Sudan and the Middle East

The following text is a response sent to an email dispatched to me by the Chairman of the exiled Oromo Parliamentarians who struggle for the Independence and Self-determination of the 5 millennia long Kushitic Ethiopian Nation of the Oromos.
The Hamitic - Kushitic Oromo Nation - due to criminal, inhuman and evil persecution conceived by the colonial powers (France, England and America) and executed by the colonially promoted barbaric and incestuous pseudo-Christian Abyssinians - lost their kingdoms and were engulfed within the Cemetery of Nations Fake Ethiopia, which consists in the world's most tyrannical realm and the location of the world's more abhorrent, more enduring, and more multifaceted genocides. There are more than 45 million Oromos in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia) and Kenya today, despite the notorious and pathetic falsehood propagated by Wikipedia.
The present text enumerates all the major points of historical distortion and falsification carried out and diffused by the colonial academia, mass media, and diplomats, as well as by their local agents and criminal executioners, i.e. the barbaric, incestuous and Anti-Christian tribes of Amhara and Tigray (: the Abyssinians), who usurped the fair name of Ethiopia, which historically denotes the land of North Sudan and the Kushitic Nation that prospered there either in the Antiquity or in the Christian Era. Both, the Oromos and the Arabic-speaking (but not Arab) populations of Northern-Central Sudan are the descendants of Ancient Sudan's (i.e. Ancient Ethiopia's) Kushitic populations.
Representative photographic documentation was herewith added to the text in order to better illustrate the topic.

Refutation of historical forgeries propagated by European colonials and incestuous Abyssinians
First published here:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2017/07/26/kushitic-oromos-ancestry-in-ethiopia-ancient-sudan-semitic-amharas-tigrays-abyssinians-ancestry-in-yemen/

First published in Buzzle on 16th August 2006

Republished on the same day here:
http://sudaneseonline.com/en2/publish/Articles_and_Analysies_12/Sudan_s_Beja_Blemmyes_and_their_Right_to_Freedom_a_929.shtml

Republished on 23rd August 2006 and discussed in the forum below:
http://www.politicsforum.org/forum/viewtopic.php?t=62793
At the moment the misinformed international community plans to spend so easily US $ 3 billion for Lebanon's reconstruction, it is essential to highlight that much less money would be enough to bring peace in the strategically crucial area of Eastern Sudan where the Blemmyes / Beja have started their struggle for self-determination and independence. Support to historically indigenous Beja would bring the Khartoum tyrants at the brink of collapse, opening the path of independence for the oppressed peoples of Sudan, and at the same time it would reshape the entire area of the Red Sea where historical nations demand international recognition.

In several previous articles, I examined the parallel characteristics of the fake colonial states of Sudan (real Ethiopia) and Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia) that have been the end result of the Freemasonic Orientalist fallacies of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism.

In this article, I will examine a bogus-historical term that has been constructed by the Freemasonic Orientalist ateliers and academia of France and England to further spread confusion in the wider region, and – more importantly – consolidate the two fallacies in the area, namely the pseudo-doctrines of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism: Nubia.
First published in:
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/143394

Republished here:
http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/Facts%20about%20Oromo/Ethiopia%20Kushati%20land.htm
and
http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic;f=8;t=006830;p=1

Several misconceptions diffused by colonial historians and totalitarian governments need immediate refutation.

Ancient Ethiopia and its borders

Part of the Abyssinian state propaganda advances the idea that in the Antiquity “the Cushites populated the whole of Eastern Africa” and that “the majority lived in present day Abyssinia”. Even worse, these falsifiers diffuse the idea that at those days “Sudan and Ethiopia were one country” to add that “Abyssinians were just a few Sabaean (Yemenite) refugees who intermingled with the Kushite population”.

This is absolutely wrong, although there are some correct elements in it. In addition, it is said in a very misleading way! Even more, it is self-contradictory.
First published in AfroAticles, American Chronicle, and Buzzle on 21st April 2007
Republished in the present form on 13th January 2010 here: http://betterlesson.com/community/document/329273/american-chronicle-abyssinia-ethiopia-axum-meroe-yemen-history-and-modern-politics-pdf

Paper presented as lecture on various occasions

"In this paper, the relations between Turkey as a regional and international power and Sudan as a strategic country of the Africa have been reviewed with the cultural and scientific/academic dimension. Development of the Turkish-Sudanese relations within the Ottoman period and the Republic of Turkey period have been analyzed.

Key Words: Turkey, Sudan, international relations, culture, science

(in Arabic)"

Pan-Arabism was the fake doctrine fabricated by the colonial Orientalist academia in order to project the fake Arab identity onto the former.

Ethiopianism was the fake doctrine fabricated by the colonial Orientalist academia in order to project the fake Ethiopian identity onto the latter.

I underscored that the evil, colonial diplomacy and academia, in order to better implement Pan-Arabism in Sudan and effectively disorient the Arabic-speaking Sudanese from the search of their true Kushitic – Ethiopian identity and historical heritage, machinated the renaming of the Kushitic – Ethiopian Antiquity, monuments, History, and culture as "Nubian". This is a misnomer.

To clarify that the non-Egyptian antiquities of the Egyptian South and the Sudanese North cannot be called "Nubian", I initiated a series of articles, presenting the historical interaction among the Hamitic – Kushitic Egyptians, the Kushitic Ethiopians (ancestors to today's Arabic-speaking Sudanese, Oromos, Sidamas, and other Eastern African Kushites), and the Medjay – Nubians, who are ancestors to the modern Nubians. The latter may now be the exclusive inhabitants of a vast part of the territory of Ancient Kush (Ethiopia), namely from the South of Aswan to Wadi Halfa and further to Debba, but in the Antiquity, they were a minority in the said territory (and in the rest of Egypt); furthermore, the Ancient Nubians never formed a state of their own in the pre-Christian times.

Consequently, the Nubians cannot be considered as the only or the primary heir to either the Egyptian or the Kushitic / Ethiopian Antiquity, History, monuments, and Heritage. The term "Nubian" cannot be given to the kings of Kerma, Napata and Meroe – the three most important capitals of Pre-Christian Kush / Ethiopia – because these kings were not Nubians but Kushites / Ethiopians; speaking at both, the ethnic and the linguistic levels, they were as different as the Ancient Greeks from the Ancient Babylonians.
June 04, 2010
https://mereja.com/forum/viewtopic.php?f=2&t=59294

This paper deals with two Turco-Egyptian expeditions sent to Sudan by the Egyptian Viceroy Muḥammad ´Alī Pasha at the turn of the third decade of the nineteenth century. The first one, commanded by his son Ismā´īl Kāmil Pasha, conquered the declining kingdom of Sinnār in 1820 – 1821. The second one was led by his son-in-law, Muḥammad Bey Khusraw ad-Daftardār, and seized Kordofan (Arab. Kurdufān) in 1821. After the killing of Ismā´īl Kāmil Pasha in Shandī, tribes inhabiting the Nile valley revolted in October 1822. Following the brutal suppression of the revolt, Sudan became an Egyptian colony. However, the main long-term goals of the expedition – to acquire large quantities of gold and build a modern army of Sudanese slaves – were not accomplished.

On the other hand, Jan Assman cannot possibly deceive every one! His interpretation of the pictorial presentation of the evil worshipped by Hyksos as god cannot be left so incomplete. Certainly, the Hyksos worshipped Seth (Zety) and Apophis (Apope), but the depiction of Seth under the combined form of man and hippopotamus has nothing to do with artistic inventions due to a fictional need of "personalizing" Seth. Furthermore, Seth was not a properly speaking "desert god", as Assman implies; Seth was cast in the desert which represented for the Ancient Egyptians the concept of vacuum, the "non existence". But Seth was originally conceived as Satan, and according to the religious – spiritual concepts and fundamentals of the Ancient Egyptian Art, Satan was represented as a hippopotamus (and at times as a crocodile), when the apocalyptic level of mythical semiotics was involved. A perfect example in this case is the Messiah – Satan conflict narrative at Edfu (inner part of the Western Outer Wall) that antedates and clearly supersedes the Christian Book of the Revelation.

The fact that the Hyksos pseudo-pharaoh Apope dispatched a delegation to Thebes to demand the immediate termination of the traditional Egyptian game of harpooning hippopotamuses (which in the Ancient Egyptian culture was a theatrical act, aptly pre-modeling the ultimate victory of Messiah – Horus over Satan – Seth) illuminates his Satanic identity, while shedding also light on the real identity of any modern scholar presenting a pro-Hyksos version of Egyptian History.

All this is necessary to take into consideration, when the History of Ancient Kush / Ethiopia is concerned. Ideological – religious – spiritual identification clarifies much the situation and helps draw the correct conclusions. In fact, the same ideological – spiritual – religious clash that characterized Egypt for millennia can be attested in Ancient Kush / Ethiopia, and this greatly helps in properly assessing historical developments as the outcome of clash between two priesthoods.

As societies are not monolithic phenomena, one should not imagine that the kingdom of Kerma that sided with the Hyksos rulers was entirely under control of a priesthood dedicated to Satan – Seth. Ancient Egypt and Kush / Ethiopia were highly nuanced societies whereby the rival priesthoods coexisted for millennia, perpetuating their fight by means of myth interpretational variants, educational literature, socioeconomic involvement, and grip over the political – military power.
First published in AfroArticles, Buzzle and American Chronicle on 12th March 2010

In this article, I will examine a bogus-historical term that has been constructed by the Freemasonic Orientalist ateliers and academia of France and England to further spread confusion in the wider region, and – more importantly – consolidate the two fallacies in the area, namely the pseudo-doctrines of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism: Nubia.

One must eventually refer beforehand to my earlier publications "Fake Sudan (Real Ethiopia) and Fake Ethiopia (Real Abyssinia): what is at stake?" and "Sudan (Real Ethiopia), Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia): Evil Progeny of Pan-Arabism and Ethiopianism" to better understand the nature and the targets of the colonial interference and forgery.

Freemasonic Orientalist Projection of False Identities onto Africans

Summarizing the subject briefly, I would state that the customary colonial attitude of creating fake identities and projecting them onto the targeted victims – peoples, involved in the case of Sudan and Abyssinia (fake Ethiopia) the following binary method:

1. Projection onto the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Central Sudan (who constitute the colonial state´s ruling elite) of a fake Pan-Arabist doctrine that would make of the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Sudan "Arabs" (therefore Semites), totally cutting them off the historical greatness and heritage of Ancient Kush (Cush) / Ethiopia. This would totally deform and alter the real identity of the Kushitic Arabic speaking populations of Central Sudan, effectively detaching them from their historical monuments, study, research, exploration and interpretation; the end result would be a) the prevention of an all-inclusive National History of Ethiopia (this is the correct name of Sudan) and b) the rise of a historically baseless and ignorant elite unable to run the country as per the indigenous peoples´ interests and incapable to properly assess the national history of the country.

2. Projection onto the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians (who constitute the ruling elite of the colonial state that is fallaciously called ´Ethiopia´, and govern tyrannically the numerous subjugated non-Semitic, Kushitic and Nilo-Saharan nations) of a fake Ethiopianist doctrine that would make of the Semitic Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians (who originate from Ancient Yemen) "amalgamated Kushites and Semites", treacherously attributing to them the historical greatness and heritage of Ancient Kush (Cush) / Ethiopia. This would facilitate the (unlawful and fake) justification of the Abyssinian occupation of Kushitic Ethiopian lands belonging to Oromos, Afars, Sidamas, Kaffas, Kambaatas and others.

http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic;f=8;t=006830;p=1

(Oromo Studies Association, 2005 Conference Proceedings, Washington D.C.) in: The Journal of Oromo Studies, vol. 14 no 1 (February/March 2007), p. 7 - 34
The volume containing the article is available online:
http://oromostudies.org/OSA-USER-FOLDER/josfiles/JOS%20volume%2014%20Number%201%20(2007).pdf
Slightly edited, the article (under the title "The Kushitic / Meroitic Origins of the Oromo Nation") is also available independently here: 
https://www.academia.edu/24273923/The_Meroitic_Ethiopian_Origins_of_the_Modern_Oromo_Nation_-_By_Prof._Dr._Muhammad_Shamsaddin_Megalommatis and
https://megalommatis.wordpress.com/2014/10/24/the-meroitic-ethiopian-origins-of-the-modern-oromo-nation/

Fake Term "Nubian" – Why?

To clarify that the non-Egyptian antiquities of the Egyptian South and the Sudanese North cannot be called Nubian, I initiated a series of articles, presenting the historical interaction among the Hamitic – Kushitic Egyptians, the Kushitic Ethiopians (ancestors to today´s Arabic-speaking Sudanese, Oromos, Sidamas, and other Eastern African Kushites), and the Medjay – Nubians, who are ancestors to the modern Nubians.

The latter may now well be the quasi-exclusive inhabitants of a vast part of the territory of Upper Egypt (Kemet) and of North Sudan (Kush - Ethiopia), namely south of Luxor to Wadi Halfa and thence further to Debba, but in the Antiquity, their ancestors were only a minority among the Egyptians and the Kushites (Ethiopians) who inhabited the said territory (and the rest of Egypt and North Sudan).

More importantly, the Ancient Nubians never formed a state of their own in the pre-Christian times. So, the royal monuments, temples, palaces, military camps and outposts, administrative buildings and private homes that have been unearthed in the land where today's Nubians live were not built by their ancestors and consequently, they are not their own historical heritage, but mainly the heritage of today's Egyptians, Arabic speaking Sudanese, Oromos, Sidamas and eventually other, minor, Kushitic nations.

Today's Nubians therefore cannot be considered as either the only or the primary heir to either the Egyptian Past or the Kushitic / Ethiopian Antiquity, History, monuments, and Heritage. In other words, the Egyptian temple of Isis at Philae cannot be characterized as a Nubian temple, and the Kushitic / Ethiopian temple of Amun of Napata (in today´s Karima, North Sudan) cannot be labeled "Nubian temple"; the latter is valid for even one more reason, namely that there is no Nubian population living there today as well.

The term "Nubian" cannot be given to the kings of Kerma, Napata and Meroe – the three most important capitals of Pre-Christian Kush / Ethiopia – because these kings were not Nubians but Kushites / Ethiopians. Considering both, the ethnic and the linguistic levels, the Nubians were as different from the Egyptians and the Sudanese Kushites / Ethiopians as the Ancient Greeks from the Ancient Babylonians.

The fake term "Nubian" has been introduced in order to effectively detach the Arabic-speaking Sudanese from the search for their identity, prevent them from properly assessing their tremendous historical heritage, further engulf them into the Pan-Arabist fallacy, and definitely disconnect them from their brethren, namely the tyrannized Oromos, Sidamas, and the other subjugated Kushitic nations. These Kushitic nations have been comprised within the non-Kushitic, non-African, Semitic colonial state of the racist Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians, who are totally unrelated to the Oromos, the Sidamas, and the other subjugated Kushitic nations of Abyssinia. 

For the above reason, the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians are absolutely irrelevant of the historical name of Ethiopia, which belongs only to he Arabic-speaking Sudanese, the Oromos, the Sidamas, and the other subjugated Kushitic nations of Abyssinia. The criminal colonial state of Abyssinia has to be forced - by any means - not to use the fair name of Ethiopia anymore in the future.
First published in AfroArticles, Buzzle and American Chronicle on 24th March 2010
Republished in the portal of the Oromo Parliamentarians:
https://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/Facts%20about%20Oromo/Kushatic%20_%20Oromo%20Nation%20Part%20VI.htm

The Western countries view Abyssinia transvestite into Ethiopia as a marginal, poor, and starving state, abandoned to permanent underdevelopment. Despite all the self-humiliating tactics, Westerners did not offer Abyssinia any guarantee that they would help the country build its dam in the Nile (nearby lake Tana). The country, plunged into terrible civil war as the oppressed Oromos, Ogadenis, Afars and Sidamas, is impotent and fearful even of Egypt, one of the weakest and poorest countries of the Middle East. They anticipate that if they build a dam, the Egyptians will bring it down.

Yet, the Western advisors of Haile Selassie, who convinced him to change the country’s name, aimed at the Sudan mostly. I will help illuminate a story that has not been widely known. The key person in influencing Haile Selassie to rename his country was Jean Leclant, currently Permanent Secretary of the French Academie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres. Leclant was asked personally by Haile Selassie in 1952 to found the Service des Antiquites de l' Ethiopie, which he did at the same time another French Egyptologist, Jean Vercoutter, founded the Service of Antiquities of Sudan.

Jean Leclant was my professor for the period 1978 - 1981 in Sorbonne, Ecole Pratique, and College de France. There was another influential Semitologist with Leclant in Abyssinia at those days; he was specialized in Ge'ez, Syriac, and Aramaic, and became later Professor at the College de France and academician: Andre Caquot. Leclant and Caquot explained to Haile Selassie the political benefits ensuing from the generalization of the use of the name Ethiopia by Abyssinia. I would like to report herewith that all Amharas working in the INALCO, like Argaw Mekonnen revered and venerated Leclant in extremis, because of his personal friendship with Haile Selassie. My great consideration for my former professor is still valid, limited exclusively in the academic sphere.
First published on 21th April 2007
http://www.afroarticles.com/article-dashboard/Article/Abyssinia--Ethiopia--Axum--Meroe--Yemen--History-and-current-Politics/20078

This article deals with the Sudanese–Ethiopian conflict (1885–89) from a Mahdist perspective, in the wider context of the European scramble for Africa. Focusing on Sudanese representations of Ethiopia as well as on the causes underlying the conflict, I confront a Mahdist chronicle of particular historiographical significance with a range of historical sources. Departing from a purely jihadist framework of analysis, I highlight various Mahdist conceptualizations of Christian Ethiopia as well as historical, political, military, and economic processes conducive to the outbreak of an armed confrontation between the two independent African states. I argue that the Sudanese ruling elite resorted to jihadist discourse as a legitimizing device rather than as an inflexible policy and examine more specific rhetoric instruments meant to justify Mahdist attitudes toward the Christian kingdom. Whereas prophetic visions were used to make the khalifa's Ethiopian policy acceptable to Mahdist eyes, the ambivalent legacy of early Muslim–Aksumite contacts was reactivated in the framework of a dialogue with the Ethiopian enemy.

Involving many universities, publishing houses, mass media, encyclopedias (and notably the Wikipedia), diplomatic services, and international NGOs, a vast project of systematic map forgery of global dimensions can be attested in an almost infinite number of cases either on hard copies or online. The existing trends that can be assessed after a meticulous observation of many thousands of maps lead us to the conclusion that the undertaken forgery only reflects and strengthens the historical falsification that we can notice in the texts of articles, scholarly articles, encyclopedia entries, and books. In other words, the historical falsification that has been systematically carried out at global scale by the Freemasonic / Zionist academics and their assistants covers also an incredibly high number of maps that are available for general and specialized readership.

To analyze the character, the nature and the targets of the entire falsification process it would take volumes; however, one can briefly identify the targets as fully reflecting the essence of the historical, philosophical, religious, ideological and political falsehood that the Freemasonic / Zionist academics want to diffuse. In this case, we have to primarily deal with a vicious discrimination that takes first the unsuspicious form of a mere differentiation; some nations, peoples, countries, states, persons, concepts, and issues are favored, whereas others are disfavored.

As per the needs of the above differentiation, the historical truth is magnified, embellished, and better highlighted for those favored, whereas it is undermined, tarnished and concealed for those disfavored. The methods involved are numerous and much diversified. The size of an article is merely an example. When you publish a 3000 words entry in an encyclopedia to present the history of a less important nation, and you allot only 1500 words for the entry which is dedicated to the history of another, definitely more important nation, certainly your intentions are evil, your publications are biased, and your falsification targets are to elevate what you favor and to lower what you disfavor – particularly if the history of the more important nation happens in addition to be better documented with more historical sources, larger textual and epigraphic evidence, and a longer record of diverse archaeological findings.

Except the size of an entry, many other parameters matter as well, when it comes to a systematic falsification effort. The overall presentation, the presence or the absence of maps, pictures and diagrams, etc., everything in fact adds points to the said effort. The contents of the text, and of the maps, are certainly the most essential parts of the falsification effort, but undoubtedly not the only.

When it comes to the contents of the maps, a country can be shown bigger or smaller, the borderlines can be shifted to one or the other side, the details included can be many or few; furthermore, the background color (which defines the territoriality) can be extended beyond the level of historical reality or withdrawn to some lesser (and false) degree.

If the map contents concern a moment of the past, for the cartographic forgers the distortion needed to achieve the falsification target is certainly an easier job than in the case the map contents relate to a current situation. No one will accept in 2014 the veracity and the trustworthiness of a European political map that depicts Crimea with the same color as that of Ukraine, because it is known to all that Crimea does not belong anymore to Ukraine, having effectively seceded earlier this year.

But what happens in the case of a historical map dating back to the Islamic Ages, the Christian times or the periods of the Oriental Antiquity? In these cases, the map forgery process becomes easier. Similarly with common lies, map forgery combines elements of historical truth along with points of distortion; there cannot be a ‘full lie’, because no one will believe it. And there cannot be a total map forgery, because people will immediately identify the map as purely fictional, fake, and therefore worthless.

The extensive map forgery project reveals the existence of a detailed plan shared by many, and this takes us to the level of an advanced conspiracy. Those who deny the existence of conspiracies are contradicted and rejected by History itself, because in the last 5000 years of History we have come across thousands of cases of conspiracy undertaken by two or more people, countries or organizations against their specific targets.

Actually, if we accept for a moment the incredible falsehood that there has never been any conspiracy in the World History, we will have to interpret all the cases of map forgery and historical falsification as the result of mere human errors. This is not however possible, because there is plenty of evidence that many authors and researchers did not share the false view or idea (that takes the form of a specific map forgery or historical falsification) and that they presented a different viewpoint.
First published on 10th October 2014 here:
https://megalommatiscomments.wordpress.com/2014/10/10/islam-makuria-sudan-ethiopia-and-abyssinia-map-forgery-historical-falsification-at-berkeley/

Using a comparative case study between Rwanda and Darfur, this research examines the relationship between three main factors and the recurrent failure of humanitarian intervention in the post-Cold War Era, particularly in Africa, in spite of the hopes associated with it since the beginning of the 1990s. Those factors are: the interest-based, racist selective state practice, the inadequacy of the humanitarian discourse, and the lack of an impartial international body responsible for implementation and monitoring of intervention. Through examining the two cases, the research highlights the failure of the international community to address the humanitarian disaster in Rwanda and the preliminary failure in the case of Darfur. But the case of Darfur has highlighted the developments that have started to take place within humanitarian intervention doctrine and practice. It is argued that for these developments to continue and for humanitarian disasters to be dealt with differently in the future, the three factors within humanitarian action presented by this research should be dealt with vigorously and wholeheartedly.

Only through an exhaustive, in-depth approach to the reasons that have caused the ongoing Darfur Genocide, and following a thorough understanding of the criminal work of the French, namely the fabrication of a false language, an inexistent culture, and a bogus-nation, can people realize the tragedy befallen on the various peoples of Sudan – that are all non-Arabs.

All people in Khartoum know already that they live the end of a long tyrannical experience; they have not identified the forthcoming solution, but they have the real feeling that the nightmare named ‘Sudan’ has already its expiry date. It was about time!

No one knows the details of the final, ultimate division of Sudan; even the number of the emanating countries is not precisely told. Will there finally be a Free Nubia? Will the Red Sea coast’s Beja / Blemmyes ultimately get the freedom they have fought so many centuries for? What will the various borders among the possibly 6 or 7 countries east of Chad look like?
The only issue they have no doubt about is Peace; Peace will be achieved only when all these various peoples and ethnic – religious groups will get their independence and enjoy their self-determination and freedom, following the cancellation of the murderous and inhuman frame of ‘Sudan’, a name that means just Death.

The Euro-cannibals
False concepts, ideological and theoretical confusion, treachery, corruption, inducement into high treason, and comprehensive conspiracy against the colonized peoples are all constituent parts and fundamental pillars of the European colonialism. To understand why all these evildoings have been perpetrated worldwide by the Euro-cannibals, one must see the map of the world in three dates: 1490, 1785 and 1920.
Before 520 years, there was still an Islamic state in Spain, there were still great indigenous kingdoms in America, and the Islamic world was ruled by many local authorities and kings, spanning from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Africa was constituted in a myriad of rather modest states, whereas China was living with the fresh memory of Emperor Yongle´s expansion up to the easternmost confines of Central Asia. Russia was an insignificant realm that had just managed to deter the Great Horde, and Western Europe was a multi-divided, poor, barbaric and uncivil circumference in turmoil.
Before 225 years, America was occupied by and divided among five European colonial powers (Spain, Portugal, France, England, and Holland), after terrible genocides had taken place due to the forced Christianization of many subjugated indigenous peoples. The then recent formation of the US was viewed by the Founding Fathers as key to the elimination of the colonial scourge from the Western Hemisphere. The Islamic world was mainly under the control of three huge kingdoms, namely the Ottoman Empire (Islamic Caliphate), Safavid Iran, and Mughal India, although the latter had started being disintegrated due to the English – promoted Maratha Hindu kingdom and the increasing colonial presence of the English and the French. Islamic – Ottoman control over North Africa was still firm, and only in Africa´s coastal lands, European colonial presence was attested. Qing (Manchu) China was on the eve of the Messianic White Lotus rebellion that weakened the Manchu rule. Russia had risen to a significant European power due to the expansion in Siberia, the Far East, and more importantly, in the South (the Black Sea and the Caucasus region), although Central Asiatic Islamic states were still independent. Contrarily to almost the rest of the world, Europe was significantly stronger and wealthier due to the exploitation of the natural resources of the colonized territories, mainly in America and secondarily in India.
First published in the American Chronicle, AfroArticles and Buzzle on 16 February 2016
Republished:
https://shorkaror.wordpress.com/2010/06/23/fake-sudan-real-ethiopia-and-fake-ethiopia-real-abyssinia-what-is-at-stake/

The Legacy of Iraq critically reflects on the abject failure of the 2003 intervention to turn Iraq into a liberal democracy, underpinned by free-market capitalism, its citizens free to live in peace and prosperity. It argues that mistakes made by the coalition and the Iraqi political elite set a sequence of events in motion that have had devastating consequences for Iraq, the Middle East and for the rest of the world.

Today, as the nation faces perhaps its greatest challenge in the wake of the devastating advance of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) and another US-led coalition undertakes renewed military action in Iraq, understanding the complex and difficult legacies of the 2003 war could not be more urgent. Ignoring the legacies of the Iraq war and denying their connection to contemporary events could means that vital lessons are ignored and the same mistakes made again.

Po dobytí Egypta moslimami v 7. storočí sa začala písať
nová etapa jeho vzťahov s kresťanskými krajinami v povodí
Nílu. Roky konfliktov a súperenia sa striedali s dlhými
obdobiami pokojného spolunažívania. Sprievodným javom boli aj vzájomné kultúrne transfery, ktoré natrvalo poznačili život v tejto časti afrického kontinentu.

East Africa´s most loathsome tyrannies, Sudan (Real Ethiopia) and Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia), are characterized by many similarities that in and by themselves bear witness to the fact that the same evil plan has been implemented in both realms to plunge the local populations into underdevelopment, abject poverty, monstrous oppression and deliberate genocide.
First published in:
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/view/143394

Republished in:
http://www.oromoparliamentarians.org/English/Facts%20about%20Oromo/Ethiopia%20and%20Sudan%20fake%20history.htm
and
http://www.egyptsearch.com/forums/ultimatebb.cgi?ubb=get_topic;f=15;t=002624

The Police Force is one of the oldest institutions in modern Sudan. Since its establishment in 1899, political instability and internal armed conflicts have beset the country. Security problems and political instability have played a determining role in putting a centralized and militarized model of policing at the top of the state's agenda. This type of policing prejudices the professional identity of police and presents it as an oppressive tool in the hands of the political apparatus of the state (Berridge 2011: 12). Moreover, it directly involves police in duties of a military nature, which usually at the expense of their professional duties. When security problems have receded, the Sudanese state has shown a strong tendency to restore the professional methods that had been neglected during times of disorder. This article aims to trace how centralize and military ideas have affected the police structure, role and practice, and the impact of these ideas on the establishment of authoritarian model of policing during the period between 1899 and today.

This article explores the politics of literacy in late colonial Sudan. Drawing upon hitherto untapped archival sources in English and Arabic, it focuses on two key-questions: what were the purposes and uses of literacy in the eyes of colonial authorities? What means were used to spread Arabic literacy skills among Sudanese people? Replacing these issues in the context of British imperial policy in Africa, I argue that mixed teams of British and Sudanese educationalists came to view literacy as a central tool to foster social progress and political modernity. The analysis puts special emphasis on literacy campaigns and follow-up literature as experimental means used to promote and perpetuate Arabic literacy in the Northern Sudan. Examining both "nation-wide" and provincially based magazines, it highlights their multifaceted role as pedagogic materials, vehicles of political, cultural and ideological representations, social networks, as well as public platforms of expression for young Sudanese literates.

The recently published HRW World Report 2010 features a particular chapter on Sudan whereby the monstrous Pan-Arabist tyranny´s practices and policies are summarily exposed and utterly denounced as far as the tyrannized land of Darfur and the persecuted local Furis are concerned. Some importance is given to the growing insecurity in South Sudan.

Unfortunately, the Report does not extend the focus, as the world´s leading Human Rights NGO should have, on Kordofan, the persecuted Hausa speaking minority, and the tyrannized Nuba of Jebel Marra.

Quite regrettably, the Report does not mention the atrociously oppressed Bejas of Eastern Sudan, who stretch in the land between the Egyptian and the Eritrean borders, and from the coastlands to the Red Sea cordillera and the desert up to Atbarah and Kessala. The geo-strategic importance of the Beja country is critical for the future of the colonial fabrication "Sudan". With the ancient nation of Blemmyes – Bejas seceding from "Sudan", the Khartoum tyranny will be landlocked and therefore asphyxiated.

One has to assume that HRW tries to keep a balance in their relations with the major countries involved, China, USA, England and France, and therefore the focus is adjusted in a way not to threaten the colonial countries´ interests in the area. Human Rights become thus ancillary to political motives and tactics.

Similarly, and very deplorably, the vast territory of occupied Nubia in today´s Northern Sudan is totally forgotten within this Report. The socio-behavioural, cultural, linguistic, and political oppression of the Nubians has recently taken a new, socio-economic, dimension with the forceful relocation of dozens of Nubian villages and thousands of populations due to the erection of an otherwise useless Nile dam that will be beneficial to the monstrous, Pan-Arabist gangsters of Khartoum, and detrimental to the indigenous Nubians.
First published in the American Chronicle, Buzzle and AfroArticles on 30 January 2010

Cet article examine l’histoire enseignée dans les écoles soudanaises durant les trois premiers quarts du XXe siècle. Englobant les ères coloniale et postcoloniale, l’analyse scrute l’évolution d’un certain nombre de variables (le statut de l’histoire comme matière scolaire, la formation des enseignants, les supports d’enseignement et d’apprentissage, les approches didactiques) pour identifier des continuités et des ruptures dans l’histoire scolaire soudanaise. L’appréhension de cet objet restreint sur le temps long permet de renouveler la périodisation classique, à dominante politique, du Soudan contemporain. L’étude montre en particulier qu’une rupture didactique majeure était à l’œuvre dans la décennie qui précéda l’indépendance du pays en 1956. La décolonisation politique n’induisit aucune transformation substantielle des textes et des pratiques, ce au moins jusqu’aux années 1970. Les manuels d’histoire de l’époque coloniale tardive (élaborés entre 1944 et 1956) bénéficièrent bien plutôt d’une étonnante longévité, dont l’article s’attache à élucider les raisons matérielles, financières et idéologiques.

Secular arabic traditions have emphasized the potential of dreams to foretell the future.  Sometimes the prediction is seen as obvious and on other occasions elaborate systems of symbolic translations were consulted such as the tenth century Oneirocriticon of Achmet.
    In Islam, many of the foundations of the Koran were revealed to Muhammad in dreams. Muhammad ordered the practice of adhanthe daily call to prayer from the minarets and a central ritual of Islam to this day after one of his followers dreamed of it. The split of Islam into the conflicting factions of Sunni and Shi'ite was based partly on a dream of Mohammed, which the Sunnis used to justify their rights as his successors.
    The autobiographies of Muslim rulers often contain extensive dream diaries and examples of decisions obstensibly based on dreams.  When the Shah of Iran was deciding whether to seek a loan from Russia, he dreamed that a famous theological figure dressed in primitive Muslim garb approached the Shah and threw at his feet a sack containing gold and silver.  The interpretation of this dream was that the Shah shouldn't make any new loans with unbelievers but should trust that fellow servants of the faith would restore his finances. Sadam Hussein reported dreaming that Allah told him to enter and take back Kuwait just before the first Gulf War. Before the second Gulf War, he reported a dream that a snake came upon his path but he chopped off it’s head with a sword which he interpreted to mean western invaders would be vanquished.
    Because of this emphasis on dreams as foretelling the future rather than arising from the past, Arabs who are having PTSD nightmares of an event occurring each night--such as Kuwiati survivors of the Iraqi invasion or Iraqi survivors of the American invasion--experience even more anxiety over whether this will indeed occur again than dreamers in other cultures.
    The positive side to this emphasis on dreams foretelling the future happens when oppressed people dream of positive outcomes.  These are a source of much inspiration in arab society, while in western traditions they would be dismissed as "wish fulfillment" without the beneficial impact.
    We  collected dreams associated with events of the Arab Spring and discuss how they inspired and guided those taking part, and what dreams right now may have to offer the reshaping of the Arab world.

First published on 19th January 2021 here:
https://megalommatis.wordpress.com/2021/01/19/egyptians-deaf-to-the-oromo-insurrection-against-abyssinia-fake-ethiopia-and-blind-to-abyssinian-prophecies-about-egypts-annihilation-part-iv/

With the present article, I continue the publication of my long response to a US-based Oromo scholar, intellectual and activist, who asked my opinion about the possibility of the Oromo liberation movements to cooperate systematically with the government of Egypt on the basis of a plan providing for the liberation of Biyya Oromo and for the cancellation of the disastrous dam built on the Blue Nile in Benishangul province (Abyssinia, Fake Ethiopia). The first three articles are here:

Oromos, Egypt, the Nile, Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia), and the True Essence of Colonialism – Part I
https://megalommatis.wordpress.com/2021/01/05/oromos-egypt-the-nile-abyssinia-fake-ethiopia-and-the-true-essence-of-colonialism-part-i/

The Enemies of Oromos & their Deeds: First & Second Colonization, Jesuit Reductions, Renaissance, and the Historical Revisionism of Racist Colonials – Part II
https://megalommatis.wordpress.com/2021/01/08/the-enemies-of-oromos-their-deeds-first-second-colonization-jesuit-reductions-renaissance-and-the-historical-revisionism-of-racist-colonials-part-ii/

Intellectual Colonialism in Egypt: How Egyptian Fake Universities & Obsolete Education destroy Cairo's Chances to ally with Oromos & Sudan's Arabic-speaking Cushites – Part III
https://megalommatis.wordpress.com/2021/01/15/intellectual-colonialism-in-egypt-how-egyptian-fake-universities-obsolete-education-destroy-cairos-chances-to-ally-with-oromos-sudans-arabic-speaking-cushites-part-iii/

In this -fourth- part, I give examples of what can be expected from Egypt's corrupt journalistic, academic and political establishments, even in the case a comprehensive and enormous preparatory work is undertaken by Cairo-based Oromos and their Egyptian friends in order to popularize topics that would make the average Egyptians and their academic, intellectual, journalistic, political and military elites conscious of
a) Abyssinia's colonial, tribal and dangerous nature,
b) the invasions of numerous, Muslim or not, African kingdoms that the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians carried out over a period of 100 years (1850-1950) with the ostensible help of the English, the French and the Americans,
c) the genocides perpetrated for more than 170 years by the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians against the subjugated nations of the aforementioned destroyed African kingdoms,
d) the ongoing, terrible oppression and persecution of these subjugated nations in Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia),
e) Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians' hereditary anti-Egyptian hatred and anti-Islamic odium, and
f) the existing apocalyptic prophecies pertaining to the destruction of the present states of Egypt and Sudan and to the establishment of common borders between a state based in Jerusalem (at the time these Abyssinian prophecies were formulated there was no state of Israel in Palestine) and another headquartered in Abyssinia.

The ignorance and the obscurantism prevailing across Egypt's universities and educational system in general prevents the Egyptians (average people, elites and governments) to even know about real threats against their own existence. This is the disastrous level of colonial dependence and utilization that the colonial powers implemented in Egypt over the past two centuries.

Many individuals have re-evaluated their aspirations, sense of self, and possible futures as they have moved from one social and cultural context to another. Eighteenth and nineteenth-century slave narratives commonly depicted a simple arc from darkness and suffering to Christian salvation. The life trajectory of one Sudanese woman named Halima led from her original home in Dar Fur's hinterland and across the Sahara to Cairo's slave market. There, in 1817, the French doctor Charles Dussap purchased her, making her his slave-wife. Multiple primary documents reveal Halima's sense of self and aspirations for freedom throughout her life trajectory. By combining her autoethnography of her original culture, a detailed description of her conversion, her husband's account of their early relationship, the observations of CMS missionaries, the writings of Ismayl Urbain (her lover), and the Saint-Simonian archive, her iterative construction of self, multiple imagined futures, and interactions with Sudanese, Egyptians, and Europeans will be examined and evaluated in six contexts.
• Source: Journal of Global Slavery, Volume 2, Issue 1-2, pages 11 – 43
• Publication Year : 2017
• DOI: 10.1163/2405836X-00201001
• ISSN: 2405-8351 E-ISSN: 2405-836X

Kusch ist ein örtlicher Begriff, der zuerst von den Ägyptern geprägt wurde. In unterschiedlichen Schreibweisen bezeichnete er zunächst nur ein kleines Gebiet im Süden des ägyptischen Reiches, später Unter- und Obernubien, und wurde schließlich von den lokalen Herrschern als Namen ihres Königreichs erwählt. Um die Beziehungen von Kusch zur antiken Welt – Ägyptern, Hyksos, Griechen, Römern, Aksum – beleuchten zu können, muss man sich zuerst mit der Vorgeschichte und Geschichte des Königreichs beschäftigen, die sich vom 20. Jh. v.Chr. bis in die Mitte des 4. Jhs. n.Chr., dessen Nachfolger im politischen Sinn betrachtend, sogar bis in das 5. Jh. erstreckt. Bei den beiden zeitlich und – von der Hauptstadt her gesehen – auch örtlich getrennten Königreichen handelt es sich um Napata und Meroe. Nach dieser geschichtlichen Betrachtung werden diverse konkrete Kontakte und deren historische Quellen, insbesondere Inschriften und Berichte, sowie gegenseitige Einflüsse näher betrachtet. Die Rezeption von Kusch und Nubien in antiken Staaten ist ein wesentlicher Teil des Verhältnisses von Kusch zur Antike. Auch die Betrachtung von Religion und Architektur gibt Auskunft über Eigenständigkeit versus Einbindung der Kuschiten in die antike Welt.

The other face of the collapse of democratic systems (three times since independence in 1956) is the tenacity with which democracy is restored and defended. Sudan remains unique in that it has succeeded not once, but twice, in restoring democracy by the sheer weight of ‘people’s power’ - long before this term was popularised by the 1986 revolution in the Philippines. In October 1964 and again in April 1985, military regimes, faced with an overwhelming expression of popular resentment, collapsed and handed over power to civilian governments.
Yet Khartoum’s democratic Springs have always been brief: elected governments have lasted an average of three years. This paradox – a yearning for democracy and a failure to keep it – is the central question with which these pages are concerned.

This is a collection of poems whose focus is on activities of wizardry as practiced in different parts of the world, despite the thematic title  that captures the Nile, for specific reasons to be explained later. It is about the horrendous situation and horrific nightmares undergone and experienced by the victims of sorcery as well as how unpropitious magical powers can manipulate  people as 'properties' mentally possessed.

It is study about conflict, coalition building using Sudan as a case study. Introduces the theory "Dogma Cognition" looking at symbols and emotions as signals, and the impulse the base of reasoning. Argues against, Giddeons, Wendt and other epistemological, or semantic explanations to omni-balancing and alliance creation.

About the Italian illustrator Sergio Toppi (1932-2012).
Published in Dal realismo magico al fumetto. Laboratorio per lo studio letterario del fumetto, a cura di Alessandro Scarsella e Giuseppina Turano, Venezia, Granviale Editori, 2012 [ISBN 978-88-95991-14-6], pp. 103-110

In spite of the numerous challenges it faces (including a traumatic split), Sudan has
not yet fallen to the domino effect of Arab revolutions. However, Sudan has not just
one but two experiences from which to draw lessons about the conduct of
successful peaceful popular revolutions against entrenched despots. In both
instances the revolutions (in 1964 and 1985) came well ahead of similar waves
of revolutionary fervour elsewhere, and they were extremely ‘low-tech’ and
rather local affairs, not benefiting from new media, international trends or
external pressure. This paper offers a close analysis of Sudan’s remarkable
revolutionary heritage, and asks what lessons it throws up for the present.
Keywords: Sudan; revolution; dictatorship; non-violence; Arab Spring; People’s
Powe

After the capture of Sudan by Egypt, the Turkish Era began and general-governors were appointed there. Most of these governors were appointed to Sudan after serving military and administrative positions in Egypt. There are no works written in Turkish on the mentioned governors in all. The aim of the study was to give the names of the governors with short biographical explanations, to better understand the period and to eliminate the deficiency in this issue. The English works written on this subject are more than Turkish ones. However, British history writers, especially about the Turkish Period in Sudan, are in the humiliation, revile and distortion of the truth. For this reason, the governors and their performances were tried to be given with an objective perspective as much as possible by making use of Turkish works. In addition, some sources have differences in the names of governors. This is due to the fact that the aforementioned sources accept the Khartoum governors as the general-governor (hâkimdar). The study is based on those appointed as the general-governor. In addition to contributing to the literature, the study offers a different perspective to the researches on the period.

Mısır valiliği tarafından ele geçirilmesinin ardından Sudan’da Türkiye Dönemi başladı ve buraya valiler atandı. Bu valilerin büyük kısmı Mısır’da askeri ve idari görevler yaptıktan sonra Sudan’a tayin oldular. Mezkûr valiler üzerine toplu olarak Türkçe yazılmış eser bulunmamaktadır. Çalışma ile valilerin isimleri kısa biyografik açıklamalar ile verilerek dönemin hem daha iyi anlaşılması hem de bu konudaki eksikliğin giderilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Bu konuda yazılmış İngilizce eser, Türkçe eserlerden oldukça fazladır. Ancak İngiliz tarih yazıcıları, özellikle Sudan’daki Türk Dönemi’ni aşağılama, kötü gösterme ve çarpıtma içinde bulunmaktadırlar. Bu sebeple Türkçe eserlerden de yararlanılarak dönemin valileri ve icraatları olabildiğince nesnel bir bakış açısı ile verilmeye çalışılmıştır. Ayrıca bazı kaynaklarda valilerin isimlerinde farklılıklar bulunmaktadır. Bunun sebebi mezkûr kaynakların Hartum valilerini de hâkimdar (genel-vali) olarak kabul etmelerinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Çalışmada hâkimdar olarak atananlar esas alınmıştır. Çalışma literatüre katkıda bulunmanın yanı sıra dönem üzerine yapılacak araştırmalara farklı bir bakış açısı sunmaktadır.

Written in the present form in 1997, the text consists in the Greek translation of an earlier French translation of a long Egyptian Hieroglyphic text, mainly biographical of character, compiled by the Meroitic erudite mystic and traveler Arkamaniqo after the Roman conquest of Jerusalem.
Currently published online here:
arkamaniqo.wordpress.com

It is not Iraq where the main problem lies; it is not Iran that consists in the worst threat; it is not Palestine that endangers the world peace; it is not Afghanistan where the Islamic Terrorism shapes a menace. It is in Darfur where we will all testify to Our Human Nature; leave the murderous Pan-Arabist El Bashir tyrant longer stay at Khartoum, and you prove that you never learnt anything out of the Nazi lesson. Further tolerate Darfur, and prove that you are not really a human being anymore. The present plan offers a fast intervention and liberation perspective for the oppressed and tyrannized peoples of Sudan. America is to lead the effort; as Dwight Eisenhower said "Pessimism never won any battle".
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First published in Buzzle on the 13th December 2006