CEDAW

Syllabus of continuing education course for development and humanitarian workers on gender, human rights and social justice. Course is part of the Gender in Development and Humanitarian Assistance (GDHA) Diploma program offered jointly by the Continuing Education Program (CEP) and Institute for Women's Studies in the Arab World (IWSAW) at Lebanese American University and Human Rights Education Associates (HREA).

On 24 April 2013, the collapse of the Rana Plaza building in Dhaka, Bangladesh, which housed five garment factories, killed at least 1,132 people and injured more than 2,500. Only five months earlier, at least 112 workers had lost their lives in another tragic accident, trapped inside the burning Tazreen Fashions factory on the outskirts of Dhaka.

These disasters, among the worst industrial accidents on record, awoke the world to the poor labour conditions faced by workers in the ready-made garment sector in Bangladesh. For some of the lowest wages of the world, millions of people, most of them girls and women, are exposed every day to an unsafe work environment with a high incidence of work-related accidents and deaths, as well as occupational diseases. Most of the factories do not meet standards required by building and construction legislation. As a result, deaths from fire incidents and building collapses are frequent.

Since the Rana Plaza disaster, no fewer than 109 accidents have occurred. Among these, at least 35 were textile factory incidents in which 491 workers were injured and 27 lost their lives. In the absence of a well-functioning labour inspection system and of appropriate enforcement mechanisms, decent work and life in dignity are still far from reality for the vast majority of workers in the garment industry and their families.

On 24 April 2013, 3 Santal women garments workers were deceased (Pepetua Hansda, Sefali Mardy and Sikha Hansda) and one injured Monika Hembrom (Half-paralyzed). This paper reveals the story of this deceased Santal women!

In what follows, I will first introduce a theoretical discussion about formal and substantive equality in the context of women´s unpaid care work. I will discuss (i) the shortcomings of the formal equality model in addressing unpaid care work and (ii) the relevance and poten-tial of the substantive equality framework which is more focused on power transformation and empowerment of women to tackle discrimination against them based on the unfair dis-tribution of care work. In a second chapter, I will put this discussion into the context of the CEDAW as a treaty which focuses on the elimination of all forms of discrimination against women. I will examine how the Women´s Convention currently puts women´s unpaid care and domestic work into context, looking especially at its general recommendations. I will argue that CEDAW shows a clear evolution from a formal model of equality as regards women´s unpaid care work to a more transformative approach clearly embracing substan-tive equality in its recent General Recommendation No. 34 (on rural women). A third chap-ter analyses how care work is raised as a development concern in the 2030 Agenda and then sets out some cases of excellent development practice adopted by INGOs.

This book principally aims at enhancing and deepening the understanding on CEDAW, its coverage and potential. It therefore covers conceptual, substantial and contextual issues, addressing complexities within each, to provide information as well as encourage dynamic inquiry and application of the Convention.

6284 Sayılı Kanun, İstanbul Sözleşmesi ve Türk Ceza Kanunu çerçevesinde Kadına Karşı Şiddet

İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Genç Hukukçular Kulübü tarafından düzenlenen “Türkiye’de Kadına Yönelik Şiddet ve Kadınların Mücadelesi” başlıklı Etkinlik, İstanbul

Este texto tiene 3 partes bien diferenciadas. En la primera, y en la medida en que en este texto analizo la aplicación en España de las obligaciones internacionales sobre violencia contra las mujeres y, más concretamente de aquellas derivadas de la Convención para la Eliminación de todas las formas de discriminación contra las mujeres de 1979, presentaré las obligaciones que se derivan para España de este tratado internacional y de su desarrollo posterior, el Protocolo Facultativo, de 1999.
En la segunda parte, me centraré en el contenido de un Dictamen concreto del Comité de la CEDAW del año 2014, que señala la responsabilidad de España en el incumplimiento de las obligaciones de esta Convención en un caso que, en su momento —hace ya años, en 2003—, generó cierta alarma social3 por la gravedad de los hechos y tuvo un importante eco mediático. Se trata del caso de Ángela González Carreño. Específicamente analizaré las implicaciones jurídicas de dicho Dictamen y cómo ha sido integrado en el ordenamiento nacional español.
Finalmente, en la tercera parte de mi intervención presentaré algunas de las reflexiones y aportaciones que, en mi opinión, ofrece la lectura de este Dictamen para una aplicación en España tanto del derecho nacional como del internacional sobre violencia contra las mujeres más acorde con la transformación necesaria para lograr la igualdad real de hombres y mujeres.

The study traces feminist engagement with international law and examines the Philippine women’s movements’ engagement with the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women, particularly its Optional Protocol (OP) mechanisms. Using the three Philippine OP CEDAW cases as benchmarks, the study examines the Philippines’ compliance with international women’s human rights jurisprudence and the constraints and challenges in their implementation in the current political context. Through a feminist perspective on international law, the study problematizes the reach and the limits of international women’s human rights jurisprudence and their potential in advancing women’s dreams of equality and gender justice.

In this paper, I discuss how the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), impact how violence against women (VAW) is addressed domestically, regionally, and internationally. I will discuss CEDAW, its Optional Protocol and violence against women, particularly focusing on how CEDAW jurisprudence set standards and precedence, impact policies, and contribute to women's movements and individual women’s quest for justice. I will highlight continuing challenges and argue the importance of translation and local realization of women’s human rights

This paper tries to examine CEDAW’s role on preventing violence against women. Even though the convention did not explicitly mention about violence against women, it has tried to bring this issue with outmost importance. The paper also gives a closer look on the Western European states and also talks about the perspective of Bangladesh. It shows that even in the so-called developed countries violence against women is still persist. It also provide some suggestions of these problems with mentioning the steps that the Government have taken. It also shows how CEDAW is monitoring all the countries and providing them with recommendations.

Este artículo realiza un recorrido histórico por las ideas y movimientos que en los
últimos doscientos años, han defendido la vindicación de derechos para las mujeres;
se busca recuperar los discursos que han servido de fundamento en la lucha por hacer
valer su condición de ciudadanas. Posteriormente, se analiza bajo un enfoque feminista,
el proceso de internacionalización de los derechos humanos y los instrumentos
internacionales más importantes, entre ellos la CEDAW y la Convención Belem Do
Pará, que justifican la existencia del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos
de las mujeres.

In the Pacific, and in Melanesia in particular, violence against women is considered severe and pervasive.  Roughly two-thirds of the women in Fiji can expect violence in the domestic sphere at some time during their lives.  A number of cultural practices which are represented as supporting and maintaining gender inequity and therefore underwriting gender violence have attracted international attention and national governments have come under pressure to ban them. One such practice in Fiji is the bulubulu, a ritual of atonement. An anthropologist has since argued that the bulubulu has been adapted in such a way that it now supports the victim, and suggests that the performance of the ritual ‘is increasingly rare even in the villages’.  My own research suggests that these arguments are not accurate and that the reality in the villages is quite different. Further complicating the picture, the classic model of women’s refuges or crisis accommodation has faced immense obstacles and therefore has not been terribly effective to-date.  This paper can be found at the following link: http://press.anu.edu.au/node/2168/download

treaties and conventions become dynamic and significant instruments that help in the evolvement and progress within the scope and content of the human rights. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination (CEDAW) “transcends the scope of other human rights Treaties and addresses discrimination by non-State actors, including any person, organization, or enterprise”(2013). In addition, the preamble of the Convention obliges to ensure women's rights particularly in the private realm of women's lives. It states, “A change in the traditional role of men as well as the role of women in society and in the family is needed to achieve full equality.”

The answer of Spain to the CEDAW Committee decision on Ángela González Carreño v Spain case show us the lack of will of Spanish to follow the recommendations of this Committee in these cases. In fact, it support the lack of enforceability of these decisions to Spain and the limited effectiveness of this mechanism to guarantee that the victims of a breach of the convention get an appropriate compensation when the State lacks the political will to do it

The role of the international norms in domestic politics is a central question in international relations. This article examines the major international treaty on the human rights of women, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women, and its impact on Italian politics, specifically on domestic legislation, case law and civil society activism, and institutional structure. The research contributes to the general debate on international norms diffusion and implementation, and identifies the factors which enable states to comply with these norms.

<Abstract>The Women’s Rights as Human Rights movement is a particularly noteworthy poster child of the influential international human rights system. It is predicated on the liberal individualist conception of human rights and gender equality. With the landmark 1979 UN adoption of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, the Women’s Rights as Human Rights movement has been empowered to pressure ratifying non-Western states to transform their nonliberal cultures by incorporating its liberal individualist principles in their domestic legal systems. Despite the risk that this may impose liberal individualism of the West on the nonliberal Global South, most human rights activists from the Global South have enthusiastically embraced the Women’s Rights as Human Rights movement. Western feminists have taken this as evidence that the Women’s Rights as Human Rights movement exemplifies transnational feminist solidarity. Against this widespread view, this article highlights the danger that the Women’s Rights as Human Rights movement may replicate the imperialist stance of the colonial era and erode culturally diverse modes of gender justice in the Global South.

El texto que se presenta a continuación es un resumen del informe paralelo enviado al Comité que da seguimiento a la implementación de la Convención sobre la Eliminación de Todas las Formas de Discriminación contra la Mujer (cedaw ), en febrero de 2017. Este instrumento es obligatorio para México y sus autoridades públicas, incluyendo a la Instituciones de Educación Superior (ies) desde 1981, año en que se publica en el Diario Oficial de la Federación (dof).
Un informe paralelo es la oportunidad que tiene sociedad civil para hacer llegar información al Comité sobre la situación de los derechos de las mujeres en diferentes aspectos y ámbitos, dando cuenta de las negligencias, omisiones, obstáculos, etc. que observen en su país. Es una oportunidad para revisar la rendición de cuentas a nivel internacional de los Estados y le ayuda al Comité a formular sus recomendaciones. En este sentido, un grupo de investigadoras de diferentes universidades decidimos integrar un documento conjunto que diera cuenta de cómo nuestras ies estaban cumpliendo con la cedaw . En este sentido, detrás de este informe están investigaciones académicas, sustentadas en la teoría y metodología feminista, las cuales visibilizan las formas de violencia contra las mujeres en el ámbito educativo de nivel superior, incluyendo la violencia institucional si retomamos la definición de la Ley General de Acceso de las Mujeres a una Vida Libre de Violencia (lgamvlv ); llamada segunda victimización en la teoría o nombrada también como violación a los derechos de las mujeres desde la perspectiva de los derechos humanos. Es importante resaltar también que este informe dio un espacio importante a los testimonios de las denunciantes de la segunda victimización, de hecho, los testimonios son una de las columnas que evidencian de manera profunda la brecha entre un discurso institucional garantista de derechos y la realidad de prácticas institucionales que violan derechos de las mujeres. Finalmente mencionar que este informe contiene una recomendación general y 30 particulares, que son los mínimos que consideramos deben cumplir las ies para garantizar a las mujeres una vida libre de violencia en el ámbito educativo.

Kadına Karşı Her Türlü Ayrımcılığın Önlenmesi Sözleşmesi (CEDAW)’nin eğitimle ilgili 10. maddesi taraf devletlerin kadın-erkek eşitliği esasına dayanarak kadınlarla erkeklerin eğitimde eşit hakka sahip olmalarını sağlamak için kadınlara karşı ayrımı önleyen bütün uygun önlemleri almasını öngörmektedir. Siyasi, ekonomik, kültürel, sosyal v.b alanlarda gelişim ve değişimin sağlanmasında eğitim temel etkenlerden biridir. Ancak eğitim imkânlarından herkesin eşit şekilde yararlanabilmesi de hâlâ en önemli sorunlardan biridir. Kadın–erkek eşitliğinin eğitimin her alanında sağlanabilmesi bu alanda uygulanabilir politikalar belirlenmesine bağlıdır.
Uluslarası ve ulusal mevzuat kapsamında Millî Eğitim Bakanlığı tarafından cinsiyet eşitliğinin sağlanması amacıyla bazı çalışmalar ve projeler uygulanmaktadır. Bu çalışma Millî Eğitim Bakanlığının eğitimde cinsiyet eşitliğinin sağlanmasına yönelik çalışmalarını eğitim süreçlerine katılım, eğitim ortamlarının düzenlenmesi, eğitim-öğretim araç ve gereçleri ile öğretim programları başlıkları altında incelemeyi amaçlamaktadır.

Sexual harassment has been a fact of life ever since humans inhabited the earth.  Despite its existence, it has been ignored and the tradition has made women keep quite concerning the act as if nothing went wrong. It is hard to unthink what you know, but there was a time when the facts that amount to sexual harassment did not amount to sexual harassment, the facts amounting to the harm did not socially “exist,” had no shape, no cognitive coherence; far less did they state a legal claim.

El presente informe es específico y especializado, pues sólo se concentra en las violencias contra las mujeres en las Instituciones de Educación Superior (IES), uno de sus objetivos es visibilizar este problema. Otro de sus propósitos es denunciar lo que llamamos la segunda victimización o re-victimización cometida por las autoridades de las IES contra las mujeres que deciden denunciar las violencias en este ámbito, configurando así, graves violaciones a los derechos de las mujeres, entre ellos, el derecho a la educación, al acceso a la justicia universitaria, al debido proceso, a la información, y en general, a vivir una vida libre de violencia.

El informe se divide en dos partes. La primera es un contexto general sobre la educación superior, y sobre la violencia contra las mujeres en México, intentamos centrarnos en la que ocurre en los centros educativos. Para esto, nos auxiliamos con datos contenidos en varios diagnósticos cuantitativos levantados principalmente por el Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía (INEGI), pero también por otros documentos que recopilan información desglosada por sexo como Hombres y Mujeres 2015 del Instituto Nacional de las Mujeres (INMUJERES). Asimismo, esta parte también se fundamenta en un marco normativo nacional que reconoce el derecho a la educación y a una vida libre de violencia.

La segunda parte, es propiamente el informe sobre la situación de la violencia contra las mujeres en el marco de las IES. Por lo que, basándonos en la Convención para la Eliminación de todas las Formas de Discriminación contra la Mujer (CEDAW, Art. 2, 5 y 10), las Recomendaciones Generales del Comité CEDAW (9, 12 y 19) y las últimas observaciones del Comité a los informes periódicos de México, damos cuenta de algunas negligencias y omisiones de las autoridades de las IES para garantizar el derecho a una vida libre de violencia.

En esta parte, retomamos trabajos de documentación de casos, testimonios, noticias, correos electrónicos institucionales, documentación de redes sociales para mostrar la existencia de varias dificultades a superar en las IES: 1) la necesidad de armonizar los marcos legales de las IES con los instrumentos internacionales de derechos humanos de las mujeres; 2) la generación de nuevos instrumentos para prevenir, atender, investigar, sancionar, reparar y erradicar la discriminación y la violencia contra las mujeres en las IES; 3) la necesidad de una política integral para prevenir, atender, investigar, sancionar, reparar y erradicar la discriminación y la violencia contra las mujeres en las IES; 4) la aplicación de sanciones para quienes cometen actos de discriminación y violencia contra las mujeres en el ámbito educativo; 5) la aplicación de sanciones para las autoridades que obstaculizan el goce y ejercicio de derechos vinculados al debido proceso, una vez que las víctimas inician procesos de denuncia en las IES; 6) la ausencia de tribunales o mecanismos que resuelvan casos de discriminación y violencia contra las mujeres en el ámbito educativo, con perspectiva de género; 7) la falta de información sobre las causas, consecuencias, gravedad y situación de las violencias contra las mujeres en las IES, así como la transparencia activa de estos datos; 8) la discriminación directa de las autoridades de las IES, frente a las denuncias por violencia, dichos actos implican actuaciones basadas en estereotipos y prejuicios de género, generación de climas hostiles para las denunciantes y las obstaculización para el ejercicio pleno de derechos como el de acceso a la justicia universitaria.

En este sentido, solicitamos al Comité CEDAW que subraye la obligación de las IES para promover, respetar, proteger y garantizar los derechos humanos de las mujeres, de acuerdo con los tratados internacionales de derechos humanos ratificados por el Estado mexicano, con el Art. 1 y 3 Constitucional, la Ley General de Acceso de las Mujeres a una Vida Libre de Violencia, la Ley General para la Igualdad entre Mujeres y Hombres y las últimas recomendaciones hechas por el Comité CEDAW al 7° y 8° informe del Estado mexicano, que mencionan que "la Convención es vinculante para todos los poderes públicos"; solicitamos que se haga énfasis en las responsabilidades para prevenir, investigar, atender, sancionar, reparar y erradicar todas las formas de discriminación y violencia contra las mujeres, en el marco de las IES.

Desde las declaraciones liberales de derechos humanos del siglo XVIII, los derechos políticos han sido fundamentales para el ejercicio de la ciudadanía. En aquella época las mujeres fueron expresamente excluidas de la titularidad de dichos derechos, lo que implicaba la imposibilidad de participar activamente en la vida política; esto llevó durante el siglo XIX y buena parte del siglo XX a que las mujeres se organizaran y abogaran por su derecho al sufragio y a la participación política. Hubo que esperar hasta el año 1993 en la II Conferencia sobre Derechos Humanos celebrada en Viena (Austria), para que se reconociera que los derechos de las mujeres son derechos humanos. En este capítulo se analiza el contenido de los derechos políticos de las mujeres bajo un enfoque de derechos humanos, lo que implica la lucha contra la discriminación y la necesidad de adoptar medidas de acción afirmativa o de carácter temporal para corregir las desigualdades de género que el sistema patriarcal genera en el ámbito político.

Direitu feto ba sidaddaun Timór-Leste  konsiderado hanesan direitu umanus konstitulizadu ba de'it  sidadaun timór oan, tamba direitu hirak ne’e la aplika ba feto laos timór oan maski teritóriálmente reside iha Timór-Leste . Hanesan umanu, feto Timór-Leste  hatu’ur aas dignidade umanu. Direitu umanus ba feto hola parte iha konstituisaun da Repúblika hanesan direitu fundamentál basiku ba umanu.

Desde iha Marsu 2002, direitu feto ni'an konsideradu hanesan direitu umanu (inklui ba feto no mane) no iha partikularmente hafoin ratifika tiha konvensaun internasionál ba hapara fórmas diskriminasaun oin-oin kontra feto ou CEDAW, estadu Timór-Leste  foti responsabilidade oin-oin hodi ‘respeita’, ‘proteje’ no mos ‘hakonu’ direitu feto ni'an

Globalization is a multi-dimensional process of economic, political, cultural, and ideological change. It has had a mixed impact on women's rights. On the one hand, it has led to increasing violations of women's economic, political, and cultural rights in large measure due to the withering away of the welfare-developmental state, the feminization of poverty, the expansion of religious fundamentalisms, and new forms of militarism and conflict. On the other hand, aspects of globalization have provided women with increasing opportunities to work in solidarity at national, regional, and international levels to demand their rights. Our objective is to advance and share knowledge about the gendered aspects of globalization and help promote mechanisms that strengthen the positive aspects and consequences of globalization, especially with respect to women's human rights and gender equality. In my paper the role of UNO for women rights has been discussed. Then I tried to analyze the status of women in Islam. Then I discuss the rights of women given in Pakistan by different governments. In last political participation of women in Musharraf regime has been analyzed.

This workshop report explores the dominant understanding of human rights in relation to events in South Asia, pointing out its limitations in relation to women before moving on to discuss the relevance of CEDAW to human rights of women. Examining CEDAW through its core concepts, strategies for application at the local, national and international levels, this report is useful tool for understanding the treaty at work. In addition, the report mentions other special mechanisms for women within the UN human rights system

Los casos de abuso sexual infantil previos a las reformas producidas por la Ley Piazza y la Ley de Respeto del Tiempo de las Víctimas generan respuesta contradictorias dentro del sistema de justicia argentino. Allí existe una tensión entre el derecho de las víctimas de acceder a la justicia y el principio de legalidad penal. Dependiendo de qué tribunal resuelva el caso, podrá considerarse prescripta la acción penal, o bien vigente. Mientras que otros habilitan los juicio por la verdad. Esta situación afecta directamente el principio de igualdad ante la ley. En la actualidad, muchos de estos casos se encuentran recurridos ante la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación, quien deberá dirimir la cuestión.

Women are discriminated against in Nigeria. However, the tide is changing. Many Nigerians have access to education and the re-orientation of Nigerians (with respect to women’s rights) has been improving. However, discriminatory practices and laws are still prevalent in the country. However, with the return to democratic rule in Nigeria in 1999, many laws have been promulgated in Nigeria to improve the status of women in
the country. For example, many states in Nigeria have enacted laws proscribing domestic violence against women

The paper discussed the use of CEDAW to further the rights of Dalit women in the Indian context, especially in securing their rights and in arguing for a legal basis for redress for their situations and the denial of their human and constitutional rights

Este artículo trata de la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres como principio fundamental del Estado de Derecho. Se ilustran aquí las tres dimensiones interconectadas de la igualdad entre mujeres y hombres contenidas en la Convención para la eliminación de toda forma de discriminación hacia las mujeres (CEDAW). La CEDAW no se limita a considerar la dimensión formal de la igualdad o igualdad en derechos. Apunta a la necesidad de abordar la dimensión material de la igualdad, o igualdad de hecho, e indica las acciones positivas necesarias para ello. La concepción de la igualdad contenida en la CEDAW apela a su dimensión transformativa, es decir, apunta a la eliminación de los estereotipos y las estructuras sociales que perjudican a las mujeres y aspira a transformar la sociedad en su conjunto en términos igualitarios. Siguiendo recomendaciones recientes del Comité CEDAW, se señala finalmente la necesidad de considerar las discriminaciones que sufren las mujeres como el resultado de la intersección de las estructuras de género con otros ejes de desigualdad interconectadas.

This article addresses equality between women and men as a fundamental principle of the Rule of Law. The three interconnected dimensions of equality between women and men that are contained in the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) are here illustrated. CEDAW does not restrain its focus to the formal dimension of equality or equality before the law. It points to the need to address the substantive dimension of equality, or equality de facto, and indicates the positive measures needed to this end. The conception of equality contained in the CEDAW appeals to the transformative dimension of equality, that is to say, it aims to eliminate stereotypes and social structures that harm women and to transform society as a whole in egalitarian terms. Following recent recommendations of CEDAW Committee, the need to consider women's discrimination as the result of the intersection of gender structures with other interconnected axes of inequality is finally pointed out.

METHODOLOGY

The Assessment measures the degree to which Iraqi women, as a matter of law (de jure) and as amatter of practice (de facto), enjoy the rights and protections guaranteed under international law,including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the International Covenant on Civil andPolitical Rights, the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and the Conven-tion on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. In addition to identifying leg-islative (or de jure) deficiencies, it is crucial to determine the degree to which women, in practice, areaccorded the rights and status guaranteed by domestic laws. Amajor focus of the diagnostic tool is,therefore, de facto
or “real life” impediments to equality, some of which may be products of poorlydrafted or non-existent legislation. In order to properly identify the source of compliance or non-com-pliance with international law,
de jure
and de facto
compliance are discussed separately under eachheading.The
de jure survey was conducted by Iraqi attorneys with expertise in Iraqi legislation, internationalhuman rights law, and women’s rights using a template of 66 standard questions. The attorneysreviewed all Iraqi law relevant to the survey, including the Transitional Administrative Law (TAL),past Constitutions, civil and criminal codes, and Revolutionary Command Council (RCC) Orders, toassess how the legislative regime complies with international standards.The
de facto
analysis was conducted in cooperation with a network of Iraqi NGOs and NationalAssembly members (“Respondents”) working on women’s issues in Iraq. Thirty-five women’s NGOsrepresenting the cultural, religious and geographic diversity of Iraq were recruited to provide feed- back on women’s situations in their respective regions. NGO representatives were selected to partici-pate in the survey based on their representation of the various cross-sectors of Iraqi society, on theirsubstantive expertise in the areas covered by the surveys, and on their leadership and activism in Iraqicivil society. These NGOs underwent intensive training on international human rights frameworksapplicable to women’s rights and gender equality. During this training, participants, in conjunctionwith the Iraq Legal Development Project (ILDP), developed a survey protocol specifically tailored forthe Iraqi context. NGO representatives used this universal survey protocol to interview members of Iraqi NGOs, religious experts, government representatives and regular women. Interview respon-dents were selected for several purposes. Some respondents were chosen for their substantive specificexpertise in areas such as health, education or family law. Other respondents provided anecdotal evi-dence for the
de facto
analysis of real-life impediments to the full realization of women’s rights.Finally, a team of researchers surveyed the range of available secondary sources and reports fromNGOs, government sources, academics and international organizations in order to provide a thor-ough background analysis of the issues raised by the Assessment.The Assessment is broken down into a number of thematic categories: Political Participation, CivilSociety and Women in Decision Making; Violence Against Women and the Right to Personal Security;Labor and Economic Rights; Family and Marriage; Nationality; Health; and Education. These cate-gories are based on central provisions in international human rights law regarding women’s rights


The Assessment represents key areas of concern for the promotion, implementation, and safeguarding of women’srights in Iraq. Given the scarcity of data on rural women in Iraq, information regarding the status of rural women is incorporated into the de factoand
de jure sections of each category to the extent possi- ble.This Assessment is intended as a reference and advocacy tool to be used by Iraqi legislators, policymakers and civil society activists, in analyzing the draft constitution in terms of the fundamentalissues of equality, non-discrimination and the advancement of women. It is also intended to be used as a tool in reviewing and developing the laws and policies of the Iraqi state beyond the conclusion of the constitutional process.

Notas sobre el derecho aplicable y reflexiones victimológicas sobre la actuación de la Justicia española en el caso Juana Rivas, presentadas en la mesa redonda celebrada en la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de Granada el 17/10/2017.