons for the persistence of hatred and ‘ethnic cleansing’: the failure to bring the perpetrators to justice and the matter on intentional violence, death, destruction and harm to a community, in part or in whole, simply because of some people’s religious faith, ethnicity or belief. Finally, the paper tries to proffer a lasting solution to the avoidable and preventable problems by applying a psychological solution through the use of path model developed by Buunk and Van Vugt (2007).

This book offers a comprehensive and detailed analysis of refugee protection in Southeast Asia from an international law perspective. It examines both the legal and policy frameworks pertaining to the protection of refugees in the region as well as the countries’ response to refugee movements from the Indochinese refugee crisis in the mid-1970s to the most recent developments. It covers important aspects of refugee protection, such as access to territory, non-refoulement, the treatment of refugees, the concept of refugee as applied in the region, burden-sharing and durable solutions to the plight of refugees.
The analysis focuses specifcally on the main countries of asylum within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations that are not parties to the 1951 Refugee Convention, namely Thailand, Malaysia and Indonesia. Using an international law perspective based on the doctrine of the ‘two elements’ (practice and opinio juris), the author argues that these states have long recognized that people feeing persecution, armed confict and generalized violence, namely refugees, should be protected. This in turn demonstrates that they recognize the existence and relevance of the international refugee regime despite their refusal to accede to the Refugee Convention.
Offering a different perspective on the links between international refugee law and refugee protection in Southeast Asia, this book will be of interest to researchers and practitioners in the felds of international relations, international refugee law, international human rights law, migration governance and Southeast Asian Studies.

This paper mainly deals with the Rohingya crisis from a historical
point of view. Alongside, it also attempts to unfold the scale of the
present genocide, persecution and refugee status with a special
reference to its plausible affects to the politics of Bangladesh at
the national and the international level.

Les Rohingyas sont une ethnie musulmane birmane, qui est considéré par l'ONU comme l'une des communautés les plus persécutées au monde. Le collectif HAMEB a décidé d'agir. Nordine Errais du collectif m'a accordé un entretien afin de m'expliquer la situation et ses différentes actions qu'ils entreprennent. Jack : Salam aleykoum, peux-tu te présenter ainsi que ton association ? Nordine : Wa 'Aleykoum salam. Je m'appelle Nordine Errais, je suis le président, cofondateur de l'ONG HAMEB qui vient en aide au Rohingyas. Une ethnie musulmane Birmane, présente dans l'état de l'Arakan, à l'ouest de la Birmanie, persécutée par le régime birman depuis des décennies. J'ai commencé à m'intéresser à cette situation en 2012. Pour la première fois, on a su ce qu'il se passait en Birmanie. Je suis tombé sur un article avec un lexique un peu "bizarre" : cela parlait de minorité musulmane birmane persécutée, nettoyage ethnique, génocide, 200 morts... Au début, je croyais que cette information venait d'un site satirique, j'étais étonné que l'on n'en parle pas, car c'était un problème assez grave au vu des termes employés pour qualifier ce drame. En allant sur Facebook, j'ai vu une autre personne sensibilisée, et suite à une manifestation organisée sur le Trocadero, nous avons voulu avec d'autres personnes ne pas en rester là. Des manifestations, cela ne suffit pas, il fallait des actions coordonnées, structurées et utiles. Et de là est partie notre association. On a commencé à se documenter et constater que le problème était plus complexe qu'il en avait l'air. On a pu constater une ignorance au sujet des Rohingyas et de leur situation par les gens que nous rencontrions, que se soient dans les mosquées, nos proches... On a tout d'abord commencé par des conférences publiques. Aujourd'hui, après 5 ans d'activité, on a donné une cinquantaine de conférences en France, mais aussi en Belgique, en Suisse et avons développé l'association en 3 pôles : sensibilisation, médiatique et humanitaire. Aussi, nous avons dorénavant des antennes HAMEB en Belgique, en Suisse et en Malaisie.

Gender norms govern the lives and behaviours of Rohingya communities yet there is little research on how displacement and the humanitarian response have resulted in redefined norms. Using a feminist approach and qualitative research design, 27 focus group discussions and 10 key informant interviews were completed with Rohingya men and women in 8 refugee camps through a purposive sampling method. Indicators of izzot and purdah are changing – Rohingya women carefully negotiate to engage in activities considered less honourable, for traditional values. Many of these changes are highly contested and have resulted in backlash against women and girls including increased rates of intimate partner violence. Findings are critical in understanding women ́s roles and status within families and communities, highlighting the risks and opportunities in humanitarian and displacement settings.

Bahtia, U., Brar, A. Gupta, D., Kapoor, R., Kim, E., Singh, S. and Smith, M. (2021) ‘Domestic Violence and Displacement: Gendered Social Norms in the Rohingya Refugee Response.’ Symposium 5: Domestic Violence in South Asia: Multi-stakeholder Perspectives and Practices. 4th European Conference on Domestic Violence. University of Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia. Hybrid Format. [Symposium Presentation, Sept. 13th, 2021].

When the Rohingya Crisis erupted after the August 25, 2017 incident in the northern Rakhine State in Myanmar, reporters and writers scamper to get the news out to the world, and one of these, are writers and field reporters of the prestigious New York Times. Founded in 1851, the New York Times is an American newspaper that is based in New York City that has worldwide readership and influence, including in Southeast Asia.

Over its years as a newspaper, New York Times won 122 Pulitzer Prizes, a feat never ever achieved singularly by any other newspaper in America. Founded by Henry Jarvis Raymond and George Jones, New York Times is a broadsheet that releases daily. Its daily circulation usually bats around 571,500 while its Sunday circulation bats around 1,087,500 and 2,500,000 digital circulation. It is ranked 18th in the world by circulation.

In our effort to better understand the representation (schema) that the Rohingya obtain from the media, particularly from the New York Times, the study pursues it under the scalpel of Corpus-assisted Discourse Analysis. The study locates frequency of words in the corpora and obtaining it in the News On the Web (NOW), a corpus created by Mark Davies of Brigham Young University. Further, it analyzes the data sets for co-occurrence of words (collocation) and word and textual positions (colligation).

The world was awoken by the fast unravelling of a humanitarian crisis in Southeast Asia. The precursor was the August 25, 2017 incident when Rohingya insurgent group in Myanmar mounted coordinated attacks on 30 government targets, including police outposts and an army base, in the northern part of Myanmar’s Rakhine State. Equipped with small arms, machetes, and hand-held explosives, the insurgents killed 10 police officers, a soldier, and an immigration official. Seventy-seven insurgents were killed, with one insurgent captured in the attacks (CSIS 2017). Many Rohingya fled northern Rakhine State as the Tatmadaw, the Border Guards and the Police took clearing operations that saw burning of houses and mosques, rape and torture, beatings, and killing of Rohingya on-sight.

This is an empirical study which aims at presenting the Dhaka University ordinance of 1973 and its present reality. The study has conducted on the students, teachers, and officers of Dhaka University. The theme of the study revolves around an idea that the Dhaka University Ordinance of 1973 is not completely appropriate for the present time. It needs to change some different issues for leading Dhaka University properly.The research has studied the Dhaka University ordinance-1973, it’s objectives, debatable ordinance parts in it. I have tried to find out the adjustability of the ‘Dhaka University -1973” with the present reality. The research is basically a content analysis type; I have analyzed the collected data critically. At first I have tried to find out the problematic areas and then I have tried to find out the possible solutions by analyzing the collected data. There was not much variations among the answers of the respondents of the questionnaire. Especially most of the respondents agreed that the Dhaka University ordinance- is not enough now to meet the demand of the present reality and political influence on Senate, Syndicate, V.C election are creating problems. Most of the respondents responded that student facilities should be increased and party politics of the students should be controlled. In recommendations and conclusions, the study presented the whole discussion summarily and the avenues how can run the university more smoothly and effective.

United Nations (UN) plays a very important role in maintaining international peace and security. As the largest Integovernmental Organization, UN often faces a lot of complex issues, one of them is genocide crimes toward Rohingya ethnic in Myanmar. The crimes itself was done by the government of Myanmar itself. They did horrible things to Muslim people in Rohingya, such as mass murder, sexual assaults, village burning, and many more. The purpose of this article is to analyse UN’s involvement and its authority toward Muslims of Rohingya in Myanmar. This article is divided into four sections, namely introduction, factors causing the conflict, United Nation’s role and effort to help resolving the conflict, and conclusion. The author concludes that an International Organization, which is the UN, might be the best final solution for the genocide committed by the government of Myanmar toward muslim people in Rohingya.

Keywords : United Nations, Rohingya, Myanmar, genocide, muslims

Paper originally presented at the Workshop, “The Forgotten Kingdom of Arakan: A Public  Seminar  on  the  People  of  Present  Day  Arakan  State  of  Myanmar,” 23 November 2005, First Hotel, Bangkok, Thailand, listed under the title of “Buddhism in Arakan: Theories and Historiography of the Religious Basis of Ethnonyms”

Despite themselves suffering different forms of violence at the hands of the Myanmar military, Myanmar’s masses have resoundingly endorsed the military’s ethnic cleansing of its Rohingya minority. Why? We analyze collective dis-identification with the Rohingya plight by exploring histories of state violence in Myanmar, arguing that mass violence against Rohingya and other ethnic groups has taken two different forms in Myanmar’s symbolic milieu. Specifically, the violence leveled against the Rohingya has been expulsive, directed at their belonging and existence itself, while both the violence against other ethnic groups and the structural violence against the majority Burmans has been, somewhat paradoxically, incorporative, drawing them – under conditions of domination – into the polity. The effect of the violence on the latter has interpellated them as members of the polity (in a diminished, graduated sense) meaning that they have been targeted as subjects to be governed. Rohingya, by contrast, have been killed as objects, as others to be eliminated. The physically and symbolically expulsive violence suffered by the Rohingya both buttresses and secures the standing of the other Myanmar subjects, even as it justifies itself in the eyes of the broader polity as protective of the entire multi-ethnic nation.

Prasse-Freeman, Elliott, and Andrew Ong. "Expulsion/incorporation: Valences of mass violence in Myanmar." Political Violence in Southeast Asia since 1945. Routledge, 2021. 41-55.

The Rohingya, an ethnic minority group that traditionally have lived in Rakhine State, Myanmar, are facing severe structural discrimination from the Myanmar state. Rohingya women and girls have experienced horrific acts of gender-based violence from the Myanmar army in Rakhine State before they fled to Bangladesh and during military crackdown in Rakhine State. The widespread threat and use of sexual violence was integral during military 'clearance' operations in October 2016 and August 2017 " , and serving to humiliate, terrorize and collectively punish the Rohingya community, as a calculated tool to force them to flee their homelands and prevent their return.

I have been writing news articles about the Rohingya genocide since 2012. We have been described as genocide under State Policy, but the World media and politicians have denied that it was genocide. The UN used the term ethnic cleansing and to refer to the 2012 genocide of the Rohingya as a communal conflict. Naming the violence against the Rohingyas as a communal conflict, the Burmese government has postponed the Rohingyas being locked up in ghettos instead of solving the problem.  More than 240,000 Rohingyas who were displaced in 2012 and they are still not allowed to return to their homes and live in poverty in IDP camps.
        The international community has not taken action against Burma's military leaders, leaving them with an opportunity for further violence. In 2016, clearance operations were launched to massacre the Rohingyas. In 2017, more than 400 Rohingya villages were set on fire. More than 10,000 Rohingyas, including children, were brutally massacred. Many women were raped. As a result, nearly a million Rohingya have fled to neighboring Bangladesh. Since then, the international media has begun to report on the genocide of the Rohingya.
          The international community is increasingly interested in the Rohingya issue as the Gambia prosecutes Burma over the Rohingya genocide. To this day, however, the Rohingya continue to suffer persecution as the United States and other major powers do not officially use the term Rohingya Genocide. We urgently need the help of International Community to free the Rohingyas from genocide. 
      The United Nations has long characterized Myanmar's Rohingyas as one of the World's most persecuted minorities and Myanmar consistently denies their existence or considering them illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. They have been being kept in ghetto-like villages - encompassing restrictions on religious freedom, lethal use of force, forced displacement and denial of equal citizenship rights - has not only exasperated the humanitarian crises confronting the Rohingyas but also threatens to undermine democracy transition and commit crime against humanity. 
              To understand the nature of Rohingya problem, it is necessary to see the historical background of Myanmar dictators who violated their own laws as well as international laws. All human beings should be equal before the law; implementing particular laws for the particular people in a country is not only illegitimate but also a crime against humanity. Improving a community is possible only by elevating the young generations to the rank of humanity, not by obliterating the bad ones; spreading propaganda against other faiths or races will harm stability and prosperity of the country.
            Those who are full of bad feelings and whose souls are influenced by the egoism look like human beings, whether they really are human is doubtful. Rules and regulation are beneficial to guarantee human happiness and help us attain true humanity while the apartheid policy destroys human dignity. Humanity is a tree, and nations are its branches, denying a nation for its biological and ideological differences harms existence of the tree.
        Denying Rohingya and their legitimate right of citizenship, Myanmar authority has committed crime against humanity. I will explain two aspects of institutionalized violations; legal rights of Rohingyas and historical evidence that will be enough to say Myanmar has committed Rohingya Genocide.
        On 23 January 2020, the ICJ issued an order on The Gambia's re-quest for provisional measures. The order "indicated" provisional measures ordering Myanmar to prevent genocidal acts against the Rohingyas the pendency of the case, and to report regularly on its implementation of the order. According to Amnesty International, more than 750,000 Rohingya refugees, mostly women and children, fled Myanmar and crossed into neighboring Bangladesh after Myanmar forces launched a brutal crackdown in August 2017.
            Since Aug. 25, 2017, nearly 24,000 Rohingya Muslims have been killed by Myanmar’s state forces, according to a report by the Ontario International Development Agency (OIDA). More than 34,000 Rohingya were also thrown into fires, while over 114,000 others were beaten, said the OIDA report, titled Forced Migration of Rohingyas: The Untold Experience. As many as 18,000 Rohingya women and girls were raped by Myanmar’s army and police, while over 115,000 Rohingyas homes were burned down and 113,000 others vandalized.
      The ICJ directed Myanmar to prevent genocide, and this could have a real impact in protecting the 600,000 Rohingyas who remain in the country. Additionally, the ICJ process means Rohingya survivors and activists have a platform for their experiences to be recognized. Rohingyas inside Arakan have been being kept in the ghetto-like situation since 1980s, more than 240000 internally displayed Rohingyas have been living in the concentration camps since 2012 and more than one million live in Bangladesh refugee camps since 2017. We need support of international community to end ongoing Rohingya Genocide in Myanmar.

The name Rohingya denotes an ethnoreligious identity of Muslims in North Rakhine
State, Myanmar (formerly Burma). The term became part of public discourse in the late
1950s and spread widely following reports on human rights violations against Muslims in
North Rakhine State during the 1990s, and again after 2012. Claims for regional Muslim
autonomy emerged during World War II and led to the rise of a Rohingya ethnonationalist
movement that drew on the local Muslim imaginaire, as well as regional history and
archaeology.

Through a study on gendered violence, this paper describes the masculinities and femininities of Rohingya refugees in Malaysia. This study shows how a Myanmar hegemonic model, based on a masculine protector, « guardian of the nation » and a feminine vulnerable « mother of the nation » is both object of re-appropriation and distancing by the refugees. However, what constitutes feminine and masculine is not consensual and further reveals unstable bases. Migration to Malaysia plays a major role in the reconfiguration of gendered relations. Racial discrimination, economic inequalities and the changes in the gender order due to migration create more tensions between men and women, and result in the intensification of domestic and sexual violence while new forms of gendered violence emerge. Finally, humanitarian programs tend to reify the natural difference between the sexes, whilst hybrid masculinities and femininities among the Rohingya refugees claim gender equality while maintaining the masculine supremacy. The thesis is based on ethnographic research carried out in 2016 within an NGO in Kuala Lumpur, International Catholic Migration Commission, and 91 interviews with 21 women, 24 men and 29 humanitarian workers.

Résumé
À travers une étude sur les violences de genre, cette thèse examine les masculinités et les féminités des Rohingyas, réfugié·e·s en Malaisie. Cette étude montre comment un modèle hégémonique birman basé sur un masculin protecteur, « gardien de la nation » et un féminin vulnérable, « mère de la nation » fait l’objet à la fois d’une réappropriation et d’une distanciation par les réfugié·e·s rohingyas. Pour autant, le féminin et le masculin ne font pas consensus et relèvent davantage de contenus instables. La migration joue un rôle majeur dans les reconfigurations des relations de genre. Les discriminations raciales, les inégalités économiques et des changements liés à la migration dans l’ordre de genre viennent exacerber les tensions entre les sexes, et peuvent se résulter par une intensification des violences conjugales et sexuelles mais aussi par l’émergence de nouvelles formes de violences. Pendant que des programmes humanitaires tendent à réifier la différence naturelle entre les sexes, des masculinités et des féminités hybrides se forment pour revendiquer une égalité entre les sexes tout en maintenant la suprématie masculine. L’enquête s’appuie sur une ethnographie menée en 2016 dans une ONG à Kuala Lumpur, la Commission Internationale Catholique pour les Migrations, et sur 91 entretiens approfondis avec 21 femmes, 24 hommes et 29 humanitaires.

This article makes two main arguments. First, it argues that due to the imperial roots of Area Studies the views of many contemporary states and many scholars on the Rohingya, Rakhine, and Myanmar have been shaped by colonial perspectives. Second, it argues that the Rohingya were erased historically from Rakhine by the British colonial state and this erasure has been reinforced by the country focus of US Area Studies during the Cold War and after. It concludes that societies in the global south may also have to decolonize how they construct and organize knowledge, and what their governments do with it in terms of policy, so they can escape the continual problems caused originally by the colonial administrative convenience.

In the vulnerable southeastern Bangladeshi city, Cox’s Bazar, an estimated 1 million Rohingyas languish in spartan refugee camps following brutal ethnic cleansing from their homes in Rakhine, a state over the border in western Myanmar (see Figure 1).1 This was not the first—nor likely to be the last—catastrophe to fall upon the Rohingya, but it has been the most devastating
since anti-Rohingya violence in the country began escalating in the early 1990s.
Since independence from the British in 1948, the Rakhine state has generally
been neglected by Myanmar’s capital, Naypyidaw, affecting the state’s Buddhists,
Muslims (not all of whom are Rohingya), Christians, animists and others. There is
a long-standing belief among the Buddhist majority that Muslims seek to undermine Myanmar’s Theraveda Buddhist identity, stemming from fears of Rohingya
Muslims in particular, but increasingly toward all Muslims in Myanmar generally.
Myanmar’s extremist clergy, called Sangha, and their followers are joined by
counterparts in Sri Lanka and Thailand who also espouse conspiratorial canards
of Muslims weaponizing their fertility and male virility to achieve numerical,
social, religious and cultural dominance in these countries, and thus eradicate
Theraveda Buddhism in those nations.

Le but de ce travail de recherche, est de mettre en lumière cette religion qu'est l'islam et de la présenter de manière objective. Pour cela, l'explication de la croyance y est détaillée.

En seconde partie de travail, les groupuscule "extrémiste, salafiste" sont cités ainsi que la naissance de la doctrine sectaire appelé Wahabbites et l'explication de leur idéologie.
Le but: démontrer que les musulmans sont innocents de leurs actes.

ABSTRACT
In Myanmar, the state and the Buddhist-majority civil society have long been hostile to the people known as the Rohingya. The Muslim Rohingya have lived in Rakhine state for centuries, but the Myanmar government, labelling them “illegal Bengali migrants,” has rendered them stateless under the 1982 Citizenship Law. The recent “democratisation” of Myanmar facilitated neoliberal expansion in the resource-rich Rakhine and intensified discrimination and violence, and the Rohingyas have been forced to flee in large numbers. They leave Myanmar on fishing boats and trawlers and attempt to enter countries like Bangladesh, Thailand, and Malaysia, “illegally” aided by smugglers. The boat people travel from marginality to ever-prevailing precarity and liminality; en route through the seas and lands of their host countries, they experience further monstrosities perpetrated by state and non-state actors. The judiciary, state, and capital together produce categories of “legality and illegality” that constitute the “amphibian life” of the “boat people” and create for them an ambivalent identity of “refugee-hood” and/or “statelessness.” Here we present our ethnographic study of this violence-laced field of forced migration, situated at the cusp of South Asia and Southeast Asia. We critically extend Agamben’s theory of “state of exception” and “bare life” to elaborate upon the “spaces of exception” experienced by the “boat people” and conceptualise the notion of “amphibian life” by analysing their agentic capability, after and beyond “bare life.”

This paper is based on my field work in 4 correctional homes/prisons of West Bengal where in I have tried to explore the conditions of women from Bangladesh and Myanmar (Rohingya) who have been incarcerated in India under the Foreigner's act for 'illegally' crossing over the Indo-Bangladesh borders. I engage with the subject by critically inquiring into what is 'illegal' here? What does border mean to the people who for economic and myriad reasons are forced to migrate? How legitimate is it to brand them within categories? Drawing from my interviews in the prisons and historically looking at the issue through the lens of partition of the Indian subcontinent, this paper argues that migration through these borders have remained natural through time immemorial and thus we need to reorient our thoughts instead on the volatile construction of artificial 'borders' that have resulted into dividing homes and hearts. Are the migrants 'illegal' in this context or is it the new modern state that renders human flow as illegal' and capital flow as 'legal'?

This article argues that Myanmar’s authorities subject the Rohingya to human rights violations that can be accurately described as the crime of apartheid. Myanmar’s discriminatory application of its citizenship laws and processes is central to this crime, yet while Myanmar is not a signatory to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, the Court’s jurisdiction remains limited. However, Myanmar’s government has brought this crime to the territory of International Criminal Court (ICC) member state Bangladesh. Because Myanmar’s government insists upon Rohingya participation in discriminatory citizenship processes as a precondition of refugee repatriation to Myanmar, this presents the ICC with an opportunity to assert its jurisdiction. While current ICC investigation focusses mostly on alleged crimes committed by the Myanmar military, crimes associated with Myanmar’s citizenship processes would likely be the responsibility of Myanmar’s civilian government, including State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, making Myanmar’s civilian political leaders liable for the first time to ICC prosecution.

Penulis menggunakan Teori Peran, serta konsep diplomasi untuk menganalisa peran serta menjelaskan segala upaya diplomatik yang dilakukan oleh Indonesia. Dengan menggunakan teori peran, dapat dilihat bahwa Indonesia berperan sebagai mediator integrator dengan mempertimbangkan sumber-sumber seperti lokasi geografi, peranan tradisional serta komposisi etnis-budaya nasional. Peran Indonesia dalam penyelesaian konflik Rohingya juga didasari oleh aspek internal dan eksternal. Sesuai dengan peranannya sebagai mediator integrator, Indonesia juga melakukan beberapa upaya diplomasi antar pemerintah seperti mengirimkan surat kepada presiden Myanmar, melakukan kunjungan ke lokasi konflik, pemberian bantuan serta aktif dalam berbagai forum internasional. Hal tersebut dilakukan guna menyelesaikan konflik tersebut.

The article examines the recent developments of Rohingya refugee crisis, especially in the aftermath of August 2017 violence which led to the exodus of hundreds of thousands of people across the border to Bangladesh. It analyzes the three-stage-plan proposed by China and the repatriation agreement between Myanmar and Bangladesh and argues that ethnic identity and citizenship issues are fundamental to the Rohingya conundrum. Without addressing these core issues, which thus far have been paid little or no serious consideration, there is a danger of recurrence of violence. While the Myanmar authorities are ready to address some of the immediate concerns, such as providing accommodation and food, evidences suggest that the government does not have the political will, at least at the moment, to address the core issues of ethnic identity and citizenship, as well as the related security concerns.

The Rohingya have been described by the UN as “the most persecuted minority in the world.” Denial of citizenship, religious persecution, killings, rape, massacres, seizure of land and property, extortion, and restrictions on marriage has led to hundreds of thousands of impoverished Rohingya to flee to neighboring countries, especially Bangladesh, over the course of the last seven decades. They are the largest stateless community in the world.