Swaraj

The present critical inquiry of the theory of democracy starts from the perspective that much of what is widely considered as known, unavoidable or factual is not written in stone and that democracy (theory and practice) must strengthen its inclusive capacity starting from the grassroots in order to democratise itself. Realist practices and perspectives of liberal democratic regimes largely inform the mainstream concept of democracy. This study challenges them questioning categories such as people, representation, elite and populism. It analyses the relationship of liberalism and democracy and the ‘crisis of political liberalism’ emerging as a root-condition of forms of oppression and exclusion that mainstream democratic theory condemns without being able to tackle. This research questions the understanding of the liberal democratic canon for being a system of ‘political-colonialism’, which consists of a structural fractioning of society between few representatives and many represented where the latter have very limited political power with respect to the former.
This study examines the historical, philosophical, social and political grain of political-colonialism and investigates the alternative proposed by M. K. Gandhi. Gandhi’s civilisational proposal tackles political-colonialism and provides a participatory, decentralised and duty-based paradigm founded on the holistic vision of society. Gandhi’s alternative to hegemonic power and the structural separation between the representatives and the represented fosters the relational condition of politics combining wealth, ethics, passion and spirituality.
Gandhi’s assassination drastically abridged the conditions necessary for the practical implementation of his democratic Ideas. Despite this however, they remain strongly stimulating. While the consolidation of an alternative general theory of democratisation, that is able to contend with political-colonialism, seems impossible and undesirable, a number of socio-political activists, movements and organisations are providing portions of innovation that are making it relevant to investigate democratisation. The epistemologies of the South – as elaborated on by Boaventura de Sousa Santos – are a set of theoretical and methodological inquiries that search, valorise and translate the fragmented ‘emergences’ that are struggling against political-colonialism. By mobilising the epistemologies of the South this study critically engages with the intellectual and political struggles to democratise democracy and assesses and compares their achievements and failures.
The empirical work of this study focuses on ‘party-movements’ – political forces emerging from civil society and participating in representative politics. Their discourses symbolise critical stances against political-colonialism. Additionally, they present practices for the engagement of society in participatory processes dialoguing with the representative framework. The collected ethnographic evidence (gathered in a total of eleven months) was accomplished by analysing two party-movements, the Indian Aam Aadmi Party (AAP – Party of the Common Person) and the Italian Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S – 5 Star Movement). Qualitative data were collected through a reflexive methodology from the grassroots of party-movements on up to the national level (and EU in the case of the M5S). The analysis focuses on six categories: people, leadership-structure, ethical wave, participation, horizontality-inclusion and political line.
The AAP has inherited the Gandhian approach of the group India Against Corruption, a national campaign led by the social activist Anna Hazare. Belonging to this campaign was Arvind Kejriwal, who supported it until 2012 when he left to found the AAP with other social activists. The M5S emerged through the combination of the careers of the comedian-activist Beppe Grillo and the internet specialist Gianroberto Casaleggio (1954-2016).
The ‘Gandhian democratisation’ elaborated on here is only one, partial possibility out of the many (even mutually contradictory) possibilities that emerge form Gandhi’s rich and multifaceted inheritance. It is an analytical prospective categorisation that is applied to the comparison. While Gandhi propounded a comprehensive, metaphysically founded, socio-political structural alternative to political-colonialism, the AAP and the M5S attempt to engage with the existing system in order to democratise it. Besides the fact that the M5S makes no direct structural reference to Gandhi’s theory, it shares much of its democratisation discourse with the AAP. The richness of the thesis arises from the South-North translation proportionated by the epistemologies of the South between Gandhi’s civilisational alternative and the fragments of innovation emerging from the experimental political discourse of party-movements.

In this video, the speaker is reading out his paper on "THE CLIMATE EMERGENCY: ECOTAGING FOR DISTANT ECOTOPIA" by countering, through ecosophical cum eco-ethical means, the short-sighted "technical quick-fixes" offered by green-capitalism in subsuming a portion of the global environmental movement by asserting market fundamentalism without heeding the environmental variables. The speaker emphasizes the eco-ethos of Permaculture and highlights the sustainability ideal of "eco-swaraj", following the Deep Ecologists' Ecotopia and the Gandhian "Gram Swaraj", as well as Rabindranath Tagore's eco-philosophical underpinnings. In doing so, the speaker highlights the role of Urban Agriculture in obliterating the parasitic status of the modern city in the post-industrial era.

This dissertation studies nonviolence in the context of Humanistic Studies, a multi-disciplinary academic field that criticallly explores issues of (existential) meaning and humanization; the personal and social aspects of 'good living'. From this background this study focusses on contemporary nonviolence, using this term not only to point to the absence of violence, but to that which can take its place. Nonviolence is thus understood as a substantive method to create societal and interpersonal change, and even as a paradigm.
The aim of the study is twofold. Firstly to descern if it is possible to understand nonviolence a concept independent from specific cultural, religious or practical context. Secondly to see if from such an independent notion it is possible to develop a framework for analysis and practice.
The Gandhian understanding of nonviolence is the startingpoint ot this study. However, many developments in nonviolence theory and practice have taken place after Gandhi. This dissertation studies the way Gandhian concepts have caried over, and are changed and expanded by other thinkers and practitioners and what remains the same. From this search it is concluded that five basic elements form the core of contemporary nonviolence: satya (truthseeking), ahimsa (non-harming), tapasya (self-suffering), sarvodaya (the welfare of all) and swadeshi/swaraj (relational autonomy). Together  they point to a specific way of wielding power called integrative power, which lies at the heart of nonviolence.

The word yoga refers to a multifaceted array of beliefs and practices. Yoga is twinned with sāṃkhya as one of the six orthodox darshanas (worldviews) of Hindu philosophy, with Patañjali’s Yogaśāstra having been codified by around the 5th century of the Common Era. A distinct body of texts known as the haṭhayoga corpus appears around the 11th century and emphasizes physical practices most likely used by ascetic communities. The ultimate aim of yoga is described by various words (e.g., kaivalya, samādhi, mokṣa, etc.); it is often described as an experience of an individual soul’s uniting with the divine, and/or becoming liberated from the material world. These historical precedents have continuities with contemporary yoga practices, and for many Indians today, yoga is understood as the essence of Indian spirituality.Yoga, however, took on new meanings in the late colonial period, becoming a mental, physical, and ethical discipline to aid in the struggle for an independent Indian natio...

The Aryans, as envisioned by him, were actually Indians; not intruders from outside.2 He believed tremendously in the ancient glory of Indian culture. So it is not astonishing that he would follow the view of Shivaji in the context of describing the inner sense of the word swarajya. However Tilak's theory of swarajya took a different shape as self-rule from Shivaji.3 Gandhian swaraj is also used in the similar sense of self-rule, but the self-rule accepted by B.G. Tilak is different from Gandhian thesis of self-rule. Tilak's self-rule was political self-rule while Gandhian self-rule was mainly individual self-rule dependent upon the utilization of truth (satya) and non-violence (ahimsa). It would not be inappropriate to claim that in Tilak's hand swaraj or swarajya took the shape of democracy. However the aim of his democracy is an ideal one where all men can reside without any distinctions. This higher kind of democracy accepted

"Khadi: Gandhi's Mega Symbol of Subversion" investigates the power of a symbol to qualitatively transform society by studying Mahatma Gandhi's use of clothing as a metaphor for unity, empowerment and liberation from imperial subjugation.

The book brings together historical evidence of Gandhi's search for a semiotics of attire in his quest for personal integrity and socio-political change. From a multidisciplinary perspective, it closely examines the 'subversion' underlying his sartorial communication.

The symbolic potential for change which khadi has, is therefore seen, not merely as 'revolution' or 'sedition', but as a sustained, well-organised strategy for achieving full independence or purna swaraj.

The author also discusses the complex challenges in Gandhi's highly polarized environment, such as the conflict between the British Empire and the Indian National Congress, Hindu-Muslim tensions, the urban-rural divide, and the question of untouchability.

Photographs, illustrations and an extensive appendix considerably add to the historical value of the study, making it useful for students and scholars in various fields of South Asian research." - Sage Publications

'Khadi: Mega Symbol...' is also translated into Hindi and Marathi by Sage-Bhasha, India.

The word yoga refers to a multifaceted array of beliefs and practices. Yoga is twinned with sāṃkhya as one of the six orthodox darshanas (worldviews) of Hindu philosophy, with Patañjali’s Yogaśāstra having been codified by around the 5th century of the Common Era. A distinct body of texts known as the haṭhayoga corpus appears around the 11th century and emphasizes physical practices most likely used by ascetic communities. The ultimate aim of yoga is described by various words (e.g., kaivalya, samādhi, mokṣa, etc.); it is often described as an experience of an individual soul’s uniting with the divine, and/or becoming liberated from the material world. These historical precedents have continuities with contemporary yoga practices, and for many Indians today, yoga is understood as the essence of Indian spirituality.

Yoga, however, took on new meanings in the late colonial period, becoming a mental, physical, and ethical discipline to aid in the struggle for an independent Indian nation state; a scientific, evidence-based practice to improve health and well-being; and a template for the evolution of an individual as well as humanity as a whole. At the same time, yoga kept an association with liberation and the realization of the ultimate nature of reality.

In the early 21st century, all these meanings remain current in the Indian context, where yoga is continuing to experience a revival. In India, yoga is understood as a unique and valuable cultural resource that has the potential to revitalize both an individual’s health and the Indian nation-state, being an exemplar of the unique insights that Indian traditions can give to the rest of the world. Despite a notable shift in what is understood by yoga in the modern period, yoga continues to be a multivalent and increasingly popular practice in contemporary India.

Gandhi’s critique of the modern state was central to his political thinking. It served as a
pivotal hinge between Gandhi’s anticolonialism and his theory of politics and was given
striking institutional form in his vision of decentralized peasant democracy. This essay
explores the origins and implications of Gandhian antistatism by situating it within a
genealogy of early twentieth-century political pluralism, specifically British and Indian
pluralist criticism of state sovereignty and centralization. This essay traces that critique
from the imperial sociology of Henry Sumner Maine, through the political theory of
Harold Laski and G. D. H. Cole, to Radhakamal Mukerjee’s reworking of these strands
into a normative–universal model of Eastern pluralism. The essay concludes with a
consideration of Gandhi’s ideal of a stateless, nonviolent polity as a culmination and
overturning of the pluralist tradition and as integral to his distinctive understanding
of political freedom, rule, and action.

In this to be published book I aim to consider several aspects of swaraj & boycott theories as conceived by Sri Aurobindo. Both of them were important tools of Indian agitation started from 1905 but here my main focus would be upon simply the implications of Sri Aurobindo deprived of their political consequences.

Computational Musicology is new and emerging field of Data Mining. Raga is the most aspect of Indian Classical Music. It consists of unique set of notes (swara) and Pakad that correspond to a specific pitch. North Indian Classical Music has its root in Vedic ritual chants and has remained relatively untouched. Here, we depict a system that takes audio input file, convert it into sequence of notes and then find its most matching pattern. This pattern resembles with pakad of a raga and there by identifies the raga.

Elections represent the central participatory moment in liberal democracy. By voting in elections, voters provide political legitimacy to the political elite to take decisions for the whole society. The result is the centralisation of power in the elite and the submission of wider society. Such an outcome is one of the limits of representative democracy and corresponds to what is here defined as ‘political-colonialism’. In order to ‘democratise democracy’, which includes the combination of representative democracy with participatory practices, decentralisation may be a method able to counteract political-colonialism by providing space for power and leadership sharing and by increasing social participation in the political sphere. Mahatma Gandhi developed a multicentre idea of democracy based on 700.000 Indian village republics. He used the word ‘Swaraj’ (self-rule) to characterise this model. The Aam Aadmi Party today advocates Swaraj for villages and cities. This paper aims at exploring this idea through existing empirical cases of Swaraj and of decentralised democracy in India.

Swaraj and nation are quite compatible in nature. Swaraj as a political agenda has to be developed in such a way that the nation-formation could be possible. But for this let us start with the concept of nation first. In ancient India, the nation-state was comprised of seven-fold organs, i.e. Saptanga tattva (in Manusamhita) or Sapta-prakriti (in Kautilaya's Arthashastra). The ancient Indian organic theory of state was actually given by Manu that was accepted by Kautilya. However, according to Sri Aurobindo, an individual remains as the core of all such social aggregates or groups. A family or a commune is not possible without the existence of an individual within. The unity of a nation is not possible as the inherent class division has to be present there always. The foreign invasion, be it the Muslim invasions or the British invasion, helps a lot to unite a hugely diversified nation like India to unite under one roof by evoking the national oneness or the nationalistic fellow-feeling among every Indian individual residing within the Indian territory.

आजादी के बाद के भारत को लेकर नेहरू और गांधी  मतभेद

नलिन चौहान

जवाहर लाल नेहरू से महात्मा गांधी के  मतभेद बहुत पहले से थे। नेहरू उन्हें नेता मानते थे, लेकिन साफ कहते थे कि आजादी के बाद गांधी की सनक के लिए कोई गुंजाइश नहीं होगी। गांधी की धार्मिकता, रहस्यवादिता, पश्चिम-विरोध और उनका देश-दुनिया का सपना नेहरू की राय में गलत था। नेहरू मानते थे कि जीत पश्चिम की होगी। गांधी के जाने के बाद उन्होंने पश्चिम को इस देश में जिताया। देश के सारे लोग जो पश्चिम से प्रभावित हैं, नेहरू की इस पापग्रन्थि से पीड़ित है।

The present paper attempts to study the character of Mr Hopkins; the collector in the novel The Siege of Krishnapur, in the light of the Gandhian concept of “Swaraj”. Mahatma Gandhi had used the idea of Swaraj in two senses. In the political domain, Swaraj means self- rule or freedom of governance. In the philosophical and spiritual realm, Swaraj means self-realization and control of the “self”. Gandhi had emphasized that the second meaning of “Swaraj” is more important in one’s life. Amidst attacks and chaos, the collector puts his best efforts to protect his subjects staying in the Residency. Many of the residents, including the collector, managed to survive in the end despite hardships, troubles and unfavourable circumstances. This paper reveals how Mr Hopkins, the administrative head of the Krishnapur Cantonment complies with the Gandhian concept of “Swaraj” when the Residency is under attack.

Mobocracy can be defined as a state of affairs which is primarily governed by the whims and wishes of majoritarian dictate (often accompanied by political mandate) rather than rational and just considerations. India which harbour the most diverse population in the world, has had many incidents of strife and riots since its inception. But a new nationwide chain of phenomenon of mobocracy emerged post 2014 after BJP assumed power with the rise of lynch mobs under the pretext of cow vigilantism, love jihad and anti-Romeo squads, and institutional biasness exhibited by the State against the minorities.
To understand the post 2014 emergence of mobocracy, it is essential to understand the forces authorizing and encouraging such a state of affair. Mobocracy as a norm cannot survive without a socio-political support. Such a support cannot be manoeuvred without a parent ideology, which in Indian context is well imputed to the Hindutva model of nationalism, and its proponents.
Mobocracy is the perversion of democracy. Its proponents are mere ideologues of an ideology. On a normative front, mobocracy can be repressed by suppressing the ideologues and depriving them of political legitimacy. But its proclivity to re-emerge cannot be neutralized without abrogating its ideological roots. Therefore, it becomes essential to address the ideology which incites and animates a cause to such an assemblage. The essay is a commentary on the origin, discourse and inspiration of Hindutva model of nationalism, which quite contrary to its claim of being a purely indigenous Hindu revival movement is, as a matter of fact, a pirated version of the European exclusivity model of nationalism. The essay in its light, addresses the correlation between post 2014 mobocracy and the Hindutva ideological brigade and concludes with relevant suggestions.

In the history of Indian politics Swaraj was regarded as a milestone played extremely important role in achieving Indian independence. The cry for Swaraj was aroused after the incident of Bengal Partition took place in 1905 in the order of Lord Curzon. The Nationalist leaders, among whom Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Lala Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra Pal and Aurobindo Ghose was more well-known, first raised their voices in the favor of Swaraj. The Moderate Congress leaders were still in the favor of Prayer and Petition theory. They gave certain arguments in the favor of such belief. First, actually this petitioning policy was introduced by Raja Rammohan Roy whose contribution over Indian politics has to be acknowledged wholeheartedly. Secondly, only through this process all great success of India became possible. Thirdly, petitioning would depict the natural rights of the entire educated community without hurting anybody. Fourthly, it may be bad as a principle, but not in politics as principle has no influence over politics and if this theory be successfully applicable to foreign countries, like Ireland etc, then why not in India ? However the Nationalist leaders did not find this petitioning theory at all acceptable. As a representative of them, Sri Aurobindo refuted all of the four arguments asserted by the Moderates. First, it is indeed true that Raja Rammohan Roy was the profounder of this theory. But the petitioning theory was applicable in his time when no mutual distrust exists among the British rulers and the Indian masses. However after Partition the circumstance was not in favor of petitioning, rather the British 0 0 9 2 conspiracy of dividing India added fuel to common men s fury. There we must need to follow the path of immediate struggle than beginning for the governmental attention. Secondly, petitioning theory may be successful to small cases, but for long term success in Indian politics there ought to be followed a more powerful and useful policy. Mere petitioning could not bring 0 0 9 2 India s independence as it was just a daydream dreamt by the Moderates. Thirdly, in a hugely-populated country like India the will of its countrymen must not be ignored. Only the political intentions of the so-called enlightened persons would not be considered great than the common men. And petitioning failed to attract the attention of masses greatly tortured by the British bureaucracy and thus they refuted to pray for justice in front of the foreign rulers any more. Fourthly, before the Bengal Partition, this thesis could be applicable because then the faith over the British government was existent at least in some amount. But after the nasty conspiracy was made by them to divide our mother-land, it would be utmost impossible to appeal to their good-hearts as they considered for their own good and never for our poor countrymen .