Social and Ethinicity

Abstract
Assam has passed through a period of political turmoil since 12th century AD which continues even today. Prior to the entry of the British in to the territory of present Assam the region was ruled by various monarchs belonging to different ethnic groups. The initial conflict in the mid12th century was started with the entrance of the Ahoms into the territory of upper Assam, which was then ruled by the Bodo-Kacharis. The conflict between the two ethnic groups compelled the Bodo-Kacharis to migrate westward and this process continued till 19th century. The gradual expansion of the Ahom territory was affected at the cost of sequential migration of people from one segment of the territory to another. This process imparted socio-political instability to the other ethnic kingdoms of that period like the Gobha Kingdom, Koch Kingdom, The Mataks, and The Morans etc. The basic reason for such political conflict and sense of ethnic insecurity was related basically to right over land.  During the British period the tribal groups of people who traditionally did not have proprietorial right over land were pushed out of their own land by imposing land revenue and in the pretext of land acquisition for tea plantation resulting in 1857 peasants’ revolution in Assam. Thus both the pre-British monarchs and the British rulers were equally responsible in creating ethnic instability in the region and in both the cases seeds of discord and distrust among the ethnic groups were sown on the very emotional ground of the agrarian populace that is the land. After the national independence the growth of the elite Assamese middle class started developing hegemony not only on the economic sector but also in language, literature and cultural aspects.  The formation of the ‘Tribal League’ in 1933 under the leadership of Bhimbor Deori and hearing of the Simon Commission in 1929, wherein there was a strong resentment of the various tribal ethnic groups expressed in the form of protests against the Assamese hegemony. In fact, the various ethnic groups under the banner of Tribal League were organized only to protect their right over land, language and culture. Such a socio-political disturbance among the ethnic groups of Assam was supplemented by large scale immigration of muslim agricultural immigrants from the then East-Bengal under the patronage of the British rulers in the pretext of enhancement of agricultural outputs and land revenue. Initially influx of such a foreign demographic mass which was quite unmatching to the local demographic structure was quite small but since 1900 the influx of such immigrants was so huge that the indigenous ethnic groups of Assam started losing their very economic ground for their sustainance that is agricultural land. Thus the sense of socio-economic and political insecurity among the ethnic groups of Assam started becoming deeper. At the time of national independence the then chief minister of Assam Gopinath Bordoloi tried to redress this problem through implementing “line System” and creating tribal belts and blocks. But such measures failed because of the gradual encroachment of the Muslim agricultural immigrants into the protected territories meant for the tribal people.  In fact, after independence the state had a requirement of a well-planned socio-economic policy for securing the rights and aspirations of various ethnic groups living over the territory for ages. But no such socio-economic plans have been created for resolving the basic areas of ethnic conflict even now. For this reason only the ethnic conflict of Assam as well as socio-economic frustration of the multi-ethnic state are considered as a socio-politic gimmick of both state and central government. The paper embodies the socio-economic and political causes behind the ethnic conflict in Assam and the prospective direction and resolution for an everlasting socio-political stability of the region.

published in Dear all find attached my chapter on Arian brothers adn fellow Muslims, it is from this book
http://www.hurstpublishers.com/book/the-kurdish-question-revisited/
The Kurdish Question Revisited
Edited by
Gareth Stansfield
and
Mohammed Shareef

Since the 1930s, while rethinking Stalin's formula of “culture national by its form and proletarian by its content,” historians have described the birth of art in the Soviet republics as an emergence and formation of so-called “national schools”: pictorial, musical, architectural, etc. The figures of “national” and “non-national” artists, belonging or not to the Soviet title nations, were given different semantic functions, and these artists played different social roles. The purpose of “national artists” was to spontaneously express “national art,” and their voices were considered to be authentic. The role of “non-national artists” remained ambivalent and uncertain, although their contribution to the creation of “national cultures” was not only significant, but sometimes predetermining. This text considers different perceptions of “national” and “non-national” artists, as well as the terms of distinction between them. The art history of Central Asia and Uzbekistan in particular is at the core of this analysis. According to the main hypothesis of this article, differences between “national” and “non-national” artists were rooted in binary orientalist presumptions. In reality, however, the situation was not strictly binary due to several factors. First, there were artists who could appear in the descriptions of critics both as “national” and “non-national”. Second, the concept of “national" coexisted with that of “popular” (narodnost’), which often was more inclusive. Third, the art of “national” and “non-national” artists appeared in different optics, if we compare the descriptions of Moscow and Central Asian critics. These and other discursive features deprived the situation of its apparent dichotomy.

Aunque las miradas de los indigenistas barasileños estaban colocadas en otras regiones del país, a mediados de los 20, cuando el órgano indigenista oficial empezó a actuar en el noreste bajo la presión del reconocimiento, se consideró a los Fulni-ô como un caso excepcional, presentándose como el paradigma del nordeste indígena, como el único grupo de la región que mantenía señales evidentes de aspectos diacríticos, que los diferenciaban de os habitantes más próximos: hablaban una lengua propia (el ia-tê), practicaban rituales que estaban vedados para los extraños y ostentaban reglas restrictivas para casamientos interétnicos. Así, los Fulni-ô se convirtieron en ejemplo para otros grupos como los Pankararu y Kambiwá que también consiguieron su reconocimiento en la primera mitad del siglo XX, en 1937 y 1953 respectivamente. Este libro aborda la situacion de los Fulni-ô en los años  80s del siglo XX.

RESUMO: Lei nº 10.639/03 prevê a obrigatoriedade do ensino da temática "História e Cultura Afro-brasileira" nas diretrizes básicas de ensino, com enfoque nas disciplinas de Literatura, Educação Artística e História. Neste trabalho, analisaremos a efetivação desse dispositivo legal através de um projeto realizado no Colégio Municipal Engenho da Praia, localizado na cidade de Macaé. Para o desenvolvimento desta pesquisa, foi adotada uma abordagem qualitativa com objetivos exploratórios, tendo como colaboradores e fonte de dados o corpo docente, discente e gestão escolar. Para tanto, o presente estudo acompanhou os desdobramentos do Projeto "África, mãe Terra", previsto no Projeto Político Pedagógico da referida unidade escolar, durante o segundo semestre do ano corrente até sua culminância, ocorrida no Dia da Consciência Negra. Destarte, a partir dos resultados da presente pesquisa, pode-se depreender que a implementação efetiva da Lei nº 10.639/03 não apenas transforma a vida dos estudantes como também contribui para redução da violência e da desigualdade racial no município.

This article studies the Mamuat ritual (the spirit communication) among Thai-Khmer people in Thailand, a traditional belief passed down from Khmer ancestors to communize with the sacred spirits and other healing spirits. The ritual’s purpose is to treat and diagnose causes of illness and request protection from supernational power or the holy spirit, based on traditional belief of Thai-Khmer people, The culturally disfranchised identity of the Thai-Khmer people in a specific area and ethnic group are shown by ritual procedure, method, and process to be an endemic part of the ethnic and cultural identity of Thai-Khmer people in the kingdom of Thailand.