De facto states constitute an interesting anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how successful and efficient they are in the administration of their territories, they fail to achieve international recognition.... more
De facto states constitute an interesting anomaly in the international system of sovereign states. No matter how successful and efficient they are in the administration of their territories, they fail to achieve international recognition. The main priority is given to maintaining their existence and to an effort to convince domestic and international actors of their right to independence. Currently, most scholars consider only six entities as de facto states: Somaliland, Abkhazia, South Ossetia, Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria and Northern Cyprus. The aim of this text is to determine which legitimization strategies for the right to independent statehood are applied by the Somaliland representatives. The research is conducted through an analysis of the official government documents supplemented with an interview with Abdillahi Duale, Somaliland's former Minister of Foreign Affairs, and two representatives of the African Union
This paper examines the recent appearance of several 'anti-heroic' memoirs of the South African 'Border War' written by conscripts. The use of the medical diagnosis of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in these writings is critically... more
This paper examines the recent appearance of several 'anti-heroic' memoirs of the South African 'Border War' written by conscripts. The use of the medical diagnosis of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) in these writings is critically examined. The memoirs reveal how difficult it is to articulate memories of contemporary war without drawing on a medical explanation. The South African memoirs also demonstrate the ambiguous role that the diagnosis of PTSD plays in, on the one hand, enabling the authors to speak about their experiences, while, on the other, providing an opportunity for them to distance themselves from the ethical implications of their own involvement in the war. The paper concludes that the tension within the identity of victim-perpetrator is perhaps too easily collapsed into simple victimhood.
This article provides a review of the options facing the nations of the Horn of Africa now that a peace agreement has been signed between Ethiopia and Eritrea. There are still many obstacles to be overcome before it is possible to say... more
This article provides a review of the options facing the nations of the Horn of Africa now that a peace agreement has been signed between Ethiopia and Eritrea. There are still many obstacles to be overcome before it is possible to say that normality has been restored.
Dans la province du Sud-Kivu de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), s’identifier comme étant la femme d’un rebelle ou d’un milicien revient à reconnaître que l’on est complice d’un ennemi de l’État. Pourtant, ces supposées «... more
Dans la province du Sud-Kivu de la République Démocratique du Congo (RDC), s’identifier comme étant la femme d’un rebelle ou d’un milicien revient à reconnaître que l’on est complice d’un ennemi de l’État. Pourtant, ces supposées « épouses» de combattants armés non-étatiques sont obligées de survivre dans ou à la périphérie des zones de combat au travers de leurs relations conjugales, en dissimulant leur identité tout en utilisant leur affiliation aux groupes armés.
Une étude récente montre que de nombreuses femmes sont moins dépendantes de leurs « maris » que ce que l’on peut penser, et que les relations conjugales deviennent souvent un mécanisme de survie.
The aim of this paper is to explore the so-called "dark side of democratisation", i.e. the perils which lie on the path towards full democracy, and its implications for democratising countries and the international community. The main... more
The aim of this paper is to explore the so-called "dark side of democratisation", i.e. the perils which lie on the path towards full democracy, and its implications for democratising countries and the international community. The main dangers are international conflict, civil war, and mass killings. I discuss the relevant causal mechanisms and I emphasise a fil rouge which links each menace, namely the perverted use of ethno-nationalist ideology by the political actors in a country marred by weak institutions, in order to rally support. Given these dangers, I discuss the actions of the EU towards its mostly-democratising neighbourhood within the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) framework and I find mixed to negative value judgments, mostly due to the inadequacy of the tools used in promoting democracy. Highlighting the need for meaningful reform of the ENP, I emphasise the importance of thoughtful democracy aid for preventing incomplete and dangerous democratisation. The research is completed by a number of insightful case studies.
Since the 1960s, African states have sought ways to overcome the challenges of economic and political integration through the establishment and promotion of regional and sub-regional organizations across the continent. The different... more
Since the 1960s, African states have sought ways to overcome the challenges of economic and political integration through the establishment and promotion of regional and sub-regional organizations across the continent. The different efforts have yielded very modest success altogether, however, it appears Africans are the architect of the continent's low level of integration. Africa's nationalist approach to international boundaries coupled with the inclination and disposition towards economic nationalism with regards to neighbouring states has been identified by studies as the major impediments to the process of integration in the continent. By adopting content analysis, this paper explores the nexus between the state's attitude to international boundaries and regional integration. The methodology analyses how European's attitude to international boundaries and the resulting trans-boundary cooperation between and among the different groups of European states before 1945 was instrumental to the historic success of integration in post-1945 Europe. Furthermore, the approach studies the pre-1945 European experience with trans-boundary cooperation as a template for assessing trans-boundary cooperation among African states during the colonial and post-colonial periods. Based on findings, the paper concludes that modest achievements so far recorded in the process of regional integration in Africa is a function of the nationalistic attitude of states to international boundary. Subsequently, the study recommends that to achieve real integration in the continent, Africans and their leaders must change their attitude towards inherited colonial boundaries from their prevailing official postures as lines of divides to a more liberal disposition as corridors of cooperation.
Quando o Ocidente passou a criticar as políticas do governo de Robert Mugabe no Zimbábue, os Estados africanos mantiveram seu apoio ao líder. Propõe-se que Mugabe garantiu a continuidade de seu regime, que passou a ser alvo de pressões e... more
Quando o Ocidente passou a criticar as políticas do governo de Robert Mugabe no Zimbábue, os Estados africanos mantiveram seu apoio ao líder. Propõe-se que Mugabe garantiu a continuidade de seu regime, que passou a ser alvo de pressões e sanções ocidentais a partir de meados da década de 1990, mobilizando estrategicamente, com seu discurso, a solidariedade dos Estados africanos. O artigo apontará as posturas adotadas em defesa do líder e as narrativas propostas por seu discurso, demonstrando como solidariedade, ideologias e discursos foram utilizados estrategicamente nas relações internacionais do Zimbábue para garantir a continuidade do regime de Mugabe até os dias de hoje. Será demonstrado o papel da solidariedade nas relações internacionais africanas e que discursos, ideologia e valores podem ser utilizadas estrategicamente pelos Estados com poucos recursos materiais como uma fonte de poder em suas relações internacionais.
