political exile
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Latin America is a multistate and polyglot region with diverse races, ethnicities, and cultures, yet it shares historical legacies, institutional frameworks, and political and socioeconomic challenges. Crystallized as the “farthest West” in the global expansion that started with Iberian transatlantic colonialism and forced intercivilizational encounters, shared development, and inner diversity, it is an ideal laboratory for comparative institutional analysis. This perspective has enabled enlightening processes that encompass multiple countries and affect their political, social, and cultural experiences. At various historical junctures, political figures, intellectuals, and social movements led strategies of mutual recognition and reconnection among sister nations and states. This book claims that in addition to approaching the region with a comparative lens, one should also address it from a transnational perspective that accounts for the twin processes of nation-state building and multistate linkages. The chapters follow the connections among countries and those that unfold in the transnational arena in ways that show the significance of a regional perspective, without obliterating the consciousness of distinct political development. Chapters address issues of key historical and contemporary relevance, including the belated construction of state boundaries; the interplay between state claims and transnational dynamics; political exile; international wars and conspiracy theories; regional counterinsurgency and its transnational impact on policies of transitional justice; the tension between regional principles protecting democracy and those predicating nonintervention; the emergence of social movements with a transnational vision; and processes of transnational legitimization and delegitimization of Jewish and Muslim minorities. The concluding chapter discusses transnational challenges and twenty-first-century dilemmas.

This chapter focuses on political exile, a mechanism of institutionalized exclusion of immense national and transnational impact across Latin America. It draws attention to the significance of forced territorial displacement as derived from the format of exclusionary citizenship and stresses the transnational implications of its recurrent presence and changing significance since early independent times and through the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries. Tracing the importance of exile in several respects—including its historical use, its role in the construction of transnational networks of solidarity and advocacy, and its contribution to the human rights discourse—the chapter suggests that the study of Latin American exile offers a unique perspective on processes of redefinition of collective identities and political visions. The study of exile also refocuses traditional readings of national histories on more regional, transnational, or even continental scales of analysis, as it is closely related to understanding the connection between state politics and struggles over citizenship that transcend the borders of individual nation-states.

This book focuses on the political exile of Catholic Christian Democrats during the global twentieth century, from the end of the First World War to the end of the Cold War. Transcending the common national approach, the present volume puts transnational perspectives at center stage and in doing so aspires to be a genuinely global and longitudinal study. Political Exile in the Global Twentieth Century includes chapters on continental European exile in the United Kingdom and North America through 1945; on Spanish exile following the Civil War (1936–39), throughout the Franco dictatorship; on East-Central European exile from the defeat of Nazi Germany and the establishment of Communist rule (1944–48) through the end of the Cold War; and Latin American exile following the 1973 Chilean coup. Encompassing Europe (both East and West), Latin America, and the United States, Political Exile in the Global Twentieth Century places the diasporas of 20th-century Christian Democracy within broader, global debates on political exile and migration.

Evo Morales rose to power on the shoulders of Bolivia’s most powerful social movements, ostracizing the neoliberal elite with a progressive-left populist discourse that swept through Latin America. After nearly 14 years in power, Morales’s caudillo-style leadership shifted toward authoritarianism and a politics of division that ultimately led to his ouster as president. While many have been quick to adopt the narrative of a coup d’état, this perspective plays directly into the oversimplified binary politics used by the Morales administration, overlooking the complexity and fluidity of social forces and the changing state-society dynamics over time. Evo Morales suffered a crisis of legitimacy that was years in the making. His authoritarian tendencies, alliances with classes of capital, and reliance on the extractive economy ultimately led to his downfall as he lost support from his social bases and was unwilling to give up state power. The electoral scandal in October 2019 and the subsequent departure of Evo Morales into political exile were only the tip of the iceberg. Evo Morales accedió al poder gracias a los movimientos sociales más poderosos de Bolivia, en conflicto con la élite neoliberal y utilizando un discurso populista de izquierda progresista que se extendió por América Latina. Después de casi 14 años en el poder, el liderazgo caudillista de Morales viró hacia el autoritarismo y una política divisoria que finalmente llevó a su destitución como presidente. Si bien muchos se han apresurado a adoptar la narrativa de un golpe de Estado, esta perspectiva se enfila directamente con la política binaria simplista utilizada por la administración misma de Morales, pasando por alto la complejidad y fluidez de las fuerzas sociales, así como la dinámica cambiante estado-sociedad a través del tiempo. Morales sufrió una crisis de legitimidad que se gestó durante años. Sus tendencias autoritarias, sus alianzas con las clases capitalistas y su dependencia de la economía extractiva finalmente llevaron a su caída: perdió el apoyo de sus bases sociales sin estar dispuesto a renunciar al poder estatal. El escándalo electoral de octubre de 2019 y su posterior exilio político fueron tan solo la punta del iceberg.

Agostinho Neto was an Angolan medical doctor who was born in the agricultural hinterland of Luanda City in 1922 and died in a Moscow hospital in 1979. He had been assimilated into Portuguese colonial society by gaining a school education at a Methodist mission station where his father was the minister, and he proceeded to university studies in Lisbon. There his radical politics fell foul of the dictatorial police, and after a spell in prison he escaped, via London, to become an itinerant political exile in Africa. There he became a guerrilla commander leading small bands of soldiers who fought a gainst both a Portuguese conscript army and rival political movements seeking independence for Angola. In 1974 the Portuguese colonial empire imploded, and Neto found himself leader of the largest nationalist movement in Luanda, the Movement for the Popular Liberation of Angola (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola; MPLA). On November 11, 1975, he became Angola’s president as the last Portuguese governor-general sailed away on a gun-boat under cover of darkness. Neto’s four years in the presidential palace were not happy ones. Rival political movements not only challenged his legitimacy but also made unholy military alliances with South Africa, Congo, and the United States. He also alienated his domestic constituents, and when they attempted a coup d’état he rounded on them with all the ferocity that he had experienced himself when being persecuted by the Portuguese political police. His health rapidly deteriorated, and two years later he was flown to Moscow, albeit too late, to seek a cure.

Введение. Проведен анализ сибирских газет начала 1880-х гг., в которых имеются сведения о И. С. Тургеневе: иркутские газеты «Сибирь» (1873–1887), «Восточное обозрение» (1882–1906) и томские «Сибирская газета» (1881–1888), «Сибирский вестник» (1885–1905). Цель – выявление рецепции личности и творчества великого русского писателя сибирским образованным обществом и понимание его роли в духовной жизни Сибири и России. Материал и методы. Использовались биографический, историко-литературный, историко-функциональный, культурно-исторический и сравнительно-типологический методы. Материалом послужили сибирские и центральные периодические издания 1880-х гг. Результаты и обсуждение. Тургенев оказался знаковой фигурой для культурной жизни Сибири. Его произведения продавались в книжных магазинах Томска, Омска, Барнаула, Иркутска, находились во многих библиотеках Сибири. С появлением первых сибирских газет на их страницах печатались рецензии и материалы о творчестве и событиях жизни русского писателя. Наиболее часто его имя встречалось на страницах «Сибирской газеты». История любви члена редколлегии «Сибирской газеты» С. С. Синегуба была известна в среде революционеров-народников. Она нашла, по мнению автора статьи, свое отражение в разработке любовной интриги Нежданова, Марианны и Соломина (роман «Новь»). Негласным редактором газеты являлся Ф. В. Волховский, политический ссыльный, судимый по «процессу 193-х». В 1877 г. Тургенев не был лично знаком с Волховским, но активно общался с Г. А. Лопатиным, его приятелем и соратником по политической деятельности, и вместе с ним основал Русскую общественную библиотеку в Париже. Особое внимание уделено анализу материалов о И. С. Тургеневе на страницах иркутских и томских периодических изданий: это перепечатки и комментарии статей центральных газет о произведениях Тургенева, собственные рецензии и отзывы о писателе сибирских литераторов. Некоторые из них – Н. И. Наумов, И. В. Омулевский (и, возможно, Н. М. Ядринцев) – были лично знакомы с ним и присутствовали на встречах И. С. Тургенева с редакцией журнала «Слово» и «Русское богатство». Именно в мартовском номере радикального журнала «Слово» в 1881 г. впервые в России опубликовано знаменитое стихотворение Тургенева «Крокет в Виндзоре» (1876). Заключение. Сибирская общественность внимательно следила за творчеством Тургенева, в сибирских газетах печатались сведения о его болезни. После смерти писателя сообщалось о панихидах, которые проходили в ряде сибирских городов. Рассмотрены некрологи и посмертные статьи о Тургеневе, талантливо написанные редакторами «Восточного обозрения» и «Сибирской газеты». В них отмечалось большое значение творчества выдающегося русского писателя и его общественной деятельности для формирования гражданского самосознания сибиряков. Introduction. The analysis of Siberian newspapers of the early 1880s, which contains information about I. S. Turgenev: Irkutsk newspapers «Siberia» (1873–1887), «Eastern Review» (1882–1906) and Tomsk; Sibirskaya Gazeta (1881–1888), Sibirskiy Vestnik (1885–1905). The purpose of the study was to identify the reception of the personality and work of the great Russian writer by the Siberian educated society and an understanding of his role in the spiritual life of Siberia and Russia. Material and methods. In the course of its implementation, a system of methods was used: biographical, historicalliterary, historical-functional, cultural-historical and comparative-typological. Results and discussion. Turgenev turned out to be a significant figure for the cultural life of Siberia. His works were sold in bookstores in Tomsk, Omsk, Barnaul, Irkutsk, and were in many libraries in Siberia. With the appearance of the first Siberian newspapers, reviews and materials about the work and events of the life of the Russian writer were printed on their pages. Most often his name was found on the pages of the «Siberian newspaper». The love story of S. S. Sinegub was known among the populist revolutionaries. She found, in the opinion of the author of the article, its reflection in the development of the love affair of Nezhdanov, Marianna and Solomin (novel «Nov»). The secret editor of the newspaper was F. V. Volkhovsky, a political exile, tried in the socalled «trial of the 193s» in 1877 y. Turgenev was not personally acquainted with Volkhovsky, but actively communicated with G. A. Lopatin, his friend and associate in political activities, and together with him founded the Russian Public Library in Paris. Particular attention in the article is paid to the analysis of materials about Turgenev on the pages of Irkutsk and Tomsk periodicals: these are reprints and comments and articles of central newspapers about the works of Turgenev, their own reviews and reviews of the writer of Siberian writers. Some of them – N. I. Naumov, I. V. Omulevsky (and, possibly, N. M. Yadrintsev) – were personally acquainted with him and were present at Turgenev’s meetings with the editors of the magazine «Slovo» and «Russkoe Bogatstvo». It was in the March issue of the radical magazine «Slovo» in 1881 that Turgenev’s famous poem «Croquet in Windsor» (1876) was first published in Russia. Conclusion. The Siberian public closely followed the work of Turgenev, information about his illness was published in Siberian newspapers. After his death, it was reported about memorial services, which took place in a number of Siberian cities. The author of the article reviewed obituaries and posthumous articles about Turgenev, talentedly written by the editors of «Vostochny Obozreniye» and «Sibirskaya Gazeta». They noted the great importance of the work of the outstanding Russian writer and his social activities for the formation of civic consciousness of Siberians.

"Anti-communist by excellence in spirit, the painter, sculptor and illustrator Camilian Demetrescu left Romania and went to Italy, tired of the continuous persistent attempts of the Securitate to attire him into becoming a collaborator. He left Romania legally in 1969, with a passport, and when the visa expired, he asked for political asylum. His stay in a capitalist country, but most of all the depths of his cultural and political exile, reflected in the articles of the Italian printed press and in the participation to actions or congresses, determined the Securitate not only to target him informatively, but also to threaten him, fact that did not stop him from being up to the end, with stoicism and determination, a convinced and militant anti-communist, a promoter of democracy and of human rights, but also an artist, who kept in his paintings, illustrations and sculptures the emotional relationship with Romania. Keywords: anticommunism, political exile, militantism, art, democracy "

Abstract Recent years have witnessed the rise of far right-wing leaders in various parts of the world. Stanley (2019) recognizes the particularities of the different nations where this phenomenon is observed but advocates for generalizing it. The author uses the label “fascism” to refer to a variety of ultranationalism. When analyzing the current Brazilian situation, Souza (2019) also refers to fascism, exploring its irrational origins and particularities in Brazil, noticing the emergence of a neo-fascism. Against this backdrop, there are cases of people leaving their countries due to the increasing violence experienced. This study explores this particular situation, presenting the history of Tiburi’s exile, a philosopher, writer, university professor, and Brazilian politician. Concerning the theoretical discussion of the case, the study recalls, among other contributions, the debate about the centrality of work and its psychological function and how it presents itself as a form of existence and resistance for political exile. The article also discusses solidarity and the ‘public space of word’, a possibility that ceases in the country of origin and is sought in expatriation, primarily through work as a mode of existence and resistance. This study uses life history research, which is a rich possibility of apprehending the social experience and the subject in their practices. It is a method particularly fruitful in the study of phenomena such as migration. It is also essential through this research to register and reflect on work in the context of the recent Brazilian political exile.