Womens Human Righs

Sexual harassment has been a fact of life ever since humans inhabited the earth.  Despite its existence, it has been ignored and the tradition has made women keep quite concerning the act as if nothing went wrong. It is hard to unthink what you know, but there was a time when the facts that amount to sexual harassment did not amount to sexual harassment, the facts amounting to the harm did not socially “exist,” had no shape, no cognitive coherence; far less did they state a legal claim.

We are very disappointed with the lack of time to create a complete submission.  Unlike those calling for the right to discriminate against other members of the Australian society, we are volunteers with no paid staff to research and respond to these types of submissions.

In our first submission, we did outline possible remedies to the bills.  In our 2nd submission, whilst we acknowledge there have been changes, we formed the view that the bills cannot be remedied.  This is our 3rd submission concerning these Bills, and we continue to reject these Bills.

The Bills are overly and unnecessarily complicated, depart from the usually accepted principles of anti-discrimination bills, and are not proportionate in dealing with the reduction of human rights of others by religious persons and organisations.

We are of the view that these Bills will reduce rather than enhance social cohesion in Australian society.

We call on the Government to cease the progression of these bills and engage in profound and meaningful consultation with the Australian community on a Bill of Human Rights.

Former Senator Greig was right. These proposed Bills are creating a system of religious apartheid in Australia. In addition, these bills create a system of State Sponsored Homophobia, Biphobia, Transphobia and much more in Australia, raised in the 2019 ILGA World report.

The Bills go to what Mr Victor Madrigal-Borloz, the UN's Independent Expert on protection against violence and discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, has called out as in his 2019 report to the United Nations, "…impacts on their [LGBTIQ people] social inclusion and hinders their access to healthcare, education, housing, employment, political participation, personal security and freedom from violence."

Beyond the LGBTIQ Community, these Bills put women, the disabled, people of minor faith communities, and people from other races and others in the Australian society at risk

As Christians, we find this unacceptable.

Published by Yada Foundation, Turkey. 

The main objective was to identify successful advocacy initiatives and tools implemented but UN Women partner organizations that aim to change discriminatory social norms and attitudes, implement gender equality and end violence against women in Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Kosovo, Serbia and Turkey.

To accomplish this objective, local researchers conducted research on VAW-related advocacy initiatives by UN Women partner organizations in each country over the last 5 years. The analysis of all cases were supported by interviews with various stakeholders of the initiative.

National Researchers:
- Montenegro, Aleksandra Gligorovic
- Albania, Irena Nikaj
- Bosnia and Herzegovina, Alma Jeftic
- North Macedonia Marija Risteska
- Kosovo, Mirlanda Kusari Purrini
- Serbia, Visnja Bacanovic
- Turkey, İdil Soyseçkin

The major aim of this study is to evaluate the role of Turkish non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the consolidation of democracy in Turkey regarding the characteristics defined by the classical pluralist theories, starting with the ideas of Alexis de Tocqueville, and by contemporary pluralist approaches to civil society. To that end, characteristics of two examples, İHD and KİH-YÇV will be examined using three dimensions: effectiveness, enhancing solidarity and responsibility, and the dimension of inner democracy.

As the methodology of the case study, in-depth interview techniques were adapted for capturing the qualities of the organizations in a detailed way. At that level, in-depth interviews from each organization were conducted with members having different positions. In addition to this, all written documents obtained from the organizations were scanned and the relevant ones have been examined for the sake of the study.

Since the aim of the study is to understand what part Turkish NGOs play in the consolidation of democracy in Turkey considering the assumptions of classical and contemporary pluralist school in their analysis of voluntary associations and interest groups, this study espoused an associational concept of democracy as the method of work, which is a contemporary concept that underlines the democratic role of free and voluntary associations.

In this context, this study tries to discuss the following questions: To what extent are Turkish NGOs independent from the state? To what extent can they have leverage on governmental policies? Do they mitigate conflict through overlapping interests? Do they enhance social trust, tolerance, compromise and a sense of solidarity in society and within their organization? To what extent are they democratic, pluralist and horizontally structured inside their organization and to what extent they are democratic regarding their decision making process? Are they open and inclusive enough in their membership recruitment techniques?

Keywords: Pluralism, associational life, NGO, voluntary participation, civil society, social capital, associative democracy.

This is a working draft/background paper as part of developing an integrated strategy for the Mauritius Ministry of Gender Equality, Child Development and Family Welfare. It was meant to underpin the strategic framework for programme-based budgets.The strategy was not endorsed after a change of government in 2014. The programme-based budget reform was also abandoned. Mauritius reverted to input-based budgeting. It is not part of the Open Budget Partnership.

Se adopta el enfoque de derechos humanos para analizar la Alerta de Violencia de Género contra las Mujeres, situando los alcances de este mecanismo dentro del marco de los compromisos adoptados por México a nivel internacional cuya observancia es obligatoria desde 2011. Posteriormente, se hace una revisión de la Ley General de Acceso de las Mujeres a una Vida Libre de Violencia y de su reglamento, para determinar los alcances de la Alerta, destacando la articulación con el concepto de violencia feminicida y con el de violencia institucional para precisar la interpretación de su objetivo y medidas de implementación. Se observa que la confección de este mecanismo ha sido terreno en disputa, lo que se revela en la presencia de aspectos que buscan restringir la activación de la Alerta dentro de su propia normativa. Posteriormente se revisa el proceso de declaración, implementación y seguimiento de la Alerta en los estados en los que se activó para identificar aspectos que pueden modificarse y fortalecerse tanto en su normativa como en su interpretación e implementación, retomando estándares internacionales de derechos humanos, para procurar que esta política sea más eficaz para combatir la violencia feminicida.