Turkish national Struggle, Milli Mücadele

Throughout the centuries during the wars in the eastern part of the Ottoman
Empire, Erzurum has been an important centre. Ottoman Empire had
manufactured heavy weapons in the region since the 16th century. However,
manufacture of light weapons roots much back, and it was performed by city
guilds. Weapon craft which had an important place in city’s economic life in the
first half of the 19th century was traumatised with the abolition of the Janissary
Corps and production’s shift to the central arm factories in Istanbul. Weapon
manufacturers barely continued their activities, and in the second half of the
19th century weapon manufacture managed to become the city’s most important
craft form. Tophane-i Amire factories became the field that Ottoman Empire
attempted to apply the form of production in the 19th century after Industrial
Revolution. Erzurum Weapon Repair-shop, established during the years of National
Struggle, is an extension of one of the state organisations, Tophane Factory,
which was organized in the 19th century and had thousands of employees. In
1919, The Allies, began to occuping activities in Anatolia and They neutraliced
the İmalat-ı Harbiye Factories which were the weapon production associations
in İstanbul. The Erzurum Weapon-Repair-shop founded for nececessities of national
army like weapon repair-shops in Eskişehir, Ankara, Konya, and Kayseri
during the National Stuggle for Independence. Repair-shop turned into a factory
with a rapid development due to the need for war materials in 1920s, and the
implementation of the statism in economy in 1930s. In the historical process,
change in weapon manufacture represents a good example for the reflection of
the change in industry from the Ottoman Empire to the Republic to province.

First industrialization movement in Turkey was conducted by the state in weapon production. A strong
working class could not emerge since the Turkey had not been able to found an efficient industry
compared to European industry. It can be seen that a working class whose income was solely based on labour started to emerge. The labour movement in Europe affected İmalat-ı Harbiye workers. The first labour organization was founded secretly by the name of Tophane Workers’ Society in 1894. With the second constitutionalism act in 1908 socialism was represented for the first time in Turkish politics. During the truce period İmalat-I Harbiye workers were quite active in Turkish Labour and Farmers’ Party which carried out its actions in İstanbul. Numan [Ustalar] who was the first  worker to become a deputy in Turkish history was one of the İmalat-I Harbiye workers. There were also workers who were quite active in Public Communion and Turkish Communist Party which had been emerging in Anatolia. It is clearly seen that there was a competition between socialist movements and Communist Party in early 1920s during which labour movements respectably increased. In this
article the position and actions of workers in İmalat-I Harbiye factories during the last days Ottoman Empire and Turkish War of Independence are studied

The wars had been continued for eight years without interruption in the Second Constitutionalised Era; Turco-Italian War, Balkan Wars and The First World War had been experienced. The government had to succeed in the wars in order to continue its existence. The success would be provided with the trained armies with modern military equipments. The fact that the significant parts of the army needs had been taken from foreign countries by order caused to question the ability of the state to operate armories. The outbreak of the wars and the inability of the state to obtain the military equipment from the foreign countries revealed the importance of the domestic production. The armory, the ammunition plant and the powder mill, located in Zeytinburnu, Kırkağaç, Tophane and Bakırköy which were attached to the Military Factories Management (İmalat-ı Harbiye Müdüriyeti) showed great success in producing arms and ammunition that the army needed. The study will analyse the production in the factories attached to the Military Factories Management, which provided the Ottoman Empire's need for arms and ammunition.

Öz 1972 yılında İzmir Gazeteciler Cemiyeti tarafından Hasan Tahsin adına bir "ilk kurşun" anıtı dikilmesi için başlatılan kampanya ülke genelinde bir kaç itiraz dışında topyekûn destek bulur. İki yıl içinde tamamlanan anıtın, açılışını 15 Mayıs 1974 günü bizzat dönemin Cumhurbaşkanı Fahri Korutürk gerçekleştirir. Paul Connerton'un belirttiği gibi anıtlar, yalnızca bazı şeylerin hatırlanmasına izin verirken, bir çeşit ayrımcılıkla diğerlerinin de unutulmasına neden olmaktadır. Başka bir deyişle anıtlar geçmişi hatırlamamızı sağladığı kadar aynı zamanda onu saklamaktadır 1. "İlk kurşun" anıtı; zamanla bu konudaki farklı anlatıları, görüşleri ve itirazları unutturarak, "Hasan Tahsin'in ilk kurşunu atarak milli mücadeleyi başlattığı" tezini, "kesin" ve "keskin" bir tarihsel doğruya dönüştürmüştür. Bu çalışma; herhangi tarihsel bir olay üzerine çeşitli nedenlerden dolayı bir çok farklı tanıklıklar olabileceği gerçeğinden hareketle, 15 Mayıs 1919 günü İzmir'de atılan "ilk kurşuna" dair farklı tanıklıklara ve anlatılara dayanmaktadır. "İlk kurşunu kim veya kimler attı?" sorusuna cevap aramaktan ziyade, hiç bir ön kabule yaslanmadan nesnel bir yaklaşımla hadiseyi, çeşitli tanıklıklar üzerinden bütün boyutları ile ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır. Abstract A campaign launched by Izmir Journalists Association (IGC) in the year of 1972 to erect a "The First Bullet" monument on behalf of Hasan Tahsin has been approved throughout the country except for some objections. The opening of the monument, which was completed within 2 years, was made by the then President of the Republic of Turkey 1 Paul Connerton, Modernite Nasıl Unutturur, Sel Yay., 2. Baskı, İstanbul, 2014, s. 39.

İmalat-ı Harbiye Factories had produced weapons and ammunition with thousands of workers for Ottoman Army during the First World War. These factories were located in Zeytinburnu, Tophane, Kırkağaç and Bakırköy in Istanbul. In addition to that, there were timber factories in Hendek and Bayramiç, and saltpeter factories in Konya and Kayseri. With the Armistice of Montrose, these factories stopped the production of weapons. Some of the factories started production for civilian needs. When the armed resistance started in Anatolia, many of the members of İmalat-ı Harbiye in Istanbul went to Anatolia and participated in the War of Independence. These workers provided great benefits to the army by establishing small repair-shops. This article examines the actions of İmalat-ı Harbiye factories which start production for commercial purposes and the weapon production works by İmalat-ı Harbiye workers who participated in National Struggle in Anatolia.

DUMANLI, Çiğdem, Kendine Özgü Bir Buhrân Örneği: Birinci Dünya Harbi’nde “Alman Şark Politikası”, CTAD, Yıl 14, Sayı 28 (Güz 2018), s. 213-260.
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Anahtar Kelimeler: Birinci Dünya Harbi, Türk-Alman İlişkileri, Alman Şark Politikası, İttihat ve Terakki Cemiyeti.
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DUMANLI, Çiğdem, Unique Example of a Crisis: German “Orientpolitik” in World War One, CTAD, Year 14, Issue 28 (Fall 2018), pp. 213-260.
****

THE LIFE OF HÜSEYİN RAUF ORBAY (1880-1964)
Hüseyin Rauf Orbay was born in İstanbul in 1880. His father is Admiral Mehmet Muzaffer Pahsa. His mother is Hayriye Ruveyde Hanım. He went to Cibali Primary School. His Secondary school is Trablus Military School. He attended high school in Heybeliada Navy School. He joined Navy Army as a lieutenant in 1899. He worked on various warship by 1918. He was known by Hamidiye Attack during Balkan Wars era. In First World War, he fiehted in Iranian side. He Worked as a Navy Army Leader. He worked as a Navy Seruent in the goverment that was established after the war. At the same time, he singed Mondros Agreement as cheaf delegate. He attended the Ottoman Assembly on behalf of representitive after the Kongre during Turkish Independence War. Meanwhile, he was exiled by English having being arrested. After he was releived in Malta, at first he worked as Minister of Public Works then he became prime minister and representitive Turkish Great National Assembly. He took part among the founders of the Terakkiperver Republic durin the Republic era.  He became independent when his party was abolished because of Şeyh Said Rebel. He was charped with İzmir assassination against Atatürk. At that time, he couldn’t return to country being abroad. He returned to Turkey in 1935. He was appointed as a London Embessador in 1942. He left the goverment duty asking his retirement. At the end, until he died in İstanbul in 1964, he spent his following life travelling and giving lectures, conferences in Universities. Hüseyin Rauf Orbay is an important soldier and politician at the time from the Ottoman Empire to the Turkish Republic.
Key Words: Hüseyin Rauf Orbay, Navy Army, Hamidiye Attack, Mondros Agreement, National Struggle, Council of Minister

The topics of this paper are: the genesis of the Turkish-Soviet 16 March 1921 friendship pact; soviet government's fer that the imperialistic powers could permanently hold the Straits and consequently permanently threat the new socialist state from the Blck Sea; the Lausanne negotiates; the ambiguous attitude of the Turkish delegation, incline to be compliant about the Straits much more than Soviet delegation desired.

XX. Yy. başından itibaren Kazan Tatarları sadece Kazan’da ve Rusya’nın en büyük şehirleri olan Moskova ve Sankt-Petersburg’ta değil Avrupa’nın en büyük şehri Paris’e giderek en ünlü üniversitelerinden biri olarak tanınan Sorbonne Üniversitesinde ya da diğer okullarda Avrupa tarzı eğitim almayı başarırlar. Böylece bazı ünlü Tatar aydınlarının hayatı Fransa’nın başkenti Paris ile yakından alakalı olur. Tabii, Kazan Tatar aydınlarının Paris’e gelmeleri için eğitim dışında kalan –örneğin, siyasi- sebepler de olur. Ama her ne sebep olursa olsun önemli olan şudur ki Paris yukarıda anılan Kazan Tatar aydınlarının hayatını kökünden etkiler ve daha sonraki yıllarda verdikleri hayat mücadelelerinde önemli rol oynamaya devam eder.

The Turkish governments have enacted numerous amnesty laws in accordance with social and politic developments in the country. Amnesty laws which have an important place in terms of legal, social and political aspects have been a crucial subject of debate in politic circles and public opinion both in the period when they were brought in on the agenda and as of date they were put into practice. On the other hand, the historical dimension of the subject has not been studied
sufficiently so far, as much as the legal aspects have been discussed.
Amnesty laws have been issued usually before the proclamation of the wars and just after the wars, revolutions and coup d’etats to make a new beginning and to help the people forget the past events. Besides the amnesty laws which are useful to reduce crowding in prisons and to lessen the burden of the courts have been a major application used by the governments. Therefore the TBMM (the Turkish Grand National Assembly) governments have frequentıy granted amnesties since
their initial days. As a matter of fact, apart from many pardons, the First TBMM passed several the partial amnesty laws with the purpose of gaining support for the national struggle, establishment of close relations between TBMM and Turkish people and obtaining new recruits for the regular army throughout the War of Independence. These amnesty laws, in particular the ones intensified during the period between Sakarya War and the War of Supreme Military Command, are
especially important in that they prove that the National Assembly used not only the judging entity, but also its clemency authority during the National Period.

The Allies States expected the support of the US government in the division
of Ottoman lands and in the mandate to be established on these lands at the Paris Peace
Conference convened after the First World War. Although President Wilson declared that
he had some doubts in the early months of the conference, his declaration that he wanted to
take responsibility for the peace treaty to be signed with the Turks relieved the British and
French. These two states were hoping to deal with the Eastern problem as they wished in
the meeting, by leaving some problematic regions to the US mandate in sharing Anatolia.
The United States sent the King-Crane Commission and General Harbord Committee to
Anatolia and the Middle East in 1919 to conduct research on the sharing of Anatolia and
the mandate management to be established afterwards. These delegations submitted some
reports to the senate regarding the work done by the USA on getting mandate management in
the region. This situation caused the postponement of the peace agreement to be signed with
the Ottoman State. In addition, the refusal of the American Senate to take the mandate in line
with the reports of the delegations sent to the Ottoman lands would lead the allies to change
their sharing plans in Anatolia and the Middle East.