RESEARCH PROJECT #3

SKOPJE -
A MODERN
CITY?
Authors
ELISABETH DEIPENBROCK
MANDY HELD
CHARLOTTE HERBST
CHARLOTTE KAULEN
LUISE KHLER
MAGDALENA PUDIMAT
MARIA ROHDE
KEVIN VINCENT
Assistance
DI PL. - I NG. MSC MAREN HARNACK
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
The maps are created by us with
the aid of satellite images as the-
re were no adequate or afforda-
ble ones available to us. Partly
they might be slightly imprecise
in detail.
The results of our mappings base
on personal estimations. The age
of buildings could only be deter-
minded by visual judgment. To
verify this data (e.g. by interview
with the building owner) was
only in a few instances possible.
To avoid an unneccessary waste
of space the legend is not shown
on every page. It is designed as
a bookmark instead and can be
applied to all maps.
Only maps that are not north-
bound feature a north arrow.
None shown implies that the re-
spective map is orientated nor-
thwards.
If no other source is given in the
list of illustrations, images are
created by us.
As there is a lack of reliable in-
formations on the subject, partly
web forums or interviews were
used as a source.
In this atlas the term Macedonia
in context with present times is
used synonymously with the of-
ficial term Former Yugoslav Re-
public of Macedonia (FYROM).
IMPRINT
HafenCity Universitt Hamburg
Department
Urban Planning
Chair
Stdtebau und Quartiersentwicklung
Prof. Dr. Michael Koch
2009/2010
Assistance
Dipl.-Ing. MSc Maren Harnack
Authors
Elisabeth Deipenbrock, Mandy Held, Charlotte Herbst, Charlotte Kaulen, Lui-
se Khler, Magdalena Pudimat, Maria Rohde, Kevin Vincent
sponsered by tuitions fees
HCU
HafenCity Universitt
Hamburg
PREFACE
This report was created within the
scope of the Research project #3
(P3) at the HafenCity Universitt
Hamburg. Eight students of urban pl-
anning worked for two semesters on
the subject of the city of Skopje.
We would like to thank Dipl.-Ing.
MSc Maren Harnack who proposed
and offered to conduct this project
with us. Maren Harnack is an ar-
chitect, urban planner and scientific
assistant at the HCU Hamburg. Due
to her former working experiences
on Skopje she was able to provide
us with basic information and helped
to establish contact to the Architec-
tural Department of the University of
Skopje. Thanks to Maren an entirely
new field of work opened up to us:
the Balkan region, its planning issues
and especially the particular ones in
Skopje.
Furthermore we would like to thank
Mladen Stilinovik and Slobodan Ve-
levski, as well as Yane Calovski and
Divna Pencik for the cooperation
during our study trip to Skopje and
for all the valuable information we
got through them. We also thank
Silke Maier-Witt for the enlightening
interview about ethnic conflicts in
Macedonia. Wed in particular like
to thank the students of architecture
we met in Skopje. Not only did they
show us round but also gave helpful
assistance in the later course of our
work.
CONTENT
0 ENTERING SKOPJE 1 PRE MODERN 2 MODERN
Introduction 8
History 10
Country Brief 19
Methodology 20
Input: Population 22
Introduction 26
INPUT: KALE FORTRESS 28
Old Bazaar 29
Overview 30
Mapping 32
Architecture 36
Specific Use Features 42
Specific Urban Features 44
Impression 45
Conclusion 48
Maalos 49
Overview 50
Mapping 52
Architecture 56
Debar Maalo: Transformation 64
Novo Maalo: Stagnation 66
Magir Maalo: Contingency 68
Conclusion 70

Serbian Block Structure 71
Overview 72
Mapping 74
Architecture 78
Specific Urban Features 80
Impression 82
Conclusion 83
Pre Modern Conclusion 84
Categories
6 24 86
Introduction 88
Modernism and its Vision 90
Kenzo Tange and his Plan 95
Overview 96
Model 104
Elements of the Plan 106
Realization 110
Conclusion 114
CityWall 117
Overview 118
Mapping 120
Architecture 122
Characteristics 125
Conclusion 142
Ensembles 143
Overview 144
Communication Axis 145
Education Axis 148
Cultural Axis 151
Transportation Center 154
Conclusion 158
International Architecture 159
Overview 160
A Comparison 162
Conclusion 166
Modern Habitation 167
Overview 168
Mapping 169
Characteristics 172
Conclusion 178
Modern Conclusion 179
3 POST MODERN 4 MASH UP 5 PERSPECTIVES
Introduction 186
Reconstruction 187
Overview 188
Skopje 2014 189
INPUT: MONUMENTS 196
Skopje 2014: Opinions 202
Conclusion 204
Kitsch 205
Overview 206
Mapping 208
Architecture 212
Conclusion 216
Do-It-Yourself 217
INPUT: INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS 218
Overview 222
Architecture 223
A Comparison 231
Conclusion 232
Globalized Architecture 233
Overview 234
Mapping 236
Architecture 240
Shopping Center 242
Business District 244
Conclusion 245
Post Modern Conclusion 246
Introduction 250
Mapping in Comparison 254
City of Contrasts 264
Do-It-Yourself in Comparison 274
Blacklisted Modernism 276
North and South 278
Urban Structural Development 280
Theater Skopje 281
Tange vs. Skopje 2014 282
Garden Skopje 284
The Conclusion Part I 288
Scenarios 290
Introduction 290
Scenarios for Skopje 291
Worst Case Scenario 292
Best Case Scenario 294
Trend Scenario 296
The Conclusion Part II 302
Sources 304
List of Figures 307
Legend 313
184 248 286
6
INTRODUCTION
BRIEF ABSTRACT FOR MACEDONIA
Macedonia is a country of just over
two million inhabitants in the sou-
thern Balkans. The population of
Macedonia has always been and is
still of diverse ethnic composition.
In 1991 Macedonia split peacefully
from Yugoslavia and declared itself
independent. Among other contro-
versies, the countrys name, Mace-
donia, has come under dispute from
Greece who has a region in the north
also called Macedonia. In official do-
cuments at the United Nations or in
the European Union the country is
officially called the Former Yugos-
lavian Republic of Macedonia. The
capital of Macedonia is Skopje, lo-
cated in the north, with a population
of around 600,000 residents. Skopje
was almost completely destroyed by
an earthquake in 1963.
RESULTS OF THE INITIAL RE-
SEARCH
At the start of this project it was
necessary to familiarize ourselves
with the country and in particular
Skopje. Our initial research focused
on Macedonias turbulent history
and many power changes. A Slavic
invasion, the Roman Empire, Bulga-
ria, the Ottoman Empire, the King-
dom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes
and finally Yugoslavia have all left
cultural and political marks on the
country and Skopje. But an chaotic
and aggressive political history is
accompanied by an equally turbulent
geological history full of heavily de-
structive earthquakes as a result of
its location along an active fault line.
If Skopje wasnt being destroyed
by conquering forces it was being
brought to the ground by an earth-
quake.
This led us to the earthquake of 1963
and the destruction of the vast majo-
rity of Skopjes city center. The resul-
ting UN competition seeking a new
master plan for Skopje was won by
the Japanese architect Kenzo Tange.
His Master plan for the city center
was based on a Modernist, and more
specifically Structuralist, understan-
ding of architecture and urban plan-
ning. The level of destruction caused
by the earthquake left a lot of space
for rebuilding and a total transforma-
tion of Skopjes urban structure was
anticipated. Nevertheless, todays
cityscape remains a mix of many in-
fluences from various time periods in
Skopjes past. Additionally, contem-
porary architectural trends continue
to shape the urban fabric. Like many
cities, Skopjes history, and possible
future, are mirrored in architecture
and urban planning. Cataloging the
architectural styles and urban forms
in Skopje would therefore lead to an
index of Skopjes past and present
political influences.
MOTIVATION AND PERSONAL
INTERESTS
The diverse historical background
and developments in Skopje were
the major motivations for this group
project. We were interested in seeing
and experiencing other forms and
understandings of urbanity than are
otherwise available in Western Euro-
pe. Additionally we were interested
in the impact of the earthquake and
Modernism on present-day Skopje.
We knew we wanted to focus on the
city center, since it would have been
the most representative of Tanges
influence. What we didnt know at the
time was how politically active (one
could almost say abused) the city
center is today. The governments
plan for Skopje 2014 was released
during the course of this project and
we knew immediately it had to be in-
cluded in our work. We also had con-
nections to and the support of stu-
dents in the Faculty of Architecture
in Skopje and were looking forward
to the chance to travel to and do field
work in Skopje.
CENTRAL THEMES AND QUESTI-
ONS
Our goals focused around analyzing
and cataloging the diverse elements
of urban design in Skopje. We were
hoping to understand the current
composition of Skopjes cityscape,
and thought this could be best pre-
sented as an atlas detailing our fin-
dings. The main questions we sought
to answer throughout our work were
threefold. First we wanted to examine
post-earthquake Skopje. Is Skopje a
Modern city? The implementation
of a Structuralist master plan could
have led to a total Modernist trans-
7
formation of Skopje. But did it? If not,
we wanted to know which traces of
which eras characterize Skopjes ur-
ban structure; what are the ages left
behind in Skopje and where we could
find it. Likewise we wanted to find out
how Tange and the master plan are
perceived today, not just in the citys-
cape but also by the citys residents.
Lastly, we wanted to understand the
direction planning and architecture
were taking for the future. How does
the current government use architec-
ture as a political tool and what future
scenarios could we recognize based
on current trends?
In short, the main questions of our
works are:
Is Skopje a Modern city?
Which elements of different eras
constitute the city besides Moder-
nism?
What kind of scenarios may result
from current developments?
In the course of answering our main
questions, we tackled two additional
questions. Firstly, we attempted to
analyze the extent to which Tanges
plan was implemented. We focused
heavily on whether or not his inten-
tions, and not just his buildings, are
visible in the city today. Secondly, we
wanted to see if current trends are
at all a result of former architectural
and planning developments; could
current building activity be explained
by former events?
Likewise we stumbled upon related
themes throughout the course of
our work. We found it necessary to
incorporate the ethnic and political
implications of architecture, its ca-
pability to create physical separation
as well as unify by creating collective
identity. We came to the realization,
that Skopje and its architecture ex-
tremely complex and controversial.
This realization became central to
our work.
IMPORTANCE OF THE WORK
Skopje is relatively unknown in the
field of urban planning. There is very
little written material on Skopje and
even less mapping material. Our
hope is to help make the city and
its particular architectural and urban
features more widely known while
providing quantitative mapping ma-
terial to accompany our written ob-
servations and research. We hope
that others will find this information
useful for their own work, and we
want to help highlight the problems
in Skopje related to current architec-
tural and planning trends that may
otherwise go unheard.
ORGANIZATION OF THE ATLAS
As a basis for our work we chose
a study area roughly delineated by
the city center. We mapped every
building within this area and recor-
ded each buildings height, state of
repair, and use as well as all ground
floor uses. The purpose was to have
quantitative data to support our qua-
litative and subjective findings, not
only within each era but to use, as
well, for exploring similarities and
contrasts across all eras.
After a historical introduction, neces-
sitated through diverse influences on
urban form and the numerous histo-
rically charged building projects in
Skopje, we divide Skopjes architec-
ture and urban form into three eras:
before Modernism, Modernism and
present-day trends. In order to help
us answer our main questions we
found it useful to organize the atlas
around Modernism. Each era is dis-
cussed in its own chapter and pre-
sented chronologically in chapters
one through three. Each of the three
chapters begins with an introduction
to that particular era as well as how
the chapter and its maps and graphic
representations are to be read. The
chapters themselves are divided into
further sections highlighting trends
or characteristics particular to that
era.
In the fourth chapter we present a
mash-up of our findings, compa-
ring architectural and planning de-
velopments and their relationships
throughout all three of the eras
presented in the previous chapters.
While based mostly on the data we
gathered in Skopje, Chapter Four also
offers our subjective interpretations
of the neighborhoods, architecture
and urban forms we experienced du-
ring our field work. The fifth chapter
deals with our overall conclusions
and the possible outcomes of cur-
rent trends in the future of Skopje.
These scenarios should stand as a
call to attention for the dangers and
challenges facing the state and its
current patterns of development.
8
ENTERING SKOPJE
0Skopje entering
9
0
10
ANTIQUITY
The first Macedonian country, the
Kingdom of Macedon, was establis-
hed during the 8
th
century BC. This
state consisted of present-day Greek
Macedonia and parts of the southern
Vardar region, while the territory of
present-day Macedonia was called
Peonia and Dardania. During the
reign of Alexander the Great and his
conquests the Kingdom of Macedon
reached its peak and extended over
parts of Africa and Asia. This empire,
however, was short-lived and col-
lapsed soon after Alexanders death.
The memory of that emperor lived
on. Descriptions of his life and achie-
vements were popular in medieval
Byzantium and Slavic countries and
many national movements during the
last two centuries claimed Alexander
as an ancestor of their respective na-
tion. Attempts to establish historical
links with him in order to reconnect
with a glorious past are still com-
mon, as demonstrated by both Gree-
ce and Macedonia. (Bechev 2009:
xix, xIix, I)
During 214 and 168 BC Macedon
was gradually conquered by Rome
and turned into a province. After
the division of the Roman Empire in
395 AD Macedon and the region of
contemporary Macedonia became
ALEXANDERS
CONQUESTS
CONQUEST BY ROMANS 300 BC
Macedonia under Alexander the Great
Ruins of Scupi
HISTORY
TI MELI NE
0Skopje entering
11
part of the eastern half of Byzantium.
There are references by Roman wri-
ters to a town named Scupi, which
lay about four to five kilometers nor-
thwest of present-day Skopje and
was capital of the province Dardania.
In late Roman times it was a large
city with paved streets, bathhouses,
sanitation infrastructure and a the-
ater. With the spread of Christianity
the town also grew in ecclesiastic
significance during the 4
th
century.
(Bechev 2009: xix; I, Ii / Grad Skopje
(Ed.) 2009 / Petrovski n.d.)
As Scupi was situated at an important
crossroad it became a favorite target
of barbaric tribes during the migra-
tion. In 518 it was completely des-
troyed by a heavy earthquake. Most
of the population, however, survived
this event because they were fleeing
from a proposed barbaric attack at
the time. Hence, only 17 years later
in 535 a new town was founded in
the same area called Justinia Prima.
(Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009).
THE MIDDLE AGES
By the latter half of the 6
th
century
Slavic tribes had settled in the Bal-
kans. The name Skopje was es-
tablished during that time. (Bechev
2009: Ii / Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009)
There are hardly any written sources
about activities in the region in the
following 300 years. The next verified
fact is that the area was conquered
by the expanding Bulgarian kingdom
by the middle of the 9
th
century. To-
day it is still under discussion whe-
ther the Macedonians of that time
managed to preserve their culture,
and if the population, later sovereigns
and culture of the Bulgarian kingdom
were actually Macedo-Slavic. During
the following four centuries control
over the region changed constantly:
Normans, Byzantines, feudal lords
of Slavo-Vlach origin, Bulgarians,
Byzantines again, Serbs... . Despi-
te several conquerings, plunderings
and uprisings Skopje grew into a ma-
jor trading post on the north bank of
the river Vardar with churches, con-
vents, administrative and commer-
cial buildings. Skopje was a town of
political, economical, ecclesiastical
Medieval Miniature of Bulgarian Soldiers
Ottoman Conquests
ROMAN ERA 0 300 AD
12
BYZANTINE RULE, SLAVIC SETTLEMENTS 500 AD
518
EARTHQUAKE IN SCUPI
395
ROMAN DIVISION
and cultural importance in the who-
le of the Balkans. (Bechev 2009: Iii /
Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009)
OTTOMAN TIMES
During the 14
th
century most of con-
temporary Macedonia fell under Ot-
toman rule. After their battle against
the Serbs and their allies at the field
of Kosovo in 1389, the Ottomans
held the sole power over the region.
Skopje was renamed skb and,
like other towns in the area, soon
acquired a Muslim majority due to
migration from the Anatolian provin-
ces and conversion to Islam. The fol-
lowing centuries brought consistent
population growth, mainly as a result
of immigration. In the late fifteenth
century, for example, a great influx of
Spanish Jews took place. In 1555 an
earthquake destroyed vast parts of
Skopje (Bechev 2009: Iiii et seq., xxii
/ Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009 / Petrovski
n.d.)
The Ottoman Empire reached its
height during the 15
th
and 16
th
cen-
tury. In 1453 Mehmet II conquered
Constantinople and made the city
the new capital under the name Is-
tanbul. The Empire covered three
continents then: from the Persian
Gulf to Hungary and from the Nile to
the Ukraine. During the 17
th
century
the Ottoman Empire gradually lost its
power and in 1689 Austrian troops
marched into Skopje and razed it to
the ground. The city was burning for
two days, the greatest damage was
in the Jewish quarter (Bechev 2009:
Iiv / Dstersiek n.d.: 1 / Grad Skopje
(Ed.) 2009)
At the same time the Karpo! uprising
took place, an event still celebrated in
contemporary Macedonia. The peasant
miner Karpo! led a rebellion against the
Ottomans originating in the small mi-
ning city of Kratovo. Despite some initial
success they were defeated as the Aus-
trian army retreated and the Ottomans
regained power. Karpo! was either exe-
cuted on Skopjes old stone bridge (Ka-
meni Most), as a sign informs visitors,
or hanged in a tree near it (Makedonija.
name (Ed.) 1999-2010)
During the 17
th
and 18
th
centuries a
part of the Serbian population emig-
rated from Macedonia and there was
an influx of Albanians and Vlachs. The
Muslim population, however, peaked
off because of the Ottomans cease-
less wars with Austria and Russia,
as well as internal political turmoil
and epidemics. In the late 18
th
centu-
ry the Turkish Balkans were a place
of insecurity, plunder and the strugg-
le of ambitious, local revolutionaries
against Istanbul. Skopjes social, po-
litical and economic life went down
along with the decline of the Ottoman
Empire. In 1852 the town had about
20,000 inhabitants. (Bechev 2009:
Iiii et seqq. / Grad Skopje (Ed.) 2009
/ Microsoft Encarta Online Enzyklo-
pdie (Ed.) 2009)
In 1821 several Balkan peoples be-
gan to fight for their independence.
Despite harsh Ottoman responses
they achieved their goal, and quar-
rels between Greeks, Bulgarians
and Serbs over the historical region
Macedon started. The increasingly
strained relation between Christians
and Muslims added further fuel to
the fire. Macedonia was still Turkish
at that time. (Bechev 2009: Iiv et seq.
/ Microsoft Encarta Online Enzyklo-
pdie (Ed.) 2009)
Ottoman Miniature
0Skopje entering
13
Greek nationalists held the view that
the name Macedonia could be seen
as a link to its Hellenic historical
character. Following this argument,
the Slavs were heirs to the Ancient
Macedon and hence to be conside-
red as a part of the Greek nation who
were no longer speaking their native
language. Bulgarian nationalists, on
the other hand, saw Macedonia as a
part of the historic Bulgarian lands.
A fact often overlooked is that Greeks
and Bulgarians unknowingly collabo-
rated in establishing the geographi-
cal name Macedonia once again.
That term had almost been forgotten
during the Byzantine and Turkish pe-
riods. In Ottoman times Macedonia
had no cohesive administrative unit,
but was divided into the following
provinces: Salonica, Bitola and Ko-
sovo with the center in Skopje (Be-
chev 2009: Ivi et seq.).
During the 19
th
century, nationalist
movements in Macedonia worked
together with Bulgarians against the
Greeks, who were seen as a com-
mon enemy. Protests against Greek
institutions took place. A major is-
sue was the religious quest of in-
dependence from the Greek Ortho-
dox Church (Bechev 2009: Iv /Grad
Skopje (Ed.) 2009).
From 1860 on the Macedonian re-
volutionists (so-called Komitadjis)
started to fight against the Ottoman
rule which was gradually weakened
by autonomy movements of all Bal-
kan nations. With the Treaty of San
Stefano after the Russo-Turkish War
(1877-1878) the majority of Mace-
donia was integrated into the newly
established Bulgarian principality.
However, only a few months later
this was reversed and the region be-
longed to the Ottoman Empire once
again. (Bechev 2009: Ivii / Microsoft
Encarta Online Enzyklopdie (Ed.)
2009)
In 1893 Slavic activists founded a
group later named Internal Mace-
deno-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary
Organization (IMARO). They were
heavily influenced by ideas of socia-
lism, Russian populism and to some
extent anarchism. Their future vision
was of an autonomous Macedonia as
a multinational polity, a country not
only for Macedonian Slavs, but for
Bulgarians, Turks, Greeks, Vlachs,
Albanians, Serbs and other ethnic
groups as well. In August 1903 on
Elijahs Day (Ilinden) the IMARO
organized a mass uprising in Bitola
and declared a republic in the town of
Kru!evo. However, the revolutionary
attempt was unsuccessful. By au-
tumn the Ottoman troops were in full
control again and the guerrilla units
had withdrawn into Bulgaria. The Ilin-
den uprisings came at a high cost.
Thousands of people were killed or
wounded, towns and villages dest-
royed and a mass emigration to Bul-
garia and North America took place.
Nevertheless the event is much glo-
rified by the historiographies of both
Bulgaria and post-1944 Yugoslav
Macedonia. The outcome of Ilinden
dealt a heavy blow to the IMARO,
who split into competing factions in
the following years. (Bechev 2009:
Ivii et seq.)
Towards its collapse, the Ottoman
Empire was heavily in debt and gro-
wing continually weaker. The adjoi-
ning countries to the Macedonian
region took advantage of that situati-
CHANGING RULERS CHANGING RULERS 1000 AD
Ilinden Commemoration
14
CONQUEST BY OTTOMANS 1200 AD
1389
BATTLE ON KOSOVO POLJE
1500 AD
on. In 1912 Greece, Serbia, Bulgaria
and Montenegro jointly launched the
first Balkan War, defeated the Otto-
man troops and divided the area. The
Ottoman era in Macedonia lasting for
more than 500 years had come to
its end. No other nation managed to
rule the country over a period as long
as that. (Bechev 2009: Iix / Oppeln
2009: 31)
SCS AND THE FIRST YUGOSLAVIA
The Bulgarians annexed the major
part because they considered it a
territory of their nation. Serbia and
Greece were enraged. Hence, only
one year later the Second Balkan
War started in which Romania and
Austria-Hungary were involved as
well. Its outcome was the devastati-
on of the ancient Macedonian region
and its division into three parts. The
large region around the Vardar River
which included Skopje became Ser-
bian territory. Bulgaria maintained a
small eastern area towards the Pirin
Mountains and Greece could call
the southern Aegean part their own.
Consequently, there were massive
migrations between the three coun-
tries. About half a million people be-
came fugitives who took flight from
one part of the Macedonian area into
another. More than 100,000 of them
fled into Bulgaria, about 160,000
Turks and Greeks into the Greek part.
Some authors consider the outcome
of the Second Balkan war the begin-
ning of the so-called Macedonian
question which leads to disputes
between the involved countries even
today. (Microsoft Encarta Online
Enzyklopdie (Ed.) 2009 / Oppeln
2009: 31),
World War One brought further quar-
rels about the region. Germany and
Austria-Hungary fought alongside
with Bulgaria against the entente of
Serbia, Greece and France. From all
three parts of the divided Macedo-
nia, soldiers were recruited to fight
against each other in the interest of
foreign nations. At the peace con-
ference at Versailles no agreement
could be effectuated and the borders
from 1913 were maintained. Vardar-
Macedonia belonged to the newly
created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats
and Slovenes (SCS) which was alte-
red into the military dictatorship Yu-
goslavia in 1929. (Oppeln 2009: 31
et seq. / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.)
n.d.)
From the outset this state had to
struggle with domestic disturbances.
In 1920 the IMARO was revived un-
der the name of Internal Macedonian
Revolutionary Organization (IMRO)
and fought for the independence of
Macedonia. In Yugoslav Macedonia
the term Macedonians became
limited to the Slavic population. In
earlier periods it had been applied to
the whole mosaic of ethnic groups
in the wider region. The idea that the
Macedonians were neither Bulgari-
ans nor Serbs but distinctive Slavic
Soldiers during the First Balkan War
Territory of the SCS
0Skopje entering
15
people became more and more es-
tablished during the 1930s. (Bechev
2009: xIviii, Ix / Wissen Media Verlag
(Ed.) n.d.)
At the outbreak of World War Two
Yugoslavia initially remained neut-
ral. In 1941 the country declared to
join the tripartite pact between Ger-
many, Italy and Japan, but a military
coup in Yugoslavia only a few days
later led to rather strained relations
between the countries. On April 6
th

1941 Bulgarian, German and Italian
troops invaded the country and 15
days later Yugoslavia surrendered.
Later historians in Socialist Yugos-
lav Macedonia always emphasized
the resistance against the fascist
occupiers. Nevertheless there is am-
ple evidence showing that at first,
the Bulgarian forces and authorities
were welcomed with enthusiasm
by the Slavic part of the population.
The former Serbian regime had been
rather unpopular. Soon however, the
Bulgarians managed to forfeit their
sympathies by being insensitive to
the local context and discriminating
against the Macedonian Slavs when
assigning places of employment in
the public sector. Additionally they
ran a series of requisitions justifying
them with war requirements. This
kept resistance movements against
their occupation in check. (Bechev
2009: Ixii / Wissen Media Verlag
(Ed.) n.d.)
Great Britain smuggled secret troops
into Macedonia. At first they suppor-
ted the IMRO but later backed up the
newly founded Communist Party
of Macedonia who fought along-
side Yugoslavian partisans. In 1944,
even before the Soviet army reached
the region, the communist partisan
troops under the leadership of Josip
Broz Tito controlled most parts of Yu-
goslavia. On August 2nd of the same
year the Anti-Fascist Assembly for
the Peoples Liberation of Macedo-
nia was founded, an organization
whose aim was to govern a libera-
ted and independent Macedonia.
Optimistically this new nation was
proclaimed. Their quest was, how-
ever, unsuccessful. The pro-Serbian
leaders of the Communist Party me-
ant to join a new Yugoslavia. Hence,
when on November 29
th
the Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was
founded Macedonia became one
of its six republics. The other ones
were Slovenia, Croatia, Bosnia and
Herzegovina, Serbia and Monteneg-
ro. (Oppeln 2009: 33 / Wissen Media
Verlag (Ed.) n.d.)
THE SOCIALIST FEDERAL REPUBLIC
OF YUGOSLAVIA
The new system was formally led by
a government which depended on
the support and trust of a parliament
consisting of two chambers. Howe-
ver, all the actual power was held by
the Communist Partys politburo
with Tito as its leader. Resistance of
any kind was effectively oppressed.
OTTOMAN ERA
INDEPENDENCE
MOVEMENTS
D
1555
EARTHQUAKE
IN SKOPJE
1689
RAID BY AUSTRIANS,
KARPO" UPRISING
1800 AD
Tito 1944 at his headquarters
Socialist Yugoslavia
16
1910 AD
1903
ILINDEN
UPRISING
1912/13
BALKAN
WARS
1918
FOUNDATION
OF THE CSC
CSC / FIRST YUGOSLAVIA
1944
FOUNDATION OF
SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA
1950 AD
(Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.)
The year 1948 brought a breach
between Tito and Stalin, mainly be-
cause of the formers refusal to be
patronized by the Soviet Union. Af-
terward, Yugoslavia belonged to the
non-aligned countries and attempted
an independent external course. Tito
tried to implement his own form of
socialism. The economy was decen-
tralized and workers self-manage-
ment established. The Yugoslavian
republics were meant to specialize
on certain products. Macedonia be-
came coal supplier in a considerable
measure, an important tourist desti-
nation and cultivator of tobacco. De-
spite the economic reorganizations
and considerable growth, Macedo-
nia remained the poorest Yugoslavi-
an republic. Another setback was the
devastating earthquake in 1963 that
destroyed great parts of the country
and especially Skopje (see Chapter
Two). (Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.)
n.d. / Oppeln 2009: 33)
The emergence of Yugoslavia
brought changes to the cultural and
ethnic make-up as well. On the who-
le, Yugoslavian politics promoted the
strengthening of a Macedonian iden-
tity. By the middle of 1945 Macedo-
nian became standardized as a liter-
ary language. Its basis were dialects
of the Prilep-Bitola area which were
considered to be sufficiently different
from Serbian or Bulgarian. In 1967
the independence of the Macedonian
Orthodox Church from the Serbian
Orthodox Church was declared. Up
to now, however, this independence
has not been recognized by any
other orthodox church. Another im-
portant factor is that, in the process
of building up a new state and na-
tion, non-Christian minorities such
as Albanians, Turks, Roma or the
Slavic-speaking Muslims (known
as Torbe!i) were largely disregar-
ded. Though with the exception of
the latter they were accepted as own
nationalities, they profited much less
by the modernization policies of the
central state. (Bechev 2009: Ixiv et
seqq.)
THE WAY TO INDEPENDENCE
Socialism in Yugoslavia was not as
strict as in the Soviet Union, the citi-
zens possessed more liberties. How-
ever, soon after Titos death (May
4th 1980) crises started to show up
in all parts of society quite regularly.
The economic situation was growing
gradually worse. In 1981 unrest un-
der the Kosovar Albanians began.
They demanded their region to be
acknowledged as a proper republic
but their protests were put down at
gunpoint. Nevertheless Kosovo re-
mained a constant trouble spot. Tho-
se occurrences enforced the natio-
nalistic powers in Serbia. Slobodan
0LORHYL FKDLUPDQ RI WKH /HDJXH
Of Communists Of Serbia starting in
1987, engaged the Yugoslav federal
system in the interest of Serbian po-
wer politics. Especially the Slovenes
and Croats opposed those aims and
were advocates for a democratizati-
on and the creation of market-based
structures. (Oppeln 2009: 33 / Wis-
sen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.)
In 1991 Croatia and Slovenia intensi-
fied their efforts to leave the Yugos-
lav confederation. On June 25
th
both
of them unilaterally declared their
independence which led to com-
bats between the Serbian dominated
Macedonian Flag
Contemporary Macedonia
Because of the vast number of important dates the 20
th
century is shown in greater detail.
0Skopje entering
17
federal army and the militia of the
respective republics. Whereas the
conflicts about Slovenia soon ended
with the retreat of the federal forces,
the struggles in Croatia turned into a
bloody civil war. (Wissen Media Ver-
lag (Ed.) n.d.)
On August 9th Macedonia mana-
ged to leave Yugoslavia without any
bloodshed by way of a referendum.
The major part of the Albanian po-
pulation however abstained from vo-
ting, as an independent Macedonia
did not seem any different to them.
A new constitution was adopted de-
claring the Republic of Macedonia
a parliamentary democracy. Politics
were focused on decentralization
and the implementation of a local
administration. (CIA (Ed.) 2010 / Op-
peln 2009: 33 / Wissen Media Verlag
(Ed.) n.d.).
Up until now the EU accepts the
country only under the name of
Former Yugoslav Republic of Mace-
donia (FYROM) due to Greeces
opposition. Macedonias southern
neighbor considers the term Mace-
donia as referring to a region in the
north of Greece and fears that Mace-
donia might try to annex this area.
Furthermore, the two nations hold a
dispute about the role of Alexander
the Great. Both countries regard the
historic king as part of their respec-
tive cultural heritages. When Mace-
donian declared to use the Sun of
Vergina, a symbol of Alexanders
father, as an element of their new
flag, Greece imposed an economic-
al embargo on Macedonia in 1995.
This critical situation was solved by
the simple measure of taking away
eight rays of the former 16-ray-sun.
New disputes arose in 2006 when
Skopje renamed the local airport
Alexander the Great. Macedonia
has been a candidate for joining the
European Union since 2005, but its
continuous differences with Gree-
ce make a soon admission unlikely.
(Hhler 2008 / Oppeln 2009: 33 /
Republic of Macedonia (Ed.) 2001 /
Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.) n.d.)
Another ongoing problem is
Macedonias ethnic diversity. Al-
banians make up 25 percent of the
countrys population (CIA (Ed.)
2010). However, Albanian is not re-
cognized as second official language
and many members of this ethnic
group feel discrimination against
their people and culture. In 2001 the
country nearly reached the point of
civil war, when armed conflicts bet-
ween government troops and the
Albanian National Liberation Army
occurred. After difficult negotiations,
an agreement could be established,
the Ohrid Framework Agreement.
It was signed on August 8th, state-
ments regarding the equality of the
population as a whole, non-discrimi-
nation and equal representation were
made. (Republic of Macedonia (Ed.)
2001 / Wissen Media Verlag (Ed.)
n.d.)
REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
1963
EARTHQUAKE
IN SKOPJE
SOCIALIST YUGOSLAVIA
1980
TITOS DEATH
1990 AD
1991
INDEPEN-
DENCE
2001
OHRID FRAMEWORK
AGREEMENT
Albanian Children playing on tanks, 2001
18
A rejection of NATO membership by
veto of Greece brought along the
parliaments dissolving. Hence, 2008
saw parliamentary elections, resul-
ting in a coalition of the nationalistic
Internal Macedonian Revolutionary
Organization - Democratic Party for
Macedonian National Unity (VMRO-
DPMNE) and the major Albanian par-
ty Democratic Union for Integration
(DUI).
Macedonias GDP has been growing
since 1996, with a short hiatus in
2001, due to the conflict that year. In
2007, the Macedonian government
improved foreign investments by
flatting taxes. One year later a major
campaign was launched to promote
the investment climate (World Bank
(Ed.) 2009). In 2009, the EU com-
mission published the paper Com-
munication from the Commission
to the European Parliament and the
Council. It analyses Macedonias
transformation progress since 1991,
in regard to the EU obligations. The
paper stresses the necessity of im-
provements in the decentralization
progress by focusing on the transfer
of responsibilities to municipalities.
Administrative rights of intervention
need to be more limited and transpa-
rent. Moreover, corruption needs to
be reduced and freedom of speech
needs to be guaranteed. (Commis-
sion of the European Communities
(Ed.) 2009)
Ohrid Framework Agreement
0Skopje entering
19
Macedonia is located at the southern
Balkan and do not access to the
seaside. 2,04 million people live in a
total area of 25,333 square kilome-
ters. (World bank (ed.) 2009)
Macedonia is a multiethnic state; its
population consist mainly of Mace-
donians (64 percent), Albanians
(25 percent), Roma (three percent)
and Turks (four percent) and other
ethnics groups (4 percent) (Cen-
tral Intelligence Agency (CIA) (ed.)
2010). In 1991 Macedonia declared
its independence from Yugoslavia
and became a parliamentary demo-
cracy. 120 countries have accepted
the country as sovereign state called
officially Macedonia. Nevertheless
there are still countries that refuse
the Republic of Macedonia because
of the name dispute with Greece and
just accept the name Former Yugos-
lavian Republic of Macedonia.
The country is divided in 85 munici-
palities including its capital the City
of Skopje. The territory of Macedonia
is mountainous and has more than
50 lakes. Its main river is the Vardar
that runs from the northern direc-
tion through Skopje to the south of
the country. Traditionally land was
used for agriculture. Todays labor
force is divided by services with 51,
9 percent, industry 29,5 percent, and
agriculture 18, 6 percent. The unem-
ployment rate is about 34 percent.
(CIA (ed.) 2010)
MACEDONIA
Albania
Greece
Kosovo
Serbia
Bulgaria
COUNTRY BRIEF
20
RESEARCH
Our work on Skopje began with a
massive gathering of information,
facts and figures about the Macedoni-
an country, its history, population and
the political as well as social situation.
This was to give our group a first im-
pression of Skopje, a city in a Balkan
state we knew next to nothing about.
Aspects supposed to have an impact
on urban developments were iden-
tified and clustered in the interest of
analyzing correlations between cer-
tain phenomena and urban planning.
The research was complicated by a
lack of reliable information. There is
very little literature on Skopje, espe-
cially architecture and urban planning
are not sufficiently explored and do-
cumented. Official statistical data is, if
existent, usually not publicly availab-
le. Most information can be found on
the internet. This kind of information,
however, is rarely objective but ideo-
logically biased due to a politically and
emotionally charged conflict between
different ethnic groups.
FIELD TRIP I
Especially the need for information
and the need to get a personal impres-
sion made a visit to Skopje necessa-
ry. On our first excursion in December
2009, we were guided by Macedoni-
an students of architecture. By talking
to them, we got an impression of the
Macedonian way of living, society, po-
litics and of course current urban
developments in Skopje. We found
realized elements of Kenzo Tanges
post-earthquake Master plan as well
as historical remains from former pe-
riods and newly built architecture. On
our first visit we already perceived the
strained relationship between the two
major ethnic groups, Macedonians
and Albanians.
POSTPROCESSING | PREPARATION
On returning, the various impressi-
ons were collected and exchanged
to identify the most pressing and
interesting issues worth examining.
In a SWOT-analysis we weighted
strengths, weaknesses, opportunities
and risks to filter crucial factors that
affect the citys development and to
scrutinize the capabilities of dealing
with the identified problems. Based
on these considerations, Skopje a
modern city? was phrased as the to-
pic of our research and the intent of
our work was formulated. The inner
city of Skopje was defined as the ex-
amination area. Here, most develop-
ments can be observed and we were
only able to investigate a limited area.
A greater scope would not have been
practical.
One purpose of our work was to crea-
te material about Skopje that could be
useful to other urban planners. Hence,
we chose to develop an atlas and
most findings will be shown through
maps.
FIELD TRIP II
On a second excursion, a comple-
te photographic documentation and
mapping of the inner city of Skopje
was accomplished, regarding age,
building height, state of repair, buil-
ding use and ground floor use of the
different historical layers. Moreover,
interviews were conducted with se-
veral experts, giving a deeper insight
in planning structures, social situati-
on and detailed knowledge about the
Tange plan from 1963.
ANALYSIS
In a first step, the architectural eras
and styles which form Skopje the
most were figured out and defined as
architectural layers. In a second step,
the knowledge about these styles was
deepened. The architectural layers
were characterized, for example by
developing categories, showing the
characteristic traits and building ty-
pes of the particular style. We tried to
understand the historical and political
influences that shaped the architectu-
ral styles of previous times and affect
current developments of the city.
SCENARIO
Different trends are distinguishable
within the city that will presumably
have an effect on future urban de-
velopment and living conditions in
Skopje. Those identified aspects were
combined in a model. Several scena-
rios of possible future developments
are the result. Further explanation on
this method will be given in Chapter 5
on the scenarios.
METHODOLOGY
0Skopje entering
21
I MPRESSI ONS FROM
THE WORKI NG PRO-
CESS - MAPPI NG AND
SCOPI NG I N SKOPJE
AS WALL AS ANALYSI S
22

In 2002 a census was hold in Mace-
donia. The following numbers base
on this data.
Skopje has ten municipalities: Saraj,
Gjorce Petrov, Karpos, Suto Orizari,
Chair, Tsentar, Kisela Voda, Aero-
drom, Gazi Baba and Butel. On our
analysis we put our focus on the City
Center which is in the municipality
Center. In general the city has around
500 000 inhabitants. Nine percent
of its population is living in the mu-
nicipality Center. But important is a
view on the ethnic mix of Skopje.
Seven different ethnics are listed up
in the survey. Macedonians, Alba-
nians, Roma, Serbs, Turks, Vlachs
and Bosnians. The official numbers
show that next to 67 % Macedonians
33% other cultural origins are repre-
sented. 20% of these are Albanians
and form the biggest part of foreign
civilizations. Despite this fact that re-
veal Skopje as a multicultural city the
population in the municipality is ge-
nerated by 85% Macedonians. Other
ethnics are mixed from zero to four
percent (Serbs as the next biggest
ethnic group).
The Tsentar municipality distinguish
from the other district by the highest
average of living space per person.
The average for Skopje is 19,4 s qm
per person. Tsentar constitutes an
average of 24,71 s qm per person.
That results from two effects, first
the average flat space is bigger than
in other districts and seconds the
number of household members is
the lowest of Skopje with 2,95 per-
son per household. The median is
3,45 persons. In Saraj generates the
highest average with 4,44 person per
household.
The investigation area offers a favor-
ed living surrounding with for Skopje
big flats. The ethnics are less mixed
there, but Chair as the hotspot for cul-
tural diversity borders in the north on
Tsentar and allows a slop of ethnic
mix to the central municipality.
INPUT POPULATION
POPULATION OF SKOPJE
DISTRIBUTION
LIVING SPACE
0Skopje entering
23
KISELA VODA
AERODROM
GAZI BABA
TSENTAR
CHAIR
KARPOS
SARAJ
GJORCE PETROV
BUTEL
SUTO
ORIZARI
Skopje and its municipalites are map-
ped on the righthand side. This atlas
focuses on the district Tsentar in the
middle of the City of Skopje. It is cha-
racterized by a small amount of foreign
civilization and high living standards.
ETHNIC DISTRIBUTION IN SKOPJE ETHNIC DISTRIBUTION IN TSENTAR
HOUSEHOLD SIZE
24
PRE MODERN
25
1modern pre
1
26
For about 500 years beginning at the
very end of the 14
th
century Skopje
established itself as an urban cen-
ter of the Ottoman Empire in the
Balkans. Development was concen-
trated on the north bank of the river
Vardar and followed a very organic
growth pattern. The citys growth
was greatly influenced by Islamic ur-
ban form as was typical in the Otto-
man Empire. The 500-year presence
of the Ottomans and particularly Is-
lam in Skopje appears to be a factor
either overlooked or possibly ignored
in current development practices, as
discussed later in this atlas. Still, jour-
neying through the neighborhoods
north of the Vardar affords a view
into the citys Ottoman past, revealed
not only in the presence of such buil-
dings as mosques or hammams
but also in remaining neighborhood
and street structures not entirely re-
placed by Modernisms footprint of
multi-storied residential towers and
mixed-use complexes.
During the Ottoman era neighbor-
hoods were organized roughly along
ethnic, cultural or religious lines.
Thus, small, homogenous neigh-
borhoods called Mahalla or Maalos
developed. Mostly these shared a
similar street structure as the Bazaar,
however those that developed south
of the Vardar such as Debar, Magir
and Novo Maalo, discussed in this
chapter, already showed signs of co-
ming changes.
After the Balkan Wars in the early 20
th
century the formation of the Kingdom
of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS
Kingdom) introduced a Western Eu-
ropean influence in city planning and
architecture. Many of the Serbian
planners had been trained in Ger-
many or Austria and a few had wit-
nessed the Secessionist movement
first hand, providing the influence for
new development around the main
square south of the Vardar River (Ml-
adjenovic 1995). The SCS Kingdom
also introduced the Western Europe-
an city block, which remains as one
of the more noticeable differences in
urban form between the north and
south banks of the Vardar River.
Accordingly weve organized our
work into three sections meant to
show the transition from Islamic ur-
ban form though to the formal plan-
ning practices influenced mostly by
the Serbians. Our analysis begins with
the remnants of Islamic urban form
in our focus on the Old Bazaar. We
continue with a look into the Maalos
on the south side of the river Vardar,
while the third section focuses on the
Serbian block structure found in the
current city center on the Vardars
south bank. Each section features
an introduction which provides infor-
mation about the backgrounds of the
respective urban forms. Next, com-
mon aspects are shown, aspects
like building height or state of repair
which we recorded for all buildings
in Skopje. They are supposed to
give a general impression of the sur-
roundings. The next part deals with
building types that are characteristic
for the individual building period. The
buildings location is then shown on
a map, and a standard house de-
scribes the buildings characteristic
elements. Afterwards typical spatial
and structural features of the area
are described and, in the case of the
Maalos, the different neighborhoods
are compared. Each of the three ur-
ban forms will then be reflected upon
briefly. Finally, we summarize our
findings and briefly discuss our own
impressions of the future of Ottoman
and Serbian urban form in Skopje.
INTRODUCTION
27
1modern pre
CI TY STRUCTURE
DEVELOPMENT
1899
1929
28
The Kale fortress is the most ancient
building in Skopje. The high position
with a view over the whole valley and
the protection offered by the river
made it an ideal spot for settling and
building a military base. The fortress
was erected on Kale Hill after the de-
struction of the Roman town of Scu-
pi in 512. In doing so stones from
the destroyed Roman settlement
were used, some of which can still
be found in the remaining fortifica-
tion. (Oppeln 2009: 73)
During the Slavic invasion in the 6
th

and 7
th
centuries the structure was
partially demolished. In the course
of the 10
th
and 11
th
centuries it was
re-erected and enlarged to its pre-
sent-day dimensions (Oppeln 2009:
74/ Evans 2009: 138). It was fur-
ther reinforced under Ottoman rule,
consisting of up to 70 towers stret-
ching from the Vardar River up to the
top of the hill where the Museum
of Contemporary Arts currently
stands. Most of the existing fortifica-
tions originate from the 10
th
and 13
th

centuries. The only remaining gate
was built in 1446 and is situated on
the east side facing the Old Bazaar.
(Ertmann; Hamilton; Hansen et al.
2010)
When Skopje was burnt down by the
Austrian army in 1689 the fortress
was badly damaged. Nevertheless
the Yugoslavian army garrisoned
troops there during the 20
th
century
until the destruction by the major
earthquake in 1963. At the interna-
tional competition for Skopjes new
master plan, the jury recommen-
ded that the prominence of Kale hill
should not be diminished by high-
rise houses. Likewise, restoration
efforts reconstructed 120 meters of
the old fortress walls. At the same
time the fortress interior was turned
into a park, which remains poor-
ly maintained. (Ertmann; Hamilton;
Hansen et.al. 2010 / Home n.d.: 12 /
Oppeln 2009: 74)
Some of the fortresss towers are
currently being rebuilt (Ertmann; Ha
milton; Hansen et al. 2010). Ongoing
excavations at the site will hopeful-
ly provide new insights into the in-
teresting history of Kale fortress.
INPUT KALE FORTRESS
Skopjes Most Ancient Building
Kale fortress today The old castle (around 1900)
Excavations and a tower being
reconstructed
PRE-
SERVED
GATE
MUSEUM OF CON-
TEMPORARY ARTS
PRESERVED
TOWERS
TOWER UNDER
RECONSTRUCTION
WALLS
50m
250m
Kale Hill
29
1modern pre
THE OLD BAZAAR
30
The bazaar is the oldest urban area
analyzed in the course of this work.
It has developed itself under the
Ottomansrule who conquered the
Macedonian region in the course of
the 14
th
century.
Aside from the Maalos discussed in
the next section, Islamic urban form
generally consists of market areas
called Carsjia or Bazaars, the
Klliye or public buildings built by
the Pasha and Bey. In the Balkans
the bazaar and Klliye were part of
an economic structure called the
Vakfiye, under which profits were
not kept for the proprietor but rather
donated to the public good, for ex-
ample to feed and house the poor or
unemployed (Kiel 1990: IV 305). In
contrast to later periods of develop-
ment Skopjes street network under
OVERVIEW
The Old Bazaar, probably in the early
20
th
century
50m
250m
31
1modern pre
the Ottoman Empire would have been
a by-product of the buildings and not
the other way around (Morris 1994:
389).
LOCATION
As the Bazaar belongs to the oldest
part of the town it is situated north
of the Vardar River, east of Kale fort-
ress.
STRUCTURE
Structurally bazaars are divided into
Suqs, or clusters of similar goods,
and can be found in three typical for-
mations: linear suqs, formed along a
main thoroughfare with shops lining
the street, area suqs, back-to-back
shops in rows facing each other and
lastly as shops built against the outer
wall of large public buildings such as
hammams or caravanserais (Mor-
ris 1994: 390).
The three characteristic elements
of a bazaar consist of a network of
main streets connected by narrow
passageways, merchant housing or
caravanserais and the commercial
element including the shops, covered
bazaar (Kapali Carsija) and Be-
desten. The Bedesten, housing the
more precious textiles, furs and trade
guilds, would have been the core of
the Bazaar (Kiel 1990: IV 306). In ge-
neral a bazaar contains no residential
element (Kostof 1992: 99).
Caravansarais or Ans
.DSDOdDUWRGD\DPRVTXH
is in its center
Street Network Inside the Bedesten .XUVXPOL$Q
Bedesten
50m
250m
32
The houses in the Old Bazaar are
rather low. Most of them belong to
the type Bazaar House or Kiosk
(see Architecture) which consist of
respectively two or one level(s). Alt-
hough the public buildings from the
Ottoman era are also categorized as
having a height of two floors, they are
nevertheless much taller and stand
out against the shops.
Building Height
50m
250m
MAPPING
33
1modern pre
State of Repair
Like in most other parts of the town
all kinds of condition can be found
in a completely haphazard fashion.
Well preserved buildings exist next to
ruins and ancient buildings from the
Ottoman period are plastered with
modern additions.
50m
250m
34
The uses found in the Old Bazaar re-
flect the traditional uses associated
with Ottoman markets. There is very
little residential aspect and ground
floor uses reflect the general building
use.
Building Use
50m
250m
35
1modern pre
The Old Bazaar maintains its primary
function as a market with many small
retail shops and artisans work-
shops. Gastronomic uses assume
a secondary role within the Bazaar
while daily needs such as grocery or
convenience stores are almost non-
existent.
Ground Floor Use
QUANTITY
50m
250m
36
ARCHITECTURE
7KH%D]DDULVFKDUDFWHUL]HGE\LWVJUHDWQXPEHURIKRXVHVWKDWFDQRQO\EHIRXQGLQWKLVTXDUWHU,QWKHFRXUVHRI
WKLVZRUNZHZHUHDEOHWRLGHQWLI\WKUHHPDLQW\SHV
50m
250m
Ottoman Architecture
This type consists of large public buil-
dings from the Ottoman era. Some of
them date back to the 15
th
century.
Despite their size they are mostly
hard to find because little shops are
attached to them (see Specific Ur-
ban Features). Their state of repair
is slightly better than that of other
houses in this quarter. The Mustafa
Pasha Mosque (the most western
building) is being renovated.
37
1modern pre
CHARACTERI STI CS
DOMED ROOFS
DECORATIVE OR
ORNAMENTAL
BRICKWORK
ROWS OF TER-
RACOTAA POTS
TO ABSORB
REVERBATIONS
BRICK AND BROKEN
STONE MASONRY
38
Bazaar House
The Bazaar House is the most com-
mon type of building in that area. It is
difficult to find out how long this type
of building has been around or how
old the existing ones actually are.
Their condition varies from brand
new or renovated to completely run
down. The Bazaar Houses architec-
ture clearly illustrates its main purpo-
se: Selling.
50m
250m
39
1modern pre
CHARACTERI STI CS
AWNINGS PROVI-
DE EXTRA SHOW
SPACE
SECOND FLOOR
WINDOWS ARE
OBSTRUCTED
TWO STORIES
GROUND FLOOR
FEATURES DISPLAY
WINDOWS
40
Kiosk
The Kiosks are another common
type of building. They are almost al-
ways attached to other buildings and
cluster in certain areas.
50m
250m
41
1modern pre
SINGLE STORY
THE KIOSK IS FOR ALL
INTENTS AND PURPO-
SES ON BIG DISPLAY
WINDOW
CHARACTERI STI CS
42
SPECIFIC USE FEATURES
SUQ ORGANIZATION
As explained in the introduction ba-
zaars are structurally divided into
suqs or clusters of similar goods. An
area featuring mostly gold merchan-
ts is the most intact example of a
suq (see Overview), while two small
clusters, one featuring textiles and
the other kitchen wares provide two
further possible examples. To what
extent these areas reflect the histo-
rical occupational groupings within
the Old Bazaar is difficult to say.
JEWELLERY
CARPETS HOUSEWARES
50m
250m
43
1modern pre
Dividing the Bazaar into two cate-
gories, its main thoroughfare and
the outlying regions, reveals a more
subtle look at the current uses of
the Bazaar within the context of the
broader city as a whole. The traditio-
nal use of the Bazaar as a market is
exemplified by the many retail shops
in its core, along the main thorough-
fare, while the side streets and out-
lying areas of the Bazaar house the
majority of the empty shops and
services such as barbers or travel
agencies who have moved into the
areas bordering the modern city. One
possible explanation is the growth
of residential uses directly adjacent
to the Bazaar. New residential com-
plexes could affect the Bazaar in
two ways. Commercial floor space
on the ground floor of residential
buildings either attracts commercial
uses away from the Bazaar, leaving
shops empty while at the same time
encouraging useful services for the
new residents to move in. These
complementary developments could
account for both the high vacancy
rate as well as the non-traditional
services found in the Bazaar.
MAIN AND SIDE STREETS
SIDE STREETS
MAIN AREA
50m
250m
44
SPECIFIC URBAN FEATURES
When Ottoman travelers and mer-
chants reached a city they needed
accommodation and a place to ba-
the before exercising their religious
duties. Thus, architectural trinities of
an an (caravansary), a hammam
(bathhouse) and a mosque develo-
ped in Ottoman towns (Oppeln 2009:
77 el seq.). he|e. 'Kapau Au', 'C|lle
Hammam and Murat Pasha Mos-
que
TRAVELLERS TRINITY
The streets going downhill are built
slightly concave in order to allow
rainwater to run off properly.
CONCAVE STREETS
+ ( + + + )=
Shops are built against the outer wall
of large public buildings to shelter
them.
ATTACHED SHOPS
50m
250m
45
1modern pre
On a busy weekday you hardly notice
the shops at all. The displays in the
windows and on the streets catch
your eye so much easier. The peo-
ple in the street shopping, meeting,
chatting or just sitting and drinking
tea make such a bigger impression
on ones mind. The muezzins regu-
lar call keeps reminding you that you
are in an oriental quarter.
IMPRESSION
46
47
1modern pre
48
The Old Bazaar remains a beautiful
example of Ottoman architecture and
planning in the Balkans. In its current
state the Bazaar covers roughly half
of its original size, leaving it to the
viewers imagination to reconstruct
Ottoman life as it would have been
in the flourishing years of the 16th
and 17th centuries. The fire of 1689,
set by the retreating Austrian army,
destroyed the original Kapali Cars-
ji, or covered bazaar, as well as a
huge swath of shops, much of which
was never fully rebuilt (Kiel 1990: VIII
161).
The remaining examples of Ottoman
architecture in Skopje within our stu-
dy area are mostly the buildings of the
Klliye, including several travelers
quarters or Ans and the hammam,
along with remnants of the old be-
desten and the Kapali Carsjia. Sever-
al mosques can also be found in the
Bazaar. Other typical constructions
either destroyed or found outside our
study area include the Saatkule or
clocktower, Medreses or colleges
and Imarets or soup kitchens where
the poor could receive two meals
a day (Kiel 1990: IV 305-307). As
indicated in the preceding graphics,
those Ottoman buildings within our
study area remain in fairly good con-
dition and for the most part open to
the public, though used for purposes
other than what they were originally
intended. Only the mosques retain
their original function. Unfortunately
most of the Cloisonn work has
worn off the buildings exterior. This
decorative enamel work was typical
of Ottoman architecture and, though
local Balkan tradesmen exerted no-
ticeable influence, Cloisonn would
still have been applied to many of
these buildings (Kiel 1990: xiv).
The presence of Ottoman architec-
ture lends a certain amount of au-
thenticity to the Bazaar as a whole.
During our research in Skopje we of-
ten found ourselves confused about
the time period in which many of the
Bazaar Houses and Bazaar Kiosks,
as weve termed them, were built.
The buildings height and the use of
materials reflect traditional Ottoman
construction. Likewise, the shops
are built back-to-back or attached
to larger public buildings as is cha-
racteristic of Islamic urban form. The
combination of traditional construc-
tion and form makes it difficult to see
through the layers of stucco used
when remodeling or rehabilitating the
houses. Many have been so well re-
novated that they would appear to be
new constructions, except that newer
buildings in the Bazaar, although also
generally two stories, tend to appear
a half or full floor taller than the stan-
dard, two-story Bazaar House.
The patch-work appearance of reno-
vated ground floors, droopy second
floors, the Bazaar Kiosks colorful
and overflowing store fronts, new
constructions and 500 year old Otto-
man architecture makes the Bazaar
extremely visually active. This acti-
vity is compounded by the interac-
tions of the people who shop or do
business in the Bazaar and helps the
visitor forget the outside forces that
are influencing it. Modernism, for
example, creeps into the Bazaar at
its edges in the form of a museum,
large shopping mall and a residential
complex. Likewise many cellular tele-
phone stores, cafes and restaurants
have moved in to the areas of the Ba-
zaar that border the neighborhoods
built during the Modernism popular
in 1960s Skopje (see Chapter II). As
observed in the ground floor uses,
however, these same neighborhoods
appear to be drawing retail out of
the Bazaar and leaving a number of
empty shops behind. While such
stark contrasts are typical for Skopje
the future of the Bazaar is certainly
an interesting one, as the govern-
ment in Skopje builds its series of
(Re)constructionist buildings (see
Chapter III) along the north bank of
the Vardar River, symbolically and
physically blocking out a definite re-
minder of the citys Muslim past and
present.
CONCLUSION
49
1modern pre
MAALOS
50
Maalos are the traditional neighbor-
hood structure in Skopje. With the
exception of Carsija, the Turkish
Bazaar, the Maalos were organized
relatively homogeneously based on
the religion or nationality of their resi-
dents. The Bazaar, by contrast, was
a diverse neighborhood and func-
tioned as a means of connecting the
other Maalos.
The Maalos themselves were simi-
larly structured, with a local center
containing all the necessities for
every-day life. There were shops,
cafes, restaurants, bakeries and
a fountain as well as other public
meeting places. A tree planted in the
middle indicated the neighborhoods
center while streets surrounding the
Maalo delineated its borders. Maalo
residents were responsible for neigh-
borhood upkeep. The houses were
single-family homes built either in
rows or free-standing. In the Chris-
tian Maalo, for example, the houses
were built on small yards open to the
street, whereas the houses in the
Muslim Maalo had small windows
and were walled off to the street to
achieve a certain level of privacy.
The names of Maalos were often
derived from residents religion or
nationality. Some neighborhood na-
mes were taken from important indi-
viduals or the craft practiced by the
Maalos inhabitants.
In 1899 Maalos made up the entire
city of Skopje. The 1963 earthquake
as well as recent development trends
effectively altered Skopjes urban
form so that only a small number of
Maalos still exist in their original sta-
te, maintaining their genuine spirit.
They can be found both in the city
center and across the river Vardar,
though current development plans
seriously threaten their continued
existence. (Sekutkovska n.d.)
OVERVIEW
MAGIR MAALO
KARADAK MAALO GAZI MENTASH M.
KARADAK MAALO
PAJKO MAALO
EVREJSKO MAALO
TOPAANA MAALO
CARSHIJA MAALO
CARSHIJA MAALO
CHAIR MAALO
Skopje in 1899
Evrejsko Chair Maalo Pajko Maalo
51
1modern pre
DEBAR MAALO*
MAGIR MAALO
NOVO MAALO
50m
250m
LOCATION
The map shows the location of the
remaining Maalos in Skopjes Inner
City. In the eastern part some of
the oldest neighborhoods of Skopje
can still be found. Developed under
the Ottoman Empire during the late
1800s, Magir Maalo (the biggest
one) and Novo Maalo create small,
historical islands between big, mo-
dern structures. After the earthquake
and the new master plan for Skopje,
these Maalos became an informal
part of the city and will often be re-
ferred to in the course of this work
as the informal Maalos. The current
situation lacks a plan for this area.
That creates a precarious situation
for the residents. Debar Maalo in the
western part was developed in the
late teens and early 20s of the 20
th
century. Due to our contemporary
understanding of urbanity, it ap-
pears more structured and urbanized
than Magir and Novo Maalo do. The
following section will show an ana-
lysis and comparison of the Maalos
and point out their differences and
similarities concerning architecture
and specific characteristics.
* Owing to the delineation of our study
area only a part of Debar Maalo is in-
FOXGHGLQRXUPDSSLQJ$IXUWKHUODUJHU
area extends to the west of what can be
VHHQLQRXUUHVHDUFK
52
A visible difference between the in-
formal Maalos from the late 1800s
and Debar Maalo from the early
1900s is the building height. The
map points out that Magir Maalo
and Novo Maalo are mainly covered
by one to three-story houses, while
single-story houses prevail. The few
buildings in the south of Novo Maa-
lo were constructed in the Modern
period and were not originally a part
of this neighborhood. Debar Maalo
is dominated by two- to five-story
houses and additionally contains
buildings up to eight floors. A more
formal planning can be recognized.
This is probably attributable to its pe-
riod of construction and the influence
of the SCS Kingdom, similar to the
city center as discussed in the follo-
wing section. Due to the low building
height the informal Maalos appear
as petite villages, isolated from the
grand city surrounding them.
Building Height
DEBAR MAALO
NOVO MAALO
MAGIR MAALO
50m
250m
MAPPING
53
1modern pre
State of Repair
NOVO MAALO
MAGIR MAALO
The mapping shows a big diversity in
housing quality. Both the urbanized
Debar Maalo and the informal Maalos
in the eastern part of Skopjes inner
city, consist of buildings in varying
states of repair often located side by
side. It is conspicuous that, although
building activities in the eastern Maa-
los are informal, one can identify a lot
of new and reconstructed or renova-
ted detached houses. There remain,
however, a lot of old shabby houses
under poor conditions. Sometimes
they lack plumbing or electricity inf-
rastructure. If people cant afford the
money for a renovation they have to
live under those conditions, or they
are forced to move out of the Maa-
lo and leave a vacant house. At the
moment there is no indication for a
plan that integrates the Maalos. The
Maalo-dwellers are still waiting for a
law that establishes a formal frame-
work for their homes and takes away
their trembling uncertainty.
50m
250m
DEBAR MAALO
RETAIL SERVICE STORES GASTRO VACANCY
54
Building Use
DEBAR MAALO
As the Maalos are some of the oldest
neighborhoods of Skopje with mainly
privately built houses, the predomi-
nant use, as shown in the map, is re-
sidential. Buildings with commercial
uses, e.g. gastronomy, convenience
stores or garages for repairing cars,
are few and far between in the infor-
mal Maalos. The residential situation
is similar in Debar Maalo, but with a
higher housing density. Furthermore
the commercial use in Debar Maa-
lo has an urban character, i.e. there
are also offices for different busi-
ness concerns, hotels or a variety of
stores. In former times Maalos were
more vibrant than today. Everything
that people needed for their daily ac-
tivities was generally located in the
neighborhood: shops, tea-shop, re-
staurant, bakery, beauty salon and a
water fountain. (Sekutkovska n.d.)
NOVO MAALO
MAGIR MAALO
50m
250m
55
1modern pre
Ground Floor Use
DEBAR MAALO
NOVO MAALO
MAGIR MAALO
50m
250m
The graphic for the ground floor uses
clearly shows the different commer-
cial uses (gastronomy, services, retail,
daily amenities) in Debar Maalo. Novo
and Magir Maalo however provide only
a few commercial ground floor uses.
QUANTITY
56
DEBAR MAALO
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The Turkish House is the dominant
residential architecture in Magir
and Novo Maalos. The few that can
be seen in Debar Maalo are mostly
abandoned. The conditions of those
in Magir and Novo Maalos vary hea-
vily.
NOVO MAALO
MAGIR MAALO
50m
250m
ARCHITECTURE
Turkish House
57
1modern pre
PITCHED ROOF
TIMBERED FRAMING
CHIMNEY
SMALL ADDITION, SHED OR
GARAGE BUILT ON THE LOT,
OFTEN CONNECTED BY A
FENCE AND GATE
SMALL, IRREGULAR
WINDOWS
PLASTER COVERS
ORIGINAL BRICKWORK
MOSTLY SINGLE
STORY, SOME
STORIES
CHARACTERI STI CS
58
This residential architecture is often
two or three stories tall and is typical
of the first years of the SCS Kingdom.
The houses year of construction
is often styled onto the facade and
could range anywhere from 1921 to
1929. One or two of these houses
even appear in the Bazaar, though
mostly theyre found in Debar and
Magir Maalos. We believe these were
originally villas for wealthy families,
e.g. a doctors family. Conditions to-
day are diverse.
Inter-War House
DEBAR MAALO
NOVO MAALO
MAGIR MAALO
50m
250m
59
1modern pre
CRUDE BAY
WINDOW-TYPE
STRUCTURES ADORN
THE FRONT
ORNAMENTAL CARVINGS
OR ORNATE MOLDING
HIGH WINDOWS
SYMETRICAL
BETWEEN 1.5 AND 3 STORIES
CHARACTERI STI CS
BETWEEN 1.5 AND 3 STORIES
SYMETRICAL
CRUDE BAY
WINDOW-TYPE
STRUCTURES
ADORN THE
FRONT
ORNAMENTAL CARVINGS
OR ORNATE MOLDING
HIGH WINDOWS
60
Extremely simple shops can be found
in both the informal Maalos of the
east and Debar Maalo. They are al-
ways single-story constructions built
out of cheap materials. Many are va-
cant, while those still in use tend to
house restaurants or convenience
stores.
Shop
NOVO MAALO
MAGIR MAALO
50m
250m
DEBAR MAALO
61
1modern pre
CONDITION IS OFTEN
RUN DOWN
SINGLE STORY
BUILDING IS USUALLY
USED AS A CONVENIENCE
STORE OR RESTAURANT THE FRONT FEATURES
A ROW OF WINDOWS
BUILDING IS SELF-
CONSTRUCTED UTILIZING
CORRUGATED ALUMINIUM
CHARACTERI STI CS
62
DEBAR MAALO
63
1modern pre
MAGI R MAALO
64
Appearance
DEBAR MAALO: TRANSFORMATION
At first sight Debar Maalo doesnt ap-
pear as a typical Maalo. The earth-
quake destroyed a lot of the historical
and typical Maalo houses. Thus, a
large proportion of Modern, Post-
Modern and contemporary architec-
ture can be found there today.
Due to the fact that Debar Maalo was
constructed in the late teens early
20s of the 20
th
century, it has always
been a more urban neighborhood,
with stately houses for the wealthy.
The urban appearance is underlined
by the diversity of retail, restaurants
and business as well as the high
number of five to eight-story buil-
dings. Moreover there is a high num-
ber of parked cars.

Debar Maalo is characterized by inner
contrasts concerning quality, size and
type of the buildings as well as their
uses. The ruins of old Turkish Houses,
residential apartment buildings from
the Modern period, Post-Modern and
contemporary buildings with diverse
uses are located side by side. Its a
heterogeneous Maalo with a growing
number of newly built houses.
Thus Debar Maalo can be defined as
a quarter of inner contrasts. Its the
Maalo with the biggest change to its
appearance and the process of trans-
formation that started directly after
the earthquake is still going on.
Contrasts
What remained is the same ortho-
gonal street raster as it was intro-
duced by the SCS Kingdom in the
early 1900s. The raster was strictly
planned and the newly constructed
buildings were forced to subordina-
te themselves to it. In contrast to the
original structure of the Maalos with
streets extending outward from cen-
tral markets, Debar Maalo shows a
more urban street raster that differs
from former Maalos.
Structure
65
1modern pre
66
It feels like a time travel while walking
through Novo Maalo, since scarcely
anything changed after the earthqua-
ke. The neighborhood is very quiet,
aside from some typical sounds one
might find in a village. One can hear
the sound of a craftsman working in
his garage, neighbors talking to each
other, dripping water or some birds,
cats and dogs.
As already mentioned, both Novo
Maalo and Magir Maalo became in-
formal after the earthquake and the
resulting adoption of a new master
plan for Skopje. There is no current
development plan and nothing seems
to happen from government quarters;
the Maalos dont get an official hea-
ring.
Hence, Novo Maalo in particular ap-
pears quite rural and underdevelo-
ped. The streets are to some extent
in very poor condition, there are dirt
tracks and no sidewalks. Most of the
houses lack access to public water
and electricity.
NOVO MAALO: STAGNATION
Novo Maalo is surrounded by modern
and contemporary urban structures.
The contrast between the small Maa-
lo and its environment is enormous.
Besides a main road that divides the
neighborhood, a modern apartment
house-complex and a big public pool
border on the old historical village. In
addition, a huge new shopping mall
made of glass was built very close
aside.
The Maalo itself appears very homo-
geneous with regard to housing qua-
lity and style. As the mapping poin-
ted out, especially the southern part
is characterized almost solely by one
or two-story Turkish Houses in a bad
state of repair.
By facing these characteristics, Novo
Maalo can be recognized as the Maa-
lo of stagnation. It seems like the old
neighborhood is waiting for some-
thing and therefore stuck in time.
The street structure in Novo Maalo,
like Magir Maalo, is difficult to cate-
gorize. It was one of the last Maa-
los built under Ottoman rule and one
of the first built on the south side of
the river Vardar. Lacking the tiny cul-
de-sacs of Ottoman urban form, its
possible that the street raster was
adapted for geographical reasons or
was just never fully developed, inter-
rupted by the Balkan Wars and the
SCS Kingdom.
Appearance Contrasts Structure
67
1modern pre
68
Magir Maalo appears as a small vil-
lage on its own in the middle of the
city of Skopje. It seems very peaceful
since one can observe playing child-
ren, cats and dogs sitting around or
running wild, old people observing
the neighborhood out of their win-
dows, or men sitting and talking on
benches.
Nevertheless the streets seem quite
deserted. A lot of walls and fences
insulate the activities of the maalo-
dwellers from the public, which is
typical for the architecture of the ot-
toman period. Moreover, and in con-
trast to its past, only a few neighbor-
hood stores can still be found there.
Hence, Magir Maalo lacks some spi-
rited and lively meeting places for its
residents.
Although the feeling of Magir Maalo
suggests a place that still leaves its
historical mark on the neighborhood,
one can sense a gentle change, since
several residents have started to re-
novate their houses.
MAGIR MAALO: CONTINGENCY
Contrasts can be recognized within
the Maalo, especially by looking at its
borders. Magir Maalo is bounded by
big urban infrastructure such as the
main railway and bus station, traffic
arteries and parking spaces. The int-
ra-Maalo contrasts are characterized
by disparities in the level of hou-
sing quality and style. The standard
houses (see section Architecture),
both shabby and renovated, are ac-
companied by newly built and partly
kitschy detached houses in diverse
forms.
Hence, Magir Maalo can be descri-
bed as a Maalo of development, both
positive and negative. Against the
background of a missing develop-
ment plan, quite a lot of houses have
a good state of repair (see mapping).
So it develops under hard conditions.
On the other hand the missing plan
forces some people to move out
of their houses, because they lack
money for a redevelopment. Thus
positive and negative developments
coexist side by side.
Magir Maalo was kind of a precursor
concerning a developing plan for a
rather orthogonal street raster, which
was remarkable for that period of
time (late 1800s). Compared to the
later formed Debar Maalo, the raster
is not strictly orthogonal, since there
are still some radial streets encoun-
tering each other at a central square.
Appearance Contrasts Structure
69
1modern pre
70
CONCLUSION
Skopje and its Maalos are increa-
singly becoming forgotten history.
It seems like a hidden world that is
partly stuck in time. Magir Maalo and
Novo Maalo appear as old and rural
neighborhoods, while Debar Maalo
is unfortunately transforming into
an urban quarter and thereby losing
its original character. Looking at the
typical architecture of the Maalos,
the standard houses show some
characteristics that cannot be found
elsewhere. Thus the architecture of
the Maalos is unique and creates re-
cognition value.
The mapping reveals some diffe-
rences and similarities between the
three Maalos. The most noticeable
factor is the juxtaposition of new or
renovated houses directly to deca-
ying ruins. Especially in Magir and
Novo Maalo, the condition of the
houses is deplorable. Since 1963 it
is unclear what will happen to the old
neighborhoods. There are no official
plans for those areas and nothing
seems to happen on the side of the
government. Thus, any building ac-
tivities are informal.
The special atmosphere of the Maa-
los could be preserved, but uncer-
tainty makes it hard for the residents
to maintain their houses. The questi-
on is, what will happen to them in the
future? With the new development
plans for Skopje they are in serious
danger to disappear in the near future.
Nevertheless the strong visual iden-
tity of the Maalo is unique and can-
not easily be replaced(Sekutkovska
n.d.). The spontaneous individuality
of architecture creates a strong con-
trast to the environment. The Maalos
are worth preserving and should be
protected and developed as an im-
portant reminder of Skopjes history.
71
1modern pre
SERBIAN BLOCK STRUCTURE
72
Skopje first developed a city block
structure starting after World War
One under the Kingdom of Serbs,
Croats and Slovenes, a little later than
in other European countries. This
may be due to the Turkish occupati-
on, whose own urban form prevented
the introduction of Western trends.
Despite the fact that European ar-
chitecture became fashionable in the
Ottoman Empire during the 18th and
19th centuries (Nasir 2006), the cir-
cumstances may have been different
in Skopje, far away from the Turkish
capital. Their Serbian successors,
however, were strongly influenced by
the planning methods of the Austria-
Hungarian Empire, as many of their
architects had studied in cities like
Vienna or Prague (Cvijic 2009).
The city block structure is also as
by perimeter construction, blocks of
buildings and street axes which form
the characteristic structure (Mller;
Vogel 1981: 525). The houses are
built on small parcels and directly
attached to the streets. They enc-
lose an internal courtyard (Weidner
2004: 93). With increasing space
requirements the buildings are usu-
ally enlarged towards the interior of
the blocks and the courtyard beco-
mes gradually smaller. This system
involves the development of a facade
architecture. The representative front
is decorated with historical stylistic
elements whereas the back remains
plain and mostly untended. (Mller;
Vogel 1981: 525) Architecture in
Skopje shows a particular transition
from the Secession to Modernism.
They feature decorated facades and
other characteristics from the former
style, but modern materials were
used to some extent. Along with the
block structure some large detached
prestigious buildings were erected.
Most of the structure was destroyed
by the earthquake in 1963. Only a few
OVERVIEW
Peter I of Serbia
7KH2IILFHUVTXDUWHUVDIWHUWKHHDUWKTXDNH
73
1modern pre
The Officers Quarters
50m
250m
old buildings survived. The jury at
the international master plan compe-
tition following the earthquake (see
Chapter Two) recommended that the
houses filling the gaps in the blocks
should be consistent in character and
design with the remaining old ones.
Therefore the former structure is still
visible, even though most of the buil-
dings are new (United Nations (Ed.)
1970: 312).

LOCATION
The Serbian block structure was de-
veloped south of the Vardar River, an
area that was comparatively free of
buildings in the early 20th century.
As the other ones do not belong to
this structure only the houses mar-
ked white will be studied in this sub-
chapter.
74
Building Height
Most of the buildings in the Serbian
block structure have between four
and six floors. This is characteristic
of both the buildings from the Mo-
dern era as well as the SCS King-
dom. Buildings smaller than four to
six stories were all built before the
Second World War.
&RQWUDU\WRPRVWSDUWVRIWKHDWODVWKHVWUHHWQHWZRUNZLOOEHVKRZQKHUHDVZHOO,WLVDYLWDODVSHFWRIDEORFN
VWUXFWXUHDQGZLWKRXWVKRZLQJLWRULHQWDWLRQZRXOGHDVLO\JHWORVW
50m
250m
MAPPING
75
1modern pre
State of Repair
Especially the Modern buildings are
in a rather bad condition. Often, only
the ground floors are renovated while
the higher ones are unkempt. Many
of the Secession buildings from the
1920s are in good repair, well pre-
served and maintained.
50m
250m
76
Building Use
The majority of buildings within the
Serbian block structure contain some
residential aspect. One of the more
noticeable findings, however, relates
to the Secessionist and early Moder-
nist architecture. These buildings pri-
marily house public uses such as the
offices of political parties or foreign
consulates. These and other exa-
mples of early Modernist residential
buildings, characteristic of Yugos-
lav architects and found in the city
center will be discussed in Chapter
Two. A look behind some of these
buildings, all of which are built facing
the street, reveals some fading rem-
nants of Skopjes Ottoman past. In at
least two instances we found Turkish
Houses almost completely covered
up by pre-World War Two Yugoslav
development.
50m
250m
77
1modern pre
Ground-Floor Use
There is a lively mix of commercial
and gastronomic uses as well as
grocery and convenience stores. No-
ticeable in this case are the relatively
few vacant store fronts. The largest
influence in the SCS block structure
remains the mix of uses propagated
by Modernist planning principles.
50m
250m
QUANTITY
78
ARCHITECTURE
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u1es z||| |e 1|scvsse1 |1 C|1u|e| |zu}.
This architectural style bridges the
difference between Secession and
Modernism. On the surface it ap-
pears to feature only elements of the
former style. However, modern buil-
ding materials like self-supporting
windows were used to some extent.
50m
250m
Modern Secession House
79
1modern pre
WROUGHT-IRON BALCONIES
NOTICABLY TALLER
INDIVIDUAL FLOOR
HEIGHTS
FLORAL OR GEOMETRIC
FACADE ORNAMENTATION
CHARACTERI STI CS
80
SQUARE
SQUARE
SQUARE
SQUARE
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AXIS
A
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I
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X
I
S
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IS
A
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A
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IS
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Street Structure
CONTEMPORARY STREET STRUCTURE
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MACEDONIA
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System of Axes
MACEDONIA
SQUARE
OLD STREET STRUCTURE
50m
250m
50m
250m
81
1modern pre
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...OF WHICH ARE ACTUALLY OLD
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82
IMPRESSION
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Concrete Character
Politics and Surveillance
=
Skopje, Macedonia Street Kiel, Holstenstrae
83
1modern pre
The Serbian city blocks hold a spe-
cial place among the pre-Modern de-
velopment in Skopje. The structure
preceded Modernism yet most of its
buildings were built in Modern times
and used to fill gaps. In a manner of
speaking they were reconstructed.
However, although reconstruction
will be reviewed rather critically in
the course of this work, in this case
it may have been a wise measure.
By acting this way the citizens could
at least retain an impression of an
important part of their pre-Modern
hometown. Despite the fact that
most of the houses are Modern the
old perimeter structure is still clear-
ly visible both on the map and while
walking through the streets.
Especially near the Macedonia
Square the linear street axes of the
perimeter construction resemble a
typical Western European city cen-
ter. A fact rather atypical is that the
square opens towards the Vardar
river. The adjoining pedestrian area
characterized by concrete is similar
to those in German towns destroyed
during the Second World War.
For the Slavic-Macedonian part of
the population the Serbian blocks are
(apart from the big malls) the main
shopping area. Major foreign brands
and companies (e.g. Nike, Telekom)
have their local branch here. The ver-
tical division is noticeable. Shops,
restaurants and services are usually
on the ground floor while apartments
can be found on the upper ones.
Interestingly the condition of the
houses shows a similar pattern. The
ground floor is mostly in good repair
and well kept while the levels above
are untended and decaying. Never-
theless, in this area a visitor from
Central Europe feels most at home in
Skopje because of the familiar archi-
tecture and the shopping structure.
Additionally the quarter has a strong
political aspect. Demonstrations take
place and many countries have set
up their embassies in prestigious de-
corated old buildings. Especially be-
cause of those institutions there is a
high rate of surveillance and restric-
tion. A great number of cameras is
visible and many buildings have their
own security guard.
CONCLUSION
84
The history of Skopje and Macedo-
nia has been rather unsettled. Con-
tinuous changes were more often
than not the sole constant. For the
last 1,500 years only the Ottomans
managed to retain their power over
the region for a longer period. After
some struggles during the second
decade of the 20th century they
were succeeded by the Serbs who
ruled until the Second World War.
Just as the history of Skopje is cha-
racterized by breaks and changes, a
main characteristic of the remaining
pre-Modern architecture is contrasts
and differences. These become more
visible as the remaining old buildings
mass in certain city areas. Especially
the Bazaar and Maalos form regular
pre-Modern islands in Modern sur-
roundings.
A major contrast can be seen in the
street structures of the two different
urban types. In the Bazaar the short,
winding streets follow a rather ran-
dom course. The same applies to
some Ottoman Maalos on the north
side of the Vardar river which were
not analyzed in the course of this
work as they are outside the area
under investigation. The Maalos in-
cluded in our study area were built
during a changing of the guard and
are difficult to characterize. The Ser-
bian blocks, however, were built after
a formal plan. Their streets are longer
and straight.
While Skopje has long been an urban
center, the Maalos have taken on the
appearance of a village structure.
Their current condition, detached
houses only connected by walls or
courtyards and with scant resour-
ces, reflects the changing focus in
Skopje. The traditional bazaar and
Maalo architecture is low and timber-
framed and the adjoining streets are
rather narrow. Maybe this small sca-
le construction and the closeness of
the buildings are reasons why most
inhabitants or passersby know, greet
and talk to each other. Life in the peri-
meter blocks seems to be more ano-
nymous and the houses are different.
In contrast to those in the other old
areas they are higher and consist of
four or more floors. Modern building
materials were used to some extent.
Great contrasts are discernible con-
cerning the use of the Bazaar and
Maalos: In the former, countless little
shops can be found while hardly
anybody lives there. The latter are
residential areas with very few op-
portunities to purchase goods. In
former times there were plenty of
shops for daily amenities, but they
closed down, a fact maybe due to
shopping centers and supermarkets
opening near the city center. The pe-
rimeter blocks, which are located in
that area, are used for habitation as
well as commerce.
The contrast between European and
oriental architecture is palpable for
anybody crossing the Vardar River
over the Stone Bridge. While the pe-
rimeter blocks were erected during
the Serbs reign, who preferred a Eu-
ropean style of architecture, the older
bazaar was built under the Ottoman
rule. Today, the two quarters are
still characterized by two different
ethnicities. The old bazaar is main-
ly frequented by the Albanian popu-
lation and the way of life is oriental.
Slavic-Macedonians rather avoid this
area and stay on the other side of the
river. The situation in the Maalos is
slightly different: In the past one vil-
lage was always inhabited by people
belonging to the same ethnic group
but that does not hold true anymore.
As the Macedonian government fa-
vors the architectural style of the
Serbian era there are plans to re-
construct large prestigious buildings
from that time. The larger houses of
the perimeter blocks are mostly in
good repair and well tended, too. Ho-
wever, that does not apply for all of
them, especially not for the smaller
ones. They are in the same condition
as old houses in other areas. Reno-
vation measures are mostly private.
In the Bazaar, for example, a whole
mosque is being refurbished without
any public funds. For regular houses
the respective owner is solely re-
sponsible. Hence, buildings in good
repair or even new ones are frequent-
ly found directly attached to decayed
ruins. This situation is characteristic
for any old quarter in Skopje. In some
Maalos, the condition of the houses
PRE MODERN CONCLUSION
85
1modern pre
is even more dire. As there are no
official plans concerning those areas
any building activities are informal.
This state of affairs impedes any
necessary improvements like a bet-
ter water or electricity supply. A plan
respecting the Maalos should be de-
veloped. Generally speaking, a grea-
ter care for remaining old structures
instead of erecting new buildings
would be desirable to retain the hi-
storically interesting Bazaar, Maalos
and perimeter blocks.
50m
250m
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86
MODERN
87
2modern
2
88
During the early hours of July 26th
1963 Skopje was struck by an earth-
quake with a magnitude of 6.2. 1,070
citizens lost their lives and more than
3,300 were seriously injured (Pet-
rovski n.d.).
Up until 1963 there were no speci-
fic regulations about natural disaster
management in Skopje. As a result,
a buildings structural integrity and
resistance to shock was usually not
taken into consideration in the town
planning process. This lack of con-
sideration may have amplified the
devastating outcome of the earth-
quake. 80.7 percent of the houses
were demolished or heavily dama-
ged and 75.5 percent of the popu-
lation left homeless. Both residential
and public buildings suffered greatly.
19 schools, nine polyclinics and an
equal number of state institutions
were completely destroyed. Other
important public edifices were ruined
or so heavily damaged that they had
to be pulled down afterwards. Impor-
tant examples are the Macedonian
National Theater and the Officers
quarters on Macedonia Square.
Their loss is still mourned. Other
even older historical buildings suffe-
red as well. A number of mosques,
minarets and the caravansary Kur-
sumli An, which dates back to the
16th century, were heavily damaged.
The latter, however, was reconstruc-
ted. (Bchsenschtz 2000 / MCIC
(Ed.) 2006 / Petrovski n.d.)
The greatest degree of destruction
occurred in the center of the city,
inflicting various degrees of damage
to the building stock. The levels of
damage can be roughly categorized
into three groups. The first consists
of old adobe structures both with
and without timber bracing. This type
of construction, although damaged,
withstood the earthquake compa-
ratively well. The second group in-
cludes buildings belonging to early
phases of Modernism. After 1950
a rapid increase in population requi-
red the construction of residential
buildings. More than 3,000 apart-
ment units were constructed in the
years following, mainly on the west
side of the city. The new residential
buildings were usually five-story ma-
sonry houses of similar construction
and of low to moderate quality. The-
se and other brick structures suffe-
red most from the earthquake and
accounted for the large number of
deaths. This was mainly due to the
application of Modernisms exterior
aesthetic without adequate construc-
tion methods and quality materials.
The third category consists of low-
rise Modernist buildings with a rein-
forced concrete skeleton. They expe-
rienced relatively little damage due to
the use of modern building materials
and techniques that in some cases
had even accounted for wind forces.
Additionally, the specific seismic fre-
quency appeared to affect them less.
(Petrovski n.d.)
After the earthquake the housing
need brought on by the population
boom of 1950 only intensified. More
than 140,000 citizens had to be
evacuated and 20 tent settlements
providing 10,000 tents were set up.
INTRODUCTION
89
2modern
The urgent demand for residential
units was answered in the following
months by the construction of pre-
fabricated housing and repair and
strengthening of damaged buildings.
(Petrovski n.d.)
The international solidarity shown
after the earthquake was immen-
se. Help was provided from foreign
governments and international orga-
nizations. All together, 914 dwellings,
over 50 schools, hospitals, ambulan-
ces, a prefabricated apartment buil-
ding factory and more were donated
over a period of ten years (Petrovski
n.d.). Another important element of
the international contribution was
the help in the planning process to
rebuild the city. A competition was
held for that purpose, the winning
plan followed Modern principles.
This chapter deals with Modernism
and its influence, not only in the for-
mer Yugoslavia but in particular in
reshaping post-earthquake Skopje. A
brief introduction to Modernisms in-
ternational importance and its strong
visionary character will be followed
by explanations of various trends
within Modernism and their meaning
for Skopje. It is important to recogni-
ze two broad phases of Modernism
in Skopje. We make a distinction bet-
ween Modernist influence before the
earthquake and the vision of Moder-
nism embodied in the rebuilding of
Skopje. While both phases are inclu-
ded in this chapter, we have focused
mostly on the post-earthquake po-
tential for a Modern vision in Skopje.
The results of the international com-
petition for a new Master plan and the
winning Master plan by the Japanese
Skopje after the eartquake. People exa-
mine the damage and helping to rebuilt
their city.
architect Kenzo Tange will be parti-
cularly emphasized. An analysis of
Tanges plan is followed by a detailed
look at the remaining elements of
Modernism that can still be found in
Skopje. Weve categorized these as
Tanges City Wall, a major element
of the new city after the earthqua-
ke, Ensembles inspired by Kenzo
Tange and his plan and lastly as In-
ternational Trends, showing those
buildings influenced by the overar-
ching principles of Modernism. The
last category describes residential
buildings of the Modern era. Last-
ly we present an explanation of the
way in which Modernism is current-
ly handled in Skopje and its position
within the city fabric.
90
After the earthquake the level of de-
struction of the city of Skopje requi-
red immediate interventions. Since
80 percent of the building stock had
been destroyed, the main problems
facing the city were the loss of infra-
structure and the incredible housing
shortage. A concept for the citys re-
construction had to be found.
The tragedy had aroused internatio-
nal attention. 77 countries declared
their solidarity with the city and gu-
aranteed support. A United Nations
Fund was created to help support
reconstruction. But support was not
just financial. The international com-
munity also aided in the supply of
technological expertise and resour-
ces, such as Russias donation of
a factory for pre-fabricating building
elements. In 1964 a town planning
department was founded in Skopje
and, following international guideli-
nes the city tendered an international
competition for a Master plan en-
compassing the city center. (United
Nations (Ed.) 1970: 33)
Expectations for the plan were high.
The rebuilding of Skopje offered the
chance to realize a contemporary,
socialist city that created a better
life for its inhabitants. More than just
a Master plan to rebuild the social,
economic and technical conditions
in Skopje, it was a chance to shape
a modern society. The Master plan
became an expressed commitment
to Modernism.
Neither Modern architecture nor its
surrounding philosophy was a new
movement. The idea of Modernism
was internationally known and re-
presented the zeitgeist of that time.
It was a way of thinking that arose
as a result of the industrial revolution
in the end of the 19th century. The
intense urbanization and industria-
lization resulted in social and envi-
ronmental injustices which needed
to be resolved. Therefore Modernism
was founded as a reaction to the in-
dustrialized cities. Representatives
of Modernism declared that the his-
torical cities did not fulfill social re-
quirements and, considering recent
technological advances, were out
of date. Modernism did not ask for
an improvement of structural condi-
tions, it demanded a total social and
physical transformation.
The vision of a better life for a bet-
ter society could only be realized in
the right built surroundings, since
architecture and society are closely
interrelated. Architecture was, on the
one hand, supposed to shape a soci-
ety while at the same time mirroring
it. The idea of a Modern society was
based on the fulfillment of the needs
of city inhabitants. A city had to pre-
serve space for residential, work, lei-
sure and transportation uses. These
elements had to appear in separa-
ted zones in the city in order to give
the city and its inhabitants a clear
structure. The idea of Functionalism
arose during this time. In 1925 Le
Corbusier developed a proposal for
an ideal modern city. He divided the
city of Paris into four zones, with
transportation infrastructure running
MODERNISM AND ITS VISION
Modern Vision
TI MELI NE
91
2modern
under the city to guarantee a car-free
inner-city center. By considering traf-
fic infrastructure as its own element
Modernism was emphasizing on the
technical progress of society and its
future significance.
Technical progress could also be
found in the production of buildings.
New materials and the industrial
production of houses enabled the
provision of housing for everybo-
dy. Architectural ornamentation was
reduced to a minimum, shifting a
buildings focus to its function instead
of Pre-Modern ideals of beauty. The
idea form follows function became
one of the main slogans of Moder-
nism, helping to define a new sense
of aesthetics.
Modernism was not just attempt-
ing to create housing space. One of
Modernisms main focuses was also
the creation of equal living standards.
A society of equality was supposed
to be the result of the Modern city,
with emphasis placed on collecti-
ve rather than individual solutions.
This required, however, the complete
transformation of the city and didnt
allow for an adaption of the built en-
vironment. Likewise an administra-
tion and government who believed
in Modernist principles were impe-
rative, as Modernist urban planning
required total control over a citys
infrastructure. Le Corbusier himself
realized the problem of the executing
Modernisms grand schemes and
saw the chance of realization in tota-
litarian systems.
Representatives of Modernism like
Le Corbusier, Siegfried Gideon or
Ernst May founded the Congrs In-
ternationaux dArchitecture Moderne
(CIAM) in 1928 to discuss contem-
porary urban and architectural ideas.
In 1933 the Charta of Athens was
published by the members of CIAM.
It was a manifest of Modernism and
promoted in particular the ideas of
Functionalism. This period can be
considered the climax of Classical
Modernism.
Rebuilding post-1963 Skopje after
the principles of Modernism was
chance not only to realize a Modern
utopia but also to show how Mo-
dernism had changed and evolved
since CIAM. Facing critique based
on the experiences learned through
Functionalisms failures, a new ge-
neration of planners and architects,
led in particular by the protagonists
of Team Ten, began developing a
new movement within Modernism
called Structuralism. They criticized
the clear separation of functions and
said that the modern city structure
did not provide inhabitants any me-
ans of identifying with or relating to
each other or their surroundings.
Reinforcing the Modernist belief that
physical environment shapes socie-
ty, Structuralists wanted architecture
to enable and foster communication
between residents and their envi-
ronment. Accordingly, architecture
would need to have symbolic value.
Thus, symbolism became an impor-
tant element of Structuralism.
In his 1966 article discussing Struc-
turalism entitled Function, Structure
and Symbols, the Japanese ar-
chitect Kenzo Tange emphasizes the
importance of overlapping functional
uses and observing the city as an in-
terrelated whole. According to Tange
this type of structure would facilitate
communication, or the processing
and transfer of knowledge. Provi-
ding space for communication in a
city was meant to give society the
chance for its future developments.
The built environment was supposed
to provide space for future develop-
ments, which in turn would evoke
progress in society. Therefore Tange
viewed communication as the struc-
turalizing element of a city. (Tange
1970: 245)
Structuralism was a complex way of
thinking about a city. Cities and their
structures had to be built for society
and provide room for its future de-
velopment. City functions were no
longer separated into housing, wor-
Plan voisin de Paris, 1925
Members of CIAM
Functional Dutch settlements
92
king, relaxation and traffic. The city
was to become a collection of abs-
tract, overlapping zones. Structura-
lism took advantage of technological
progress. Consistent with Modernist
principles, the application of the la-
test technology was supposed to
improve peoples lives. In this case,
however, technology was no longer
seen solely as a means for societal
advancement but rather as a tool for
the fulfillment of daily human needs
which could be provided through
measures such as public transit.
In this respect, representatives of
Structuralism saw themselves as
social engineers (Home n.d.: 18).
They supported using social surveys
to identify the cultural background
and current needs of society. One of
the main elements of their critique of
Functionalism was anonymity within
cities. It was important to create a
means of allowing inhabitants to
identify with their built environment.
Cities had to focus on more huma-
nity.
The winner of the competition for
the Master plan in Skopje was Kenzo
Tange, one of the most famous re-
presentatives of Structuralism. The
idea of Structuralism was a con-
temporary, international phenomena
aroused in the end of the 1950s. At
that time all over the world Structura-
listic plans got realized like settlement
Habitat 67 in Montreal by Moshe
Safdie. The Master plan became the
chance for the city to represent itself
in the modern zeitgeist.
Nevertheless it is important to see,
that Tanges plan did not constitute
the first attachment of Modernism
with the city of Skopje. Already form
the 1920s Modern buildings were
realized in the city. Especially after
the war architecture availed itself
the Modern construction to coun-
ter the housing shortage. Modern
houses did not interrelate; it was an
isolated realization of architectural
Modernism that was focusing on its
aesthetics. In our days there still can
be found some of these houses in
Skopje. After World War II there was
a socialistic Master plan drew up for
the city of Skopje that relayed on
Functionalistic ideas. However that
plan had not been realized in its large
dimensions.
Habitat 67 in Montreal, Canada
Structural architecture and urban design
-Steilshoop, a district in Hamburg
Orphange in Amsterdam
93
2modern
City of Skopje, 1956
International Style ia a radical simplification of form and an avoidance of deco-
rations. The design is a supporting structure for the purpose of the building. Ar-
chitecture expresses the perfection and precision of technics. The representatives
of International Style such as Le Corbusier, Mies van der Rohe or Walter Gropius
influenced Modernism in general enormously.
Openluchtschool in Amsterdam House in Denmark
Tel Aviv Masterplan
94
As Le Corbusier noted the principles
of Modernism were best implemen-
ted by a totalitarian government (Na-
tional Center for Policy Analysis (Ed.)
2009). After World War II the budding
socialist republics of the Eastern Bloc
found themselves perfectly posed
to capitalize on and in some sense
grow out of Modernisms claims of
social equality as a result of techno-
logical progress and therefore found-
ed themselves on its principles.
Though declaring itself independent
of Eastern Bloc Socialism in 1948,
Yugoslavia remained dedicated to
Modernism and Socialism, wanting
to present itself as a technologically
advanced, modern country (Vlcker
(Ed.) 2008: 17). Yugoslav cities be-
came centers of industry, acting as
transitions between a formerly agra-
rian economy and the classless, in-
dustrial society envisioned in Moder-
nist and Socialist philosophy. They
became places of employment and
economic growth (Pacione 2009:
182). Prefabricated building tech-
niques solved the need for housing
while planners began developing
cities according to the principles of
Functionalism.
Up until World War II Modernism in
Yugoslavia found its greatest expres-
sion in low-rise public and residenti-
al buildings. However after the War,
Master plans began transforming
Yugoslavian cities and their built en-
vironment, often not taking historical
structures into consideration. This
process was eased through govern-
ment ownership of all land. Despite
the relatively few barriers to imple-
mentation, Master plans often failed
to be built due to the lack of finan-
cial means. Skopjes own Master
plan drawn up in 1945 called for the
transformation of the entire city, dis-
regarding historical structures such
as the Old Bazaar. Centers of indus-
try and living were to be developed
as well as a new rail line encircling
the city. Some elements of the plan,
particularly residential houses, had
been realized before the earthquake
but the total execution of the plan had
not been achieved. After the earth-
quake Skopjes Master plan, created
to represent the ideal of a young, so-
cialist Yugoslavia, was replaced by
the bold Structuralist-based state-
ment of the Japanese Kenzo Tanges
Master plan.
Socialist Masterplan
Socialist Master plan 1945 to 1963
95
2modern
KENZO TANGE AND HIS PLAN
96
Kenzo Tange was born in 1913 in
Osaka, Japan and died 2005 in To-
kyo. During his lifetime he became
one of the greatest and most impor-
tant architects of the 20th century.
His work is appreciated and admi-
red by generations of planners and
architects. More than in the works
of any other architect of his genera-
tion, the features characterizing the
present phase in architecture are
expressed to perfection [...]. These
features are: economy, emotionaliza-
tion, symbolic shape, urbanization,
structurism (Kultermann 1970: 8).
More than just an architect, Kenzo
Tange also developed a new concept
of urbanity. His idea of urbanism is
based first and foremost on urban
space as a place of human commu-
nication. He was attempting to define
and design an expression of social
structure. He was further influenced
by statics and economics and fo-
cused throughout his career on the
question: Where and how do people
meet?
These theoretical ponderings and in-
fluences led to the evolution of Struc-
turalism, a new kind of Modernism
that left behind what Tange found
stagnant in Functionalism. In his opi-
nion, Functionalism was based on a
static relation between function and
space (Kultermann 1970: 10). As
one of the originators of Structura-
lism, Tange was pursuing an open
and flexible city and housing design.
Further Kenzo Tange was one of the
Japanese architects known as Me-
tabolists, inspired by biological sys-
tems and incorporating these natural
design processes into architectural
design.
The result was a megastructure that
could grow, change and regenera-
te depending on peoples current
needs. With this idea he turned away
from Le Corbusiers conception of
urban planning. Tange wanted to fill
spaces with emotions and create
structures that reflected their indivi-
dual and unique building site. In all
his designs he captured the modern
way of thinking as well as traditional
Japanese style.
Working examples from Tanges
portfolio include the Peace Center
in Hirsoshima and the Communica-
tions Center in Kofu. Important as
well is his Master plan for Tokyo in
1960, which gathers up and focu-
ses everything he is interested in do-
ing (Kultermann 1970: 112). Order
and structure, his main motivations,
were developed to perfection within
a total urban structure. With his plan
he wanted to not only expand the city
but also rethink the nature of the city
itself. This background helped in-
form his Master plan developed for
Skopjes city center in 1964.
Although, until now, we have abstractly called spaces a place to live or a place to work, we cannot prescribe a
space from such a static pattern alone. The prescribing factor must be the mobility and flow of people and things
and visual communication - Kenzo Tange
OVERVIEW
Kenzo Tange was one of the primarly representatives of the modern style of Structuralism. He designed the Mas-
terplan for Skopje after the earthquake. His comprehension of Structure was magistral for the idea behind the plan.
Skopje should have become a City adapted to the needs that the Structuralism shaped.
On the following pages Kenzo Tange and his Master plan for Skopje are presented.
Life and Work
97
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HIS PRINCIPALS WERE:
Strucuture and clarity of layout
and form
Communication
Symbolisation
Strength
Banishment of ornamentation
Authenticity of construction
material
(Khn n.d.)
Communication Center in Kofu (1967)
A plan for Tokio (1960) Kenzo Tange
98
Guidelines for the Masterplan
After the incredible demolition of
Skopje in 1963 more than $30 million
(U.S.) in financial aid was offered from
the UN, the federal government of Yu-
goslavia and many other countries
and international organizations. A few
countries offered reconstruction loans
and the Yugoslav government levied
additional federal taxes to help cover
the costs of rebuilding (Ladinski n.d.:
75). Additionally the United Nations
set up a Skopje Urban Plan Project
and called for a competition to design
the new city center of Skopje. In 1965
seven international teams participated
on invitation in the competition.
The regional plan for the entire city
was already in line with the Skopje
Urban Plan Project developed by the
Greek firm Doxiadis Ass. and a Po-
lish group (Kultermann 1970: 262).
What they were looking for now was a
modern and new city center to identify
with and reinvigorate Skopje. Inspired
by international architectural trends of
the time, the jury favored large scale
proportions instead of small patterns
and little roads. The Jury consisted of
representatives of the United Nations,
project manager Adolf Ciborowski and
the town-planning director of Skopje
among others.
The Jury recommended a few guideli-
nes for the 295 acres design areal. Alt-
hough one third of the new buildings
was set aside for residential use, the
hope was to create a new administra-
tive and political center for Skopje that
would represent on a grand scale the
stature of the city. The six main gui-
delines are summarized on this page.
(United Nations 1970 (Ed.))
The plan focused on the river Vardar
and both river banks.
Nothing should be allowed to detract
from the pre-eminence of Kale Hill as
the centres highest natural feature
Landscaping and additional recreation
facilities are allowed. The important
aspect is that there will be no high buil-
dings between the city center and the
view to Kale Hill.
1
2
99
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Carsija is to be preserved, but not con-
served. A gentle and traditional deve-
lopment towards a useful element in
the centres functional composition.
Densities in residential redevelopment
areas should take account of social as
well as economic and technical fac-
tors. The quarter next to Carsija fits
better into the townscape with low-rise
housings.
The Marshal Tito Street is to be re-
filled consistent with the character of
the remaining, surrounding buildings.
Ameliorate the microclimate-Orientati-
on, use of volumes and planting should
improve the natural climate conditions
in Skopje.
3
4
5
6
100
Although Kenzo Tange is generally
associated with the Master plan for
the city center of Skopje, there were
actually two winning teams. Tange
had developed a concept for the in-
ner core, including systems linking
his various ideas. It was Radovan
Mischevic and Fedor Wenzlor from
the Croatian Town Planning Insti-
tute in Zagreb (Kultermann 1970:
262) who developed the second
winning concept, a more modest
flexible proposal to the changing
needs (Ladinski n.d.: 79). In the
following planning phase the two
teams worked together, with Vojis-
lav Mackic as team leader (Ladinski
n.d.: 79) but while Tanges team fo-
cused on connecting the overarching
ideas of the Master plan the Croati-
an team concentrated its work on
how the plan could be implemented.
While some found Tanges solution
impractical, unrealistic, and out of
proportion to the available limited re-
sources (Lagorio 1990, in Ladinski
n.d.: 79) the collaborative process
with the team from Zagreb lead to a
good compromise. In July 1966 the
plan was completed. (Lagorio 1990,
in Ladinski n.d.: 79)
I venture to say we need a symbolic approach to architecture and urban space in order to secure humanity, human
meaning and human value in architecture and urban space (Tange, in Kultermann 1970: 10)
General Masterplan Approach
Regonition of structural and japanease working manner
The transformer converts large structures to for human accesible scale
The vessel as a place were human spiriti from different timeperiods is combined
101
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The proposed plan from Kenzo Tan-
ge, which influenced the final plan
the most, [...] was less about sti-
mulating the growth and redevelop-
ment of a living city than it was about
establishing a total image around
which a devastated city could be re-
surrected. (Lin 2010: 192)
For his proposal Tange relied hea-
vily on the Structuralist principles
hed helped to develop in urban pl-
anning, expressed in the interplay
between structure, communication
and symbolism. The city itself was
to provide the spatial structure ne-
cessary for human interaction and
communication. The organization of
the spatial structure was meant to
reflect the needs of the people and
should be flexible enough to change
with humanitys changing needs and
technological progress. Further fos-
tering communication was the sym-
bolism imbued in the citys struc-
ture. Because modern society was
a technological society, Tange often
worked to answer the question:
Can modern technology restore Hu-
manity? (Kultermann 1970: 13)
If the city is a translation of contem-
porary society into spatial structure
it needs elements to allow the inter-
change between city, technology and
human values. Kenzo Tange divided
these elements into transformers
and vessels. Transformers are the-
re to convert the scale and speed of
mans equipment down to the scale
and speed of man himself (United
Nations (Ed.) 1970: 315), an examp-
le would be the railway station. The
vessel is a possibility to preserve old
habits and meanings. Its about con-
taining both old and new manifes-
tations of the human spirit (United
Nations 1970 (Ed.): 315). Walking
distance is used to measure the di-
mension of a vessel, which could
be, e.g. a residential building or a
square.
Based on these principles Tanges
intent was to create a city with which
the inhabitants of Skopje could iden-
tify and that would offer the possi-
bility to interact and move. His draft
consists of large scale structures
and transportation arteries, fitting
not only his working style but also
the requirements of the Master plan.
Tange took into account the long
building period for these large scales
and assigned the buildings to various
construction phases.
RETROVERSION
Work on the Master plan itself went
through a lot of changes and saw
more than one version produced.
The last version is known as the
ninth project, though not all steps
leading to it can be retraced (Kulter-
mann 1970: 262). However three
phases can be recognized clearly,
with the last two developed during
the collaborative work with the Cro-
atian team.
The first stage consists of the first
model Kenzo Tanges team made.
This first model won the competiti-
on. The main elements are already
expressed. Throughout the next pl-
anning phases improvement and ad-
aption took place.
During the second stage Tange en-
deavoured to bridge the yawning gap
between the design on paper and the
practical realization (Kultermann
1970: 262). In this plan green area
zones are incorporated.
In the third phase they made con-
crete architectural-urbanistic propo-
sals covering the entire structure of
the centre of Skopje and certain indi-
vidual key complexes (Kultermann
1970: 262). Especially the main
elements experienced changes and
were revised in a more realistic way.
As a result the City Gate was re-
duced slightly in scale and the City
Wall changed in its architectural lay-
out.
102
Thoughts Behind the Masterplan
AMELIORATION OF LIVABILITY
Even if the slum-like dwellings (Maalos
and housing next to the Bazaar) with
different cultural traditions were res-
pected, they would have been cleared
by 1971 and replaced by medium-rise
housing to allow for a better living stan-
dard. A big survey after the earthquake
showed that the general housing stan-
dard was very low with eight sqm per
person while many non-Macedonian
ethnic groups lived in even smaller
houses with a lower average of sqm
per person (4,7 sqm) (Home n.d.: 18).
But residential use wasnt the focus of
the city center, even if housing units
were planned in the Master plan. The
residential areas were mainly around
the inner city. Aerodrom, the neighbo-
ring municipality is a result of these pl-
anning activities. (Home n.d.: 14)
The intent for the city center was to
provide the facilities necessary for a
modern city. The focus was on new
infrastructure responding to current
and projected interests such as car-
friendly streets and a railway system
connecting Skopje to national and in-
ternational cities. Likewise commercial
space was provided for retail shopping
and and grocery and supermarkets, to
encourage purschasing food instead
of families growing their own food
in garden plots (Home n.d.: 18). Be-
cause cities were seen as centers of
industry and economic progress agri-
cultural traditions were relegated solely
outside the city.
EDUCATION
Because planners and architects
viewed themselves in the 1960s
as educators of the society they
promoted new guidelines for living,
which ignored the traditional housing
situation. The new houses that were
built declared the old functions of re-
ceiving guests and providing privacy
as dysfunctional and aspired instead
to re-educate the people into a more
rational and efficient use of domestic
space, through the medium of tenant
committees in the new housing es-
tate (Home n.d.: 18 et seq.). Also
family life was remodeled. The new
flats served a typical family situation
and ignored the tradition followed in
many cultures of housing for mulitp-
le generations such as the Roma or
Albanians (Home n.d: 18 et seq.).
CONNECTION
Before the earthquake the city center
was concentrated around Macedonia
Square on the south side of the river.
Although Skopje was an urban center
there was a stark ethnic separation
between the north and south sides
of the river Vardar. The final plan from
1966, therefore, was inadvertantly a
piece of social engineering. Social
separation was supposed to be re-
conciled focusing the urban design
on both sides of the river and there-
fore neutraliz[ing] the socially per-
nicious division of the city (Home
n.d.: 17). Likewise the planned pub-
lic buildings were concentrated on a
new axis to allow an advanced con-
nection. As seen in the graphic the
further vertical axis from the old rail-
way station towards the Bazaar was
transformed into a horizontal axis
next to the Vardar River. Public facili-
ties and buildings made up this new
axis along the river. Starting in the
west with a communication cen-
ter, crossing Marshall Tito Square,
today Macedonia Square, and there-
by as well the old axis and continu-
ing with a cultural center, shopping
center, the Republic Square leading
towards the new railway station by
passing a boulevard of offices, servi-
ces and other public facilities. These
elements will be further discussed in
the following section.
103
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100m
SHOPPING
UNIVERSITY
REPUBLIC
SQUARE
BUSINESS
CENTER
NEW STATION
BIT BAZAAR
CARSIJA
LIBERTY SQUARE
TITO SQUARE
M. TITO STREET
JULY 26 SQUARE
OLD RAILWAYSTATION
CULTURAL
CENTER
AXI S OF THE CI TY - OLD AND NEW
Location of the main attraction point in the city center. Red signalises the points on the old axis before the earthquake and
blue demonstrtes the propsed axis in the Master plan.
104
THE MODEL
Birds eye view on the first submitted model of the Master plan for the competition by Kenzo Tange and his team. On the
right-hand side detail pictures and images of the working process. Streets with seven lanes for each direction were planned
to avoid congestions in the Modern city.
105
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106
THE ELEMENTS OF THE MASTERPLAN
City Gate
This element was the the Master
plans eye-catcher and the heart
of the project. The City Gate forms
the new axis of the town - a rotati-
on of 90, with Macedonia Square as
the rotations fulcrum. (Kultermann
1970: 262)
It could also be called the united
ways of movement, since all pos-
sible forms of infrastructure and
movement are concentrated in this
structure. There is an air terminal, a
heliport, an underground passenger
railway station, two level highway,
car parking and a pedestrian deck
(United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 263).
Due to this centralization unneces-
sary congestion should be avoided
(Kultermann 1970: 112). The City
Gate would have allowed entry into
the city center with every possible
mode of transit through this axis,
as the name City Gate implies. Also
the architecture was relevant sym-
bolically. High rise buildings line the
boulevard leading from the outside
in the east towards the city center
in the west, delineating a sequential
hierarchy of scale. From high in the
east they begin diminishing to the
low buildings and narrow streets in
the old quarters. (Kultermann 1970:
263).
The City Gate changed during the re-
vision process. The scale was pared
down. In the first model the central
passenger railway station was an
underground construction. In the last
phase the railway station edged the
boulevard and was re-modeled as
an overground station. Next to the
railway station communication and
business operations were to be pro-
vided.
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Transportation Center
The Transportation Center is a le-
gacy of Kenzo Tange. The complex
was actually realized and is still in
use. The Center is elevated to al-
low air flow and the free movement
of traffic. From this point traffic and
transit connections could flow in all
directions. Going east led through
the City Gate to the City core while
to the west a boulevard led into the
new residential areas of Aerodrom.
Six platforms were erected to link
Skopje to a railway network. Today a
small train with three cars leaves the
station maybe once an hour. The bus
station is realized as planned under
the railway tracks. It is one of the bu-
siest places in Skopje.
City Gate and Transportation Center in the first model The second model
108
THE ELEMENTS OF THE MASTERPLAN
City Wall
The City Wall, discussed in detail in
the next section, was designed and
built as an enclosure for the inner
city. In its full realization it would
have circled the entire center. How-
ever due to the topographic situation
a circular construction was not reali-
stic. The basic layout was high den-
sity dwellings in vertical slab blocks
with cylindrical shafts and standing
on trapezoidal bases (United Na-
tions 1970 (Ed.): 317). Building ma-
terials and construction techniques
provided resistance to earthquakes.
Inspired by his work in Kofu Tange
added communication towers for
the inner building infrastructure. The
City Wall was not only about protec-
ting the center but also to improve
livability. Hence, in the ground floor
shops, cafs and services were pl-
anned for a better supply infrastruc-
ture, as well as underground parking.
For a more friendly atmosphere the
green space should run along side
(United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 317)
the new apartment buildings. Shops
should face the inner city and the
green spaces and parking entrances
were on the outer side. Tange also
took into consideration the amelio-
ration of environmental conditions
within the city as a whole, adding an
empty fourth floor in the City Wall to
allow the circulation of air through
the city center.
During the revision process the height
of the buildings was diminished and
the empty fourth floor for improving
the micro climate was left out. The
green spaces were developed into
small courtyards accompanying
each building. The slab blocks were
split up in solitary high rise buildings
and blocks (Kultermann 1970: 264).
Instead of providing social housing
the apartments in the City Wall were
built with a high class standard and
as condominiums, not cooperative
housing.
109
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Republic Square
The Republic Square was designed
as a link between the Shopping Cen-
ter and the City Gate. An outstanding
feature is the spanning of the river.
An elevated pedestrian system ties
the entire City Gate area together and
moves people across the river to the
neighborhoods on the other side
(United Nations (Ed.) 1970: 318). At
the Republic Square all stakeholders
in the state come together. It is a civic
square surrounded by municipality
and state facilities such as a court,
the house of the communist party
and government offices (United Na-
tions (Ed.) 1970: 318). The public
was symbolized by two museums
that were planned.
Liberty Square
Cultural facilities for the city were to
be concentrated on the northern part
of the river. Liberty Square was plan-
ned opposite the former Marshall Tito
Square, connected by the old 15
th
cen-
tury Ottoman bridge that endured the
earthquake. This square opens north
into the Bazaar and east into the cul-
tural center. The Square, though able
to stand alone, would have connected
the cultural center and the Bazaar. Al-
most all of the planned buildings were
devoted to folklore: a ballet theater
and school, educational facilities, a
hotel and a church.
110
Kenzo Tange and his team were po-
sitive about the implementation of
their plan, which in general experi-
enced very little resistance. First and
foremost the plan was needed. Politi-
cians supported the plans ideas and
procuring the necessary property
was certainly not a problem. The-
re was also a lot of money put into
the rebuilding of Skopje. Nowadays,
however, one can see that despite
initial positivity, practical realization
was difficult. Nevertheless in 1980
Skopje celebrated the rebuilding with
an exhibition. (Home n.d.: 19)
The earthquakes direct losses were
estimated at over $1 000 million
(Jordanovski 1993 in Ladinski n.d.:
75), a sum nearly equivalent to the
entire annual budget of former Yu-
goslavia or 15 percent of the former
Yugoslav Gross National Product for
that year (Ladinski n.d.:75). Help
came from all sides after the earth-
quake. The Soviet Union even dona-
ted a factory for prefabricated apart-
ment blocks. For the reconstruction
in the following years a Fund for
Reconstruction and Development
was opened. The main period for
the realization was supposed to end
in 1970, but the work continued till
1973 (Ladinski n.d.: 80). Buildings
like the University, the Telecommuni-
cation Center, the Bank Complex and
the Cultural Center were all realized
during 1974-79 (Penviv; Tolic et al.
2009). Almost all planned construc-
tion activities started. However Ne-
arly all [...] projects were not fully
completed due to the lack of financi-
al resources. The income generated
from the Fund was not sufficient to
sustain construction requirements
and the race against inflation at the
same time. (Ladinski n.d.: 80)
REALIZATION
Usage plan by Kenzo Tange for the inner City Center, distinguished by building use
and usage zones
111
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Usage Zones
business zone
residential areas
cultural and historical zones
high education
The comparison of planned and actual
data shows that almost all intended usa-
ge zones are present. In the city center
the Business Zone prevails. This area
is enclosed by residential use. On the
other side of the river Carsija and Kale
Fortress are still existing and in use as
historical centers while providing some
of the intended cultural uses. Cultural
uses can also be found along the river
bank. Though the intended uses are pre-
sent, they exist on a smaller scale than
envisioned in Tanges plan.
The High Education Zone has two off-
shoots, though these are located in the
immediate vicinity.
There is only one significant difference
between the plan and the realization.
Instead of the City Gate and Business
Zone facilities residential areas remain.
Only two small sections along the cor-
ridor offer the planned usage. On the
whole, however, a majority of the plans
zoning was successfully implemented.
PLANNED
TODAY
112
UNIVERSITY
LIBERTY SQUARE
CITY GATE
CITY WALL
REPUBLIC SQUARE
REPUBLIC SQUARE
BAZAAR
CITY WALL II
Complexes and Buildings
STATION
SHOPPING CENTER
KALE
TV CENTER
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PARKING SPACE
OPERA
UNIVERSITY
BANK
CITY WALL
NEW CHURCH
BAZAAR
CITY WALL II
STATION
MAALO
SHOPPING CENTER
KALE
Comparing the Master plan with a satellite photo gives a good survey of the actual realization. Some buildings and ideas were
realized like the revised City Wall, the Shopping Center as well as the historical elements of Kale Fortress and the Bazaar. Other
projects are close to the plan but evolved during realization. The university, for example, was built on the intended location but
changed in its ground plan. At the Liberty Square only the opera building was constructed. Other elements are missing com-
pletely, such as the City Gate. In its place the Bank Complex was built, providing a hint as to how the boulevard in Tanges
plan would have looked. Likewise the Republic Square remains unbuilt. Standing today on the big parking area on the southern
part of the Square the Master plan seems far away and its spirit cant be felt at all.
TV CENTER
114
The Master plan was not a usual
Master plan, it was meant for a city
that had experienced a huge loss in
every possible way. It was for a city
that had vanished in a few seconds
due to a natural catastrophe. When
the rebuilding started a lot of work
and thoughts were put into it. And it
was not only meant for the people
in Skopje. The earthquake attracted
international attention. Yugoslavia,
a nonaligned country, used the op-
portunity to build a rapport with both
sides and prove itself as a young,
modern and capable federation. The
United Nations was keen to show
its potential for promoting interna-
tional co-operation (Home n.d.: 4)
and present itself as a powerful uni-
on, taking the lead role in organizing
the international competition won by
Kenzo Tange.
Nevertheless the realization was
problematic. Lack of money and the
delay of construction led to modifi-
cations of the plans original intent.
The City Gate, especially fell victim
to this process. However people
were still living in the Maalos slated
for demolition to make way for the
City Gate. Since the financial means
to start construction were missing,
there was no reason for maalo re-
sidents to move away. At the same
time there wasnt necessarily a wish
for such a massive transformation of
the city fabric. All this lead to the cur-
rent situation in Skopje.
This is one of the weaknesses of the
plan. In the 1960s planning was rati-
onal and applied to the entire society
resulting in large scale projects. Hu-
man growth was seen as an unlimi-
ted and given factor and the planners
had the responsibility to react. Com-
bined with the idea of functional se-
paration and the development of the
car as an ideal means of transpor-
tation the planning resulted in large
scale projects, often disproportiona-
te to actual need. Today the products
of this time attract problems. Even if
Skopje has been growing since the
earthquake there is still no need for
an inner city highway with at least
four lanes in each direction and a
giant loop. Perhaps in a certain way
the non-realization of Tanges plan is
a chance for Skopje. Skopje doesnt
have to worry about disproportio-
nate infrastructure like other cities.
Only the Transportation Center is
beyond the scope, but that can be
traced back to the lack of an approp-
riate railway network. Even though a
completion of the plan was celeb-
rated in 1980 only some aspects of
Tanges large scale projects that dro-
ve his plan, as well as a few smal-
ler ideas contained in the plan, were
implemented, leading us to the con-
clusion that neither Tanges plan nor
his intentions and driving philosophy
were fully realized.
CONCLUSION
115
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View from the Transportation Center towards the city center
Above: The view in the revised model is leading to a high rise building at the Republic Square.
Beneath: Instead of high rise office buildings the informal settlement of the maalos can be observed from the train platforms.
The Bank Complex seems out of context.
116
117
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CITY WALL
118
OVERVIEW
LEFT OUT IN THE ANALYSIS
50m
250m
119
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The City Wall is the largest singular
element of urban design in Skopjes
city center. The old city core is pro-
tected and surrounded by this com-
plex. The buildings, however, function
simultaneously as a wall between the
city center and surrounding districts
while serving their function as the re-
sidential core for the city center. Due
to abundant commercial uses on the
ground floor, the City Wall does pro-
vide a minmal link to neighborhoods
such as Debar Maalo or Aerodrom.
The City Wall consists of recurring
building types which are arranged
concentrically, as dictated by the
surrounding topography, around
Tange already planned this struc-
ture in his first model. It is one of
the main elements of his design and
was supposed to support peoples
identification with the rebuilt city. The
City Wall was one of his symbolic
approaches to secure humanity and
human meaning and human value in
architecture (Tange n.d., in Kulter-
mann 1970: 8). It allegorizes the ide-
al medieval defensive wall, in those
earlier times a privilege and a cha-
racteristic that distinguished towns
from villages. Although the prelimi-
nary design was by Kenzo Tange the
buildings were actually constructed
by other architects from Yugoslavia
(Pencic; Tolic et al. 2009).
Through the metaphor of a city with its traditional elements, Tange hoped to endow the city of misfortune with a
new order, enable it to communicate with people, and help it regain its vitality and meaning. Zhongjie Lin
The City wall seen from Kale Hill. The structure encloses the citycore and is visible from all high points.
120
The buildings are all in a state of
partial restoration, while only one
Access Tower is in very bad shape.
The exact quality and stage of reno-
vation are different for every building.
Restoration is a specific characteris-
tic that is financed privately by the
owner of the individual apartment
unit. The units are mostly condomi-
niums. New windows are the typical
characteristic of partially renovated
units.
MAPPING
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250m
State of Repair
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While designing the city wall one ob-
jective was to create room for shops
on the ground floor. Most of the re-
alized shops are orientated towards
the small city ring. On the other hand
there is also a certain amount facing
the internal courtyard. A conside-
rable number of law offices can be
found. The shops sell anything from
clothes to pets; grocery stores and
Kiosks supply the daily needs. Ser-
vices typical for a neighborhood are
provided, for example beauty care or
car renting.
Ground Floor Use
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QUANTI TY
122
Denition:
The City Wall are recurring buildingtypes and arrangement arranged concentric, as
the topography allow it,, around the old city core. The architecture is the same and
the courtyard design is simular.
The typical City Wall block consists of three parts: (GRAFIK, typische anordnung)
-an eight level block towards the street to dene the outer line
-
>13 level solitair building
The towerbuilding are located on the opposite of the 8 level blocks
and help to create a courtsituation. Their oorplan is like a square with cut-outs at
the sides. At each corner there is a balcony placed. The verticular circulation with
stairways and elevator inside the house is situated in the middle.
In the groundoor is space for shops and services.
>8 level block with box outs
The last two oors seems to be added on a 6 oor box and overlap the under
structure. This overlapping creates through adding a bigger balcony, a sort of
rooftop gardens or penthouses.
The buildingsmass is aerated by small inner courts around which the ats are organi-
sed. As well as the entire block is deconstructed by slits. These slits are splitting the
big slab block into smaller blocks. By not splitting the groundoor the entire struc-
ture is achieved.
Passages allow to transit from the streetside to the inner court and otherway around.
Added infrastructure towers or like Kenzo Tange would descriped it: Communication
Tower.
> 6 level block to frame the 8 level block
They have the same appearence as a 8 level block just without the adding of two
bigger oors. Also these buildings are smaller than the big 8 level blocks focussing
the street.


-Material: The used material for all buildings are bricks and concrete. Slabs made of
concrete are also used as fassade covering. Some fassades and especially the
groundoor fassades are also decorated with small agstones in grey colour.
13-STORY, STAND-ALONE BUILDING
The Tower buildings are located opposite
the eight-story blocks and help delineate the
courtyard. Their floorplan is like a square with
cut-outs in the sides. Each corner contains a
balcony. The verticular circulation shaft with
stairways and an elevator is situated in the
middle of the Towers interior. In the ground
floor there is space for shops and services.
BODY
The last two floors seem to be added onto a six-story box
and extend out over the structure underneath. This over-
hang is created by adding a bigger balcony and rooftop
gardens or penthouses. The buildings mass is aerated
by small inner courtyards, around which the buildings are
organised. Also, the entire block is interrupted by slits.
These slits split the big slab block into smaller blocks.
Only the ground floor is not split to achieve a complete
structure. Passages allow access from the street to the
inner courtyard and vice versa. Additional infrastructure
towers or, as Kenzo Tange would describe it: Communi-
cation Towers.
ARMS
The six-story blocks frame the eight-story blocks.
Their appearance is also similar, just without the two,
oversized top floors.
ARCHITECTURE
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+
+
Building Height
50m
250m
124
The facade consists of five diffe-
rent materials. One main elements
is brick, or rather panels with brick
cladding. Their color, red, defines
the buildings appearance. But the
red is broken up by whitish flag
stones. In solid, vertical blocks the-
se flag stones structure the face of
the building. The concrete elements
organize the appearance. Especially
in the window lines, the concrete ele-
ments underline the change in floors.
Concrete panels are used to give
the edifice a more differential look.
In the picture these panels are dis-
played on the lefthand side. The slab
overlaps the building line and gene-
rates a playful and open image. This
technique was often used in Modern
design. Nowadays these concrete
elements let the building appear old
and untended. The concrete took on
a grey color and stains due to water
spotting or pidgeon excrement.
Additional materials include pre-fab
panels under the windows. Their co-
lor varies, but theyre mostly white
or mint green. These panels are only
used under windows in the line
and not at jutty windows. In the pic-
tures on the right hand side this cha-
racteristic is visible. Likewise, one
can see the use of concrete slabs
to overlap the jutty and aerate the
facade. The use of wood or plastic
appears in the window material. Due
to private repair and renovation the
material and appearance change. An
unofficial facade element is the air
conditioning unit. They can be found
on almost every building in the city
and add a unique structure to the
facade. Despite individual changes
and transformations due to private
renovations, a unified facade design
is still visible. But a surface cleaning
is recommendable.
Materials
CONCRETE FLAG STONE WOOD AND PLASTIC BRICKS PRE-FAB PANEL
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CHARACTERISTICS
Even though the buildings are sup-
posed to be similar, their realization
had to be adapted to the site-specific
situation after the earthquake. That
means that architects were forced to
somehow build around the existing
houses not destroyed by the earth-
quake. This brought up some unique
situations. Therefore not every cour-
tyard appears the same. These older
houses now seem out of context and
indiscriminately placed in the lands-
caping of the 20th century.
By labeling the different blocks of
City Wall we attempt to capture their
unique characters. On the following
pages these different natures are ex-
plained.
THE SHOW CASE
THE ADAPTATION
THE FORGOTTEN ONE
THE CONTRAST
THE REPRESENTATIVE
THE VILLAGE
THE END
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The Showcase
he courtyard situation at The Show-
case complies with the planned vi-
sion of Kenzo Tange. The buildings
setting is the same as in the layout
plan. There are no other buildings in
between the City Wall design. Also
the courtyard design can be distingu-
ished from the other City Wall cour-
tyards and gives the feeling of plan-
ned landscape design. Trees are only
on the side with the stand-alone buil-
dings. Therefore there is always an
open view over the entire courtyard.
The puristic courtyard design is defi-
ned by three terraces and raised lawn
beds. There are no parking lots. This
is one reason why The Showcase is
less frequented and calm. This at-
mosphere is influenced as well by
the facilties on the same block. The
enclosed Sv. Kliment Ohridski Chur-
ch and its parking spaces take up
a big part of the block. You can also
find the Toshka Cultural Center in
an old military building, nowadays
with residential use. Other buildings
are divided into smaller sections and
give a completely different impressi-
on than the City Wall. These houses
represent all three eras of Skopjes
built history, from a small two floor
house to a typical Modern living box
and a stylish contemporary building.
CHURCH
CULTURAL CENTER
On the following pages you will find on the left side a satel-
lite picture of the characteristic block (north oriented). Fu-
thermore there is a map showing green spaces and parking
lots. A quantitative conclusion is made by dint of the signs
grouping.
The number and distinction of ground floor usage is shown by the usage of the
according coulored dots. There are in general 50 spaces for ground floor use,
four of them or without use. Services prevail the quote.
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The Adaptation
The typical City Wall compostion is
adapted to buildings left over from
the earthquake. The southern 13-sto-
ry stand-alone towers are recessed
from the strict pattern, thus an older
building could maintain its place.
The new units were built around the-
se houses, maintaining the old buil-
dings without keeping the original
street structure. Exits were created
directly in front of a Modern building
in order to access a house from the
1920s. Niches, corners and crannies
can be found within the block along
with an open, planned yard. The area
that has been left clear is divided
into two parts. On one half parking
lots are provided while the other half
offers an enclosed lawn and a little
playground. The Adaptation is very
busy. Shops are also located inside
the court, particularly in the older
buildings. The entire blocks backy-
ard situation is also a crucial factor
contributing to the busy atmosphe-
re. New residential buildings and a
parking lot draw people to the area.
Hence a pass-through movement in
the City Wall block is encouraged.
Furthermore it is a popular path con-
necting the city core and the Debar
Maalo with its bars and cafs.
PARKING
The Adaptation offers 83 store capacities. With eight vacan-
cies it is the block with the most unused ground floor use.
Noticeable is the number of gastronomy (red).
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The Forgotten One
The silhouette and the buildings foot-
print are perfect but the realization is
only partial. The lawn and the playg-
round inside the courtyard disappear as
a result of the chaotic parking situation.
Every possible corner is taken up by
cars. Shops are orientated towards the
street. Only services such as law offi-
ces are situated towards the courtyard,
attracting a marginal number of walk-
in customers. A pass-through flow is
constrained by the fence encircling
Josip Tito High School and the thea-
ter building. The biggest nearby attrac-
tion is the Ramstore Shopping Mall,
which is also the main reason for the
many parked cars on the blocks interi-
or. The impression of a forgotten space
is brought on by a messy appearance
and a lot of waste containers coupled
by trash everywhere and the abundant
feral cats.
THEATER
HIGH SCHOOL
Seven of the 41 provided shops offers things of daily supply. It is the block
with the most offer of stores (green).
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The Contrast
The Contrast seems to be shrun-
ken due to the elementary school and
a 1950s building in the interior of the
block. The school not only minimizes
the space, it also divides it in two parts.
The part adjoining The Forgotten One
also emulates its atmosphere, ampli-
fied to a point of craziness by providing
a public parking and two access points
for underground parking. This stop and
go, looking and waiting and walking to
or away from the car is reinforced by
the kindergarden and the elementary
school. Parents bringing and fetching
their children or just a child standing
around and waiting for its parents to pick
him or her up by car creates increasin-
gly chaotic movement. Older cars ge-
nerating exhaust fumes and a mentality
of honking all concentrate onto a small
space forming a very discombobulated
situation. The other side of the cour-
tyard is small and offers only a hand-
ful of parking spaces. The playground
is used by pupils after school. Even
though the main street runs alongside
this part of the courtyard, there is little
pedestrian traffic. A private atmosphere
is generated in this quiet and hidden
space. A coffee bar invites passers-by
to take a break.
RAMSTORE
KINDERGARTEN
SCHOOL
Despite the nearby Ramstore shops can be found, but there are mostly
facing the small ring on the other side of the Ramstore. Two of the three
gastronomies are facing the Mall.
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The Representative
Along with The Contrast The Repre-
sentative occupies the most central
position and functions as a popular
meeting point. However unlike The
Contrast the block interior is less
hidden. Located next to the main
street and in front of the old railway
station, a pedestrian path provides an
invitation to come in. A green oasis
can be sensed through the buildings.
Unfortunately there are only a few
shops located on the blocks inte-
rior that would support a pedestrian
through traffic. If the weather is fine
people are sitting inside the court on
the benches and taking a break or just
passing time. A green market adjoins
the block on one side and a flower
market on the other. Even though the-
se facilities experience frequent traf-
fic there is very little spill-over into
the inner yard of the City Wall. The
parked cars of market visitors can be
seen along the streets bordering The
Representative.
OLD RAILWAY STATION
MAIN STREET
FLOWER MARKET
Even if the Representative is next to the main street and provides therefore a good
location only one of the 27 stores offers gastronomy.
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The Village
Inside The Village there are almost
no points of attraction, however it is
crossed and passed by a lot of people
heading towards one of the most im-
portant facilities in the city center - the
green market. In the yard a few cars
are parked and a lot of waste contai-
ners stand around. Some people sift
through trash deposited by market
stands and visitors at the end of the
day. Next to the City Wall is the As-
sembly of the Republic of Macedonia
and a quiet street leading to one of
Skojpes main streets. A bus stop in
front of a six-story building provides a
meeting and waiting point. But most of
all the green market generates move-
ment and life. Standing inside the mar-
ket you can see the City Wall buildings.
The Village is defined much more by
whats around the City Wall and not
what the City Wall itself has to offer.
MARKET
Over the half of the 25 shops in the City Wall block The Village are retail. Most of
them are belonging already to the market.
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The End
The End was once planned as
one of the most important City Wall
blocks, connecting Liberty Square
and the City Gate with its Com-
munication Axis. Nowadays all the
elements it was supposed to link are
missing. There is even a gap bet-
ween the other City Wall elements.
The only connection to the rest of the
City Wall are the two out of six stand-
alone towers in The End that can be
seen while standing at the bus stop
at The Village. Otherwise, the hea-
vily trafficed street running between
these two elements disrupts the City
Walls urban continuity. Additionally
The End and its buildings are re-
cessed inside the block to preserve
the Workers Hall that had been
built just a year before the earthqua-
ke. However The End does, to a cer-
tain extent, fulfill its duty as a link in
the urban system, bridging the citys
core and the newly built Saroja buil-
ding and the GTC.
HOSPITAL
ADMINISTRATION
Only 18 shops can be found at The End. Most of them are services such as law
offices or consulting. Due to the location walk-in costumers are missing.
140
IMPRESSIONS
The Forgotten One
The Show Case
The Adaptation
SAME SAME BUT DI F-
FERENT -
THE CI TY WALL
BLOCKS WI TH TRACKS
OF CUSTOMI ZATI ON
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The Contrast
The Village
The End
The Representative
142
Nowadays looking at the City Wall in
Skopje one can ask: How much Tan-
ge is still in it? The plan Kenzo Tange
proposed is not even half realized.
Only the City Wall design can be reco-
gnized in the city of Skopje. But even
these buildings werent implemen-
ted according to their orginal intent.
Once planned taking into account the
landscape and micro-climate, the city
wall became merely a housing block
serving that one purpose.
But the urban design that was alrea-
dy proposed in the first models from
Kenzo Tange can still be found. By
creating the City Wall Tange had two
main ideas. First of all he wanted to
locate residential use in the city cen-
ter in order to protect and define the
center at the same time. Second:
In architecture, the demand was no
longer for box-like forms, but for buil-
dings that have something to say to
the human emotions (Kenzo Tange).
Tange wanted to give symbolic me-
aning to the city so the people could
better understand and connect to the
buildings. In this way, what could be
better than a City Wall, an urban edifi-
ce that has been known for ages.
It is like a wall and nobody really
can pass it. - thats one of the opi-
nions you can find on the streets
today. Tange and his ideas became
somehow the unknown enemy. The
common position is that the city is
grey and the buildings are not beauti-
ful. If somebody knows Kenzo Tange
then hes found guilty of creating the
current situation in Skopje. But actu-
ally, if one really wants to look for a
culprit it is more the time and menta-
lity that could be labeled culprits. The
realization took place under the prin-
ciple of it is almost like this. And of
course is it often the small things that
can make the difference, especially in
architecture. What also changes the
situation is the maintenance. People
are unhappy about the possibility, or
lack thereof, for through traffic and
the missing green spaces. But eve-
rything is present, its just not nice.
In the yards, as the analysis showed,
many cars are parked and hinder an
easy crossing of the court. Further-
more the existing green spaces are
untended.
The City Wall gives Skopje something
special and unique. It is easily recog-
nized on Google Earth or other satellite
pictures. The City Wall is everywhere in
Skopje. It can lead and helps to orientate.
From Kale Hill the enclosing of the city
core by the City Wall is visible. Standing
on the street right next to the City Wall
the protection of the city core is tactile.
So how much Tange is in the City Wall?
Subjectively we estimate about 30 per-
cent, since a one-to-one translation of
the plan failed. All the special ideas of
improving the micro-climate and liveabi-
lity of the city are not built in. Only the
structure is maintained as it was in the
master plan. Other architects, politicians
and planners have transformed the idea
that Kenzo Tange had.
The idea that Tange had... . In art its
all about the idea. Pablo Picasso said:
I begin with an idea and then it beco-
mes something else. The idea is the
core message in a work of art, and ar-
chitecture is seen as art. Tanges idea of
a residential complex encircling, protec-
ting and linking the city center with the
areas around it is still visible. So maybe
its more than 30 percent Tange in the
City Wall. 100 percent would be the true
idea behind the buildings, but adaptation
and transformation took place so that
not all of his ideas can be recognized.
Subtracting for these changes but taking
into account the huge value of the still
perceivable vision of Tange, one could
perhaps estimate that there is about 65
percent Tange left in the design. But of
course this number expresses more of a
personal understanding and can change
depending on individual interpretation.
CONCLUSION
How much Tange is still there?
??%
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ENSEMBLE
144
As explained before Tange believed
in the educational and metaphoric
value of architecture for a society.
Tanges plan divided the city cen-
ter in different zones for collective
uses. The uses of each zone based
on superior themes. Tange proposed
three main axes running in west-east
direction along the Vardar River: the
Communication Axis, the Cultural
Axis and the Educational Axis.
Monumental architectural ensemb-
les like the train station or the City
Gate were supposed to transport
and advance these values.
The Communication Axis south of the
river was shaped by a continious pe-
destrian way from the train station to
the Macedonia Square. The arrang-
ment and uses of the buildings were
supposed to gurarantee the transfer
of communication, knowledge and
progress to a society. The City Gate
and the City Trade Center (GTC)
were part of this Axis.
The Cultural Axis was meant to run
along the northern bank of the Var-
dar, attached to the Old Bazaar.The
Liberty Square an urban ensemble
for a variety of cultural and scien-
tictic activities was supposed to be
its main aspect. The Education Axis
mainly consisted of the university.
This subchapter deals with the ques-
tion if and how those Axes are visible
in present-day Skopje. The realizati-
on and appearance of their elements
will be investigated. Additionally the
realization of the Transport Center,
an important ensemble of Tanges
plan shall be analyzed.
OVERVIEW
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COMMUNICATION AXIS: CITY TRADE CENTER
Information
The City Trade Centre (GTC) is cen-
trally located next to the Macedonia
Square and along the Vardar River.
It consists of five residential towers
and a three level shopping complex.
The residential towers were built in
1959 by Alexander Serafimovski and
had not been destroyed by the earth-
quake. The shopping area was added
in 1972 and integrated the residenti-
al towers to form a new complex. In
2008 there was a competition for the
third floor of the shopping area that
was won by Jovan Ivanovski. The
new level contains public and com-
mercial functions.
The GTC is an important element of
Tanges master plan. It belongs to the
Communication Axis and was sup-
posed to be part of the pedestrian
zone stretching from the Macedonia
Square to the train station. The long,
open pedestrian mall on the interior of
the GTC would have been the continu-
ation of the Communication Axis lea-
ding pedestrians out to the Macedo-
nia Square. Tanges idea for a modern
commercial area with public space
that serves to foster the interactions
of city residents was realized. Many
bars and restaurants line the riverbank
side of the GTC while a park provides
green space on the south side.
Tange and Realization
146
GATEWAYS
SPECI AL URBAN FEATURES
The appearance of the GTC is shaped
by the large number of gateways.
They are the main aisles of the Pe-
destrian Axis and gateways provide
access perpendicular to the pedestri-
an mall from the park and city side to
the River Vardar.
The City Trade Center is a good ex-
ample of adapting a contemporary
structure in order to respect historic
architecture. Its additions respect the
existing buildings structure and they
become integrated into its appea-
rance.
Features
Gateways in the GTC
The gateways in the GTC mirrored the west-east and north-south axes in the
inner City Centre
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148
EDUCATION AXIS: UNIVERSITY CAMPUS SS CYRIL AND METHODIUS
Information
The university campus for Cyril and
Methodius is located to the northeast
of the city center along Goce Delcev
Street and is the main campus in
Skopje. It was built in 1974 by the
Slovenian architect Marko Music and
consists of three complexes located
around a main square. The universi-
ty was named after Saints Cyril and
Methodius who invented the Slavic
alphabet.
The university is the main element of
the Education Axis. Tange intended a
Structuralism building at the current
location. However, the existing en-
semble, while Structuralist, follows
a different design. The Education
Axis is continued along the southern
part of the Goce Delcev Street by the
Macedonian Academy of Science
and Arts built in 1976.
Tange and Realization
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CONTRAST TO. . .
...ITS VICINITY BY ITS URBAN STRUCTURE
...THE SURROUNDINGS BY ITS MATERIAL
...THE ARRANGEMENT BY ITS ARCHITECTURE
Features
The university is remarkable for its
Structuralism architecture. Its three
complexes are designed in the same
way. Their position around the midd-
le square and their design mirror the
idea of an architecture without any
built hierarchy. The design of the
complexes themselves consists of
prefabricated elements. The main
material is concrete.
The university ensemble can be seen
as the edge of the city center. In the
immediate vicinity an area of histo-
ric residential houses begins. The
structure of the university provides a
heavy contrast to the small scale of
the surrounding neighborhood.
SPECI AL URBAN FEATURES
The architecture of the university is
a composition of prefabricated ele-
ments. The buildings structure con-
sists of three complexes and could
be easily expanded by its elements.
Structuralism bases on expandability
and flexibly of its elements.
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CULTURAL AXIS: OPERA AND BALLET
The complex was built by the Slo-
venian architects Stefan Kacin, Jurij
Princes, Bagdan Spinder and Marijan
Ursic in 1981 and is the last building
of Tanges Master plan to be realized.
It contains auditoriums for the opera
and the ballet. The complex is loca-
ted on the north side of the Vardar
and has a remarkable position in the
inner cityscape.
Information
Tanges Master plan called for a big
cultural complex that included an ope-
ra, a ballet and a cinema, too. It was
supposed to form a round square to
be visually connected to the Liberty
Square located on the opposite bank
of the river. The current complex can
be seen as a partial execution of the
original idea.
Tange and Realization
152
The complex is characterized by its
deconstructed architecture and ex-
traordinary form. Its edged appea-
rance recalls a composition of frag-
ments. The opera is surrounded by
public space that resembles the ar-
chitecture of the building. The opera
itself had been refurbished while the
public space around it is in fairly poor
state of repair.
Features
SPECI AL URBAN FEATURES
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154
TRANSPORTATION CENTER
Information
The Transport Center is located at
the eastern part of the city center and
consists of a two level multifunctional
complex. Its location does not reflect
the historical location of the train sta-
tion of the city of Skopje. The Trans-
port Center was the focus of a new
north-south transportation axis for
long distance transportation. It is the
only building that had been realized
by Kenzo Tange himself in 1968. Bet-
ween 1981 and 1991 Skopjes main
bus station was integrated into the
Transport Center.
The Transport Center was a main ele-
ment of Tanges Master plan. Its size
was representative of future growth
in the city and was expected to
handle the growing number of com-
muters. It was supposed to contain
public, commercial and administrati-
ve functions and was understood as
a major point of city access. Tange
considered the Transport Center as
a vessel for society, an architectonic
monument that transfers the idea of
future development onto the city of
Skopje. The pedestrian axis leading
to the city center was supposed to
have been connected to the train sta-
tion.
Tange and Realization
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Features
Today the Transport Center domina-
tes the appearance of the citys core.
Nevertheless its function as a long
distance station is not the main pri-
ority of the complex. The number of
trains that arrives every day is not at
all proportionate to its size. Currently
the Transportation Center is primari-
ly used as a bus station, which was
refurbished in the 1980s and is in a
good state of repair.
Today the transport centre is mainly
used for the inner city bus transport.
Just a few trains are arriving, while na-
tional and international busses arrive
and departure constantly.
Timetable in the train station
Circular railway from 1948 and North-East transport axis from 1963
156
AXI S OF VI EW
Highly refrequented roads pass by and under the transpor-
tation center. Behind the intersection ia a residential area at-
tached.
Magir Maalo is situated next to the Transportation Center. The
view is rich in contrast.
Behind the platform four high rise residential buildings attract
the view. The design reminds of the concrete elements at the
railway station.
Many views allow to overlook the city, but this view
shows the natural surrounding of Skopje.
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158
The described Axes were not realized
as Tange had planned them. In the
Communication Axis two elements,
the Republic Square and the City Gate,
are missing. Instead of the proposed
massive, multifunctional complexes
a small-scaled slightly shabby Maalo
can be found. No architectural con-
nection exists between the GTC and
the train station. Hence the envisioned
dynamics and progress of society dri-
ven by communication could not be
implemented. (If this goal was achie-
vable at all is another matter.)
The Cultural Axis has been realized in
parts. The multifuctional building with
opera and ballet serves only some
of the intended purposes. Liberty
Square, a vision of a cultural architec-
tural ensemble has never been built.
Two built edifices, the university and
the train station, are comparatively
consistent with the ideas of the Mas-
ter plan. As the train station was de-
signed by Kenzo Tange himself this
is hardly surprising. However, one of
its important features, the pedestrian
way, has not been implemented. Ad-
ditionally as the number of travellers
and commuters never lived up to the
anticipated crowds, the train station
does not fulfill its intended purpose.
The main point of attraction is the at-
tached bus station. The university was
not designed by Tange but the building
follows the ideas of Structuralism.
The inner-city Axes are hardly dis-
cernible in Skopjes contemporary
cityscape. Due to a lack of funds
only some edifices have been built.
The initial idea of Axes functioning as
a whole somehow got eclipsed over
the years.
CONCLUSION
Republic Square and City Gate in the model compared to the actual situation
159
2modern
INTERNATIONAL MODERNISM
160
The Modern architecture in Skopje is
inspired by internationally respected
architects and their ideas of design
and structure. It is part of the phi-
losophy of International style and
as the name implies it is not about
creating site-specific, but internatio-
nal designs. These were realized all
around the world. During World War
Two many cities were destroyed and
needed to be reconstructed. In this
time, with a new understanding of
living and a fresh architectural style,
new technical possibilities emerged,
for instance the prefabrication of
construction elements.
Skopje was rebuilt after the earth-
quake in 1963, thus the city is a
contemporary witness of that time.
However, over the years, Modern ar-
chitecture lost its popularity. People
indulged their memories of the old
Skopje and could not identify them-
selves with the new cityscape.
Even today, however, a Modern city
has its value and can be apprecia-
ted as such. A good example would
be the city of Le Havre in France,
which was bombed during the Se-
cond World War. The reconstruction
of the administrative, commercial
and cultural center lasted from 1945
to 1964 and was built according to
a plan by August Perret. In 2005, it
was designated as a World Heritage
Site. The reasons for the designation
were the following:
The post-war reconstruction plan of
Le Havre is an outstanding example
and a landmark of the integration of
urban planning traditions and a pio-
neer implementation of modern de-
velopments in architecture, technolo-
gy, and town planning () based on
the unity of methodology and system
of prefabrication, the systematic use
of a modular grid and the innovative
exploitation of the potential of con-
crete. (ICOMOS 2005)
For a long time the city was perceived
as having been destroyed twice (first
time by the bombardment, second
time by Perrets plan). Nowadays the
inhabitants are proud of their city.
Why couldnt Skopje apply for the
cultural heritage fund and accept,
respect and present its Modern ar-
chitecture? Could Le Havre serve as
a role model for Skopje?
OVERVIEW
Le Havre, France
Le Havre as a role model?
161
2modern
MODERN BUI LDI NGS
I N SKOPJE ARE I NSPI -
RED BY I NTERNATI ONAL
TRENDS CONCERNI NG
DESI GN AND MATERI -
ALS
162
A COMPARISON
COMMUNI CATI ON CENTER
CI TY WALL
163
2modern
OPERA
GTC SHOPPI NG CENTER
In the map you see the modern buil-
dings in the representative location in
Skopje at the Macedonien Square.
We tried to analyze the quality of the
design that why we compared the
modernism in Skopje with other mo-
dern building. You find example dis-
tributed all over the world that are no-
ted and made by famous architects.
In Skopje you find those designs just
around the Square.
164
Yamanashi Press and Broadcasting Center, at Yamanashi,
Japan, 1967 by Kenzo Tange
Here, then, is what I wanted to tell
you of my architecture. I created it
with courage and idealism, but also
with an awareness of the fact that
what is important is life, friends and
attempting to make this unjust world
a better place in which to live.
- Oscar Niemeyer
Communication Center
Catedral Metropolitana Nossa Senhora Aparecida (The Cathedral of Braslia) at
Brasilia, 1970 by Oscar Niemeyer
That style was appreciated around the world and his
buildings were constructed in a wide range of settings
redefining the skyline in Singapore and in reconstructing
Italian towns.
- Reuters News
165
2modern
City Wall
One of the most self-assured, self-confident even self-conscious
buildings to emerge as a result of the interplay of the architectonic and
engineer-inspired buildings was Saarinens TWA Terminal Buildings at New
York.
- Dennis Sharp
Opera
TWA airport terminal at New York, USA, 1962 by Eero Saarinen
The unity and harmony of all this delight the eye, with
just the right combination of the artfull and the natural,
the intimate detail and the clear over-all pattern
- Lewis Mumford
Lijnbaan, main shopping street at Rotterddam, 1953 by Jo
van den Broek and Jacob B. Bakema
GTC Shopping Center
Schlangenbaderstrae in Berlin,
Germany, 1980 by Georg Heinrichs
The Complex at the Schlangenbaderstrae in Berlin called the Snake
got the Renault traffic design award 2002 for the innovative idea to construct
the housing building above a street so public highways will no longer dived
a city. It is a cornerstone of urban development.
- Jury Renault traffic design award 2002
166
CONCLUSION
The buildings of International Moder-
nism in Skopje reflect the zeitgeist
of the time they were built and the
global principles of Modernism back
then. At that time Modern architec-
ture spread all over the globe the
beginning of globalization in architec-
ture. It was considered advanced not
to build site-specific architecture,
but to create designs in the interna-
tional trend of Modernism. Despite
the fact that this architectural style
is not considered an ideal of building
anymore some architects of Interna-
tional Modernism are still considered
as leading in their profession.
Central buildings in Skopje are ins-
pired by famous buildings of Mo-
dernism from all over the world and
comparable to recognized architec-
ture that have in some cases become
to a trademarks of their city. Since Le
Havre a city totally built in Modern
style was declared as World Cultu-
ral Heritage, the city was put back on
the map.
Skopje would have the possibility to
distinguish itself by acknowledging
the value of its Modern architecture
and exploiting this heritage. The city
could turn into a place of pilgrimage
for admirers of Modern architecture.
That could have a positive effect on
its perception, particularly among the
inhabitants, which promotes identifi-
cation with Modernism and the his-
torical heritage. Protecting Modern
architecture is a great opportunity
for Skopje.
167
2modern
MODERN HABITATION
168
OVERVIEW
As indicated on the map the vast
majority of Modernist constructions
in Skopje are residential buildings.
This can hardly be surprising consi-
dering Modernism, and Socialisms
focus on raising living standards
and providing equal, cooperative
housing. Likewise, owing to their
vast use of prefabricated building
elements Modernist housing units
were among the most affordable
projects of that era and therefore
generally the first elements of a new
master plan to be realized. Their
quick construction also allowed ci-
ties like Skopje to react swiftly to
increasing demand for housing.
Another contributing factor, how-
ever, were the young Serbian and
Croatian architects during the initial
stages of Modernism, who found
most of their work designing low-ri-
se residential units for private inves-
tors. These houses can be seen re-
gularly in residential neighborhoods
just outside the City Wall as well as
in the then-new urban block struc-
ture of the SCS Kingdom discussed
in Chapter One.
Here weve traced Modernist resi-
dential units development from their
early stages through to the 1970s
and 1980s and have categorized
four identifiable trends: Classi-
cal Modernism, the Living Box,
Multiples and the Housing Com-
plex.
50m
250m
169
2modern
MAPPING
Modern housing is generally much
taller than surrounding buildings.
Their height provides landmarks
within the city. Its almost possible to
trace the development of Modernism
based on building height. Classical
Modernism produced many one to
three-story houses. As Modernism
evolved the dimensions of the buil-
dings evolved with it. Thus six to
eight-story buildings are generally a
product of Tanges Structuralism or
Modernisms last breaths, like the
Multiples or Housing Complexes.
50m
250m
Building Height
170
Modernist buildings are often parti-
ally restored. Many individual apart-
ments are renovated due to private
ownership while building facades are
left to deteriorate. Balconies turned
into spare rooms, new windows or
penthouse additions create a patch-
work effect discussed further in
Do-ItYourself Architecture as part of
Chapter III. But the overall standards
of Modernist housing infrastructure
has often not been improved since
the 1960s . This impairs the living
standards of the inhabitants and
creates higher costs for heating and
electricity. Buildings manufactured in
the 1960s or earlier should be reno-
vated if for no other reason than the
potential energy savings.
State of Repair
50m
250m
171
2modern
QUANTI TY
A vibrant ground floor use in the city
center provides abundant amenities
for residents. Services, grocery and
convenience stores are plentiful.
Structuralisms vertical mix of func-
tions is noticeable in the City Wall.
Storefronts contain plenty of shops
while the floors above support offi-
ces, services and residential uses.
The linear housing projects, gene-
rally associated with Functionalism,
lack any ground floor use. Storefront
vacancies in Modernist buildings are
rare.
Ground Floor Use
50m
250m
172
CLASSI CAL MODERNI SM
LI VI NG BOX
MULTI PLES
HOUSI NG COMPLEX
CHARATERISTICS
173
2modern
50m
250m
One of Modernisms major goals
was the creation of equal standards
of living for everybody. Hence, during
the Modern period many innovations
concerning habitation were introdu-
ced. Most of Skopjes inhabitants
live in houses built during that time.
174
The form is a simple, but functional
cube. It recalls the typical Bauhaus
style. If needs are satisfied the beauty
will follow. All useless ornamentation
is negated. The first Modern houses
were built in the 1920s by private ow-
ners. The buildings have one to three
floors and a platform roof. The Classi-
cal Modernism cubes are leftovers in
the growing structure of Skopje. The
dimension of early Modernism is on
a much smaller scale in comparison
with other Modern structures. But this
contrast makes it interesting and gives
it potential. In this way the development
of Modern style can be observed. The
majority of the buildings in this typolo-
gy are located in maalos, particularly in
the urban Debar Maalo in the northeast
of our investigation area. However
some of these buildings can be found
in the southwest as a fill-in of a Modern
structure perimeter block.
Classical Modernism
URBAN FEATURES
ARCHI TECTURE
175
2modern
Living Box
The Living Box describes prefabrica-
ted residential buildings. These types
were mainly built during the Yugosla-
vian period as cooperative housing.
The city center also contained con-
dominiums, since the Yugoslavian
system was more benevolent con-
cerning private property. Problems
of maintenance are the result of this
fact. The houses are built to define
spacial structure and therefore fit in
the old street structure of Skopje. For
Rent signs give the impression that a
real estate agency may have renova-
ted the facades in a unified manner.
Even still, air-conditioners, Skopjes
beloved element repeated throughout
the entire city, litter the building face.
The Living Boxes in the city core
have some minimal decoration orna-
ments, for example special balconies
or decorative flag stones. The Living
Boxes in the southeast are simpler
and in better condition, though their
once colorful facades are now dusty
and gray.
Notably the majority of Living Boxes
inside the city center were not dest-
royed by the earthquake.
URBAN FEATURES
ARCHI TECTURE
176
Multiples
Multiples are groupings of like buil-
dings repeated in different places
throughout the city. Some of these
duplicates create their own urban
structures such as the linear develop-
ment. Due to the concentration of the
same buildings, spaces, streets and
entrances are generated. The main
part was built before the earthquake
during the housing shortage. Of par-
ticular importance is the Y_Home
that can also be seen in Tanges plan.
It frames the city center in the sou-
th in a line with three duplicates and
continues the path of the City Wall in
the north. Do their placements have
a special purpose? Do Multiples have
a special meaning or is it just going
the easy route, creating one design
and many copies? The City Wall
could also be understood as a Multi-
ple, though in the City Wall a purpose
is known and obvious.
URBAN FEATURES
ARCHI TECTURE
177
2modern
Housing Complexes
These structures were built after
the earthquake at the end of the
Modern period in the 1970s and
1980s. Therefore the state of repair
is still good. Their design is similar.
The facade is divided into small sec-
tions so the appearance is less bul-
ky. These Complexes can often be
found in other countries, even those
without a Socialist background. The
red brick facade and the prefab ele-
ments simplify the construction and
create a reoccurring image. Housing
Complexes offer many people an ac-
commodation in a central location,
hence they are an important element
of the housing stock for Skopjes city
center.
URBAN FEATURES
ARCHI TECTURE
178
CONCLUSION
The amount of people living in the
city center is remarkable especially
in comparison with Central European
cities. Skopjes different types of re-
sidential houses in Skopje reflect the
development of Modernism. Clas-
sical Modernism cubes mirror the
first stage. The buildings are compa-
ratively small and strictly functional
in design. In Yugoslavia Modernism
was a decidedly favored style. Ac-
cording to socialist ideals the pre-
earthquake Living Boxes were built
as cooperative housing. The type of
Multiples originates from the same
period. Its main purpose was the
lessening of the pressing housing
shortage. Modernisms final sta-
ge becomes manifest in the House
Complexes. Especially at the begin-
ning of the Modern period living in a
house designed in this new architec-
tural style was en vogue.
One of the aims of Modernism was
to improve the standards of living.
In comparison with the partly gru-
esome conditions in the perimeter
blocks of the 19th and early 20th
century the new Modern edifices
with their then up-to-date equipment
must have seemed like everybodys
dream house. Today many of the
buildings are in poor shape. Since in-
dividual units are often privately ow-
ned the maintenance responsibilities
rest with the owner and few are able
to afford to keep up their apartments
exterior. Often times the living stan-
dards havent improved above those
of the 1960s. For example the insu-
lation quality remains low, leading
to high energy costs for the owner.
Particularly in the Multiples and
Housing Complexes there is a fee-
ling of disconnect with the structure.
Their uniformity often dont allow the
individual to identify with the building
in any meaningful way.
179
2modern
MODERN CONCLUSION
The idea and vision behind Kenzo
Tanges plan and the competition for
the new Skopje was big; a modern
town that represents the zeitgeist
and society in Yugoslavia while at
the same time establishes Skopje
in the international context. Tanges
City Wall and Skopjes Ensembles
show the limited fashion in which
this goal was achieved. Nevertheless
the city center gives the impression
of being Modern, particularly when
looked at quantitatively on the map.
Within the cityscape, the products of
post-earthquake rebuilding inspired
by the then-contemporary internatio-
nal trends help facilitate this impres-
sion: the post office and communica-
tion center, the television skyscraper,
the church, the office buildings, the
opera, and schools. In particular, re-
sidential buildings contribute to the
image of Skopje as a city of Moder-
nism. The four elements of Modern
Habitation catalog the development
of Modernist living. A few were
built before the earthquake in order
to renew Skopje and provide more
residential capacity with a better li-
ving standard. Other buildings were
erected after the earthquake out of
necessity in response to the housing
shortage.
Modern buildings in the City Center of Skopje
50m
250m
180
The question arises: How do the
people and the city interact with the
existing Modernism?
This requires an examination of the
uses housed in Modern buildings to-
day. The majority are still in a good
shape and certainly they occupy a
place of prestige, located in the city
center of Skopje, capital of Macedo-
nia.
Residential use is one of the
primary uses. The apartments
are popular due to their centra-
lity, which also makes them ex-
pensive. The houses were built
with a new living standard and a
high average of sqm per person
(Home n.d.:13,18).
Usually store fronts on the ground
floor provide space for retail and
grocery stores. This is particu-
larly common in the City Wall,
which has very few vacancies.
Most of the public buildings were
destroyed during the earthquake
and had to be rebuilt. Further-
more new services were needed
due to the technological, eco-
nomic and social changes. The
important fact is that they were
all erected for a special purpose,
such as educational facilities,
museums, the shopping center,
banks and the telecommunica-
tion center. (Home n.d.:17)
Representative buildings like-
wise belong to the category of
public buildings built to serve a
particular function; they are a re-
presentation of the state. So, e.g.
the parliament building maintains
a prestigious facade in order to
reflect the capital and the state.
Even if Macedonia wasnt inde-
pendent back than in the 1960s,
due to Federalist policies it was
its own republic with an admi-
nistration, parliament, court and
more. Therefore all the repre-
sentative buildings one can find
today can be traced back to the
Modern style period.
But the association with Modernism
and its architecture is nevertheless
negatively charged. In the last few
years there has been a trend to erect
new buildings with the same purpo-
ses as the Modern ones, such as
the post office and communication
center. A replacement is in progress.
Also the desire of the government for
new public representative buildings
is obvious in Skopje 2014. But
what reasons are there to deal with
Modernism so dismissively?
STATE OF REPAIR
The condition of the Modernist faca-
des confirms their age. The majority
are not at all or only partially reno-
vated. A state of partial renovation
often exists due to private invest-
ment. The oversimplified, drab gray
buildings are pocked with self-reno-
vated elements using new materials
which provide a stark contrast to the
original building substance around
them. The concrete of the Modernist
building age was new, popular and
often used, though not fully techno-
logically developed. Today, material
damage to the concrete is obvious
as it disintegrates and discolors. The
standardized use of this material and
the elapsing of time results inevitably
in a gray appearance. This is worse-
ned by a lack of upkeep. A similar
problem is deriving from the use of
prefabricated materials.
DESIGN
In the 1950s and 60s the launch of
prefabrication led to precast concrete
slabs that were used to quickly con-
struct cheap residential buildings.
It was the easiest way to respond
to the housing shortage after the
earthquake and was very common
in Socialist countries. Most buildings
look the same or can even be found
repeated in another city somewhere
else on the planet, e.g. lineal cons-
tructions or housing complexes of
the 1970s and 80s. They created for
their time a good housing standard,
and the people enjoyed the idea of
equal housing values for everybody.
But just a few years later the first
problems began to reveal themsel-
ves. Due to prefabrication identity
and humanity were missing. Over
time the aesthetic qualities of this mi-
nimalistic housing architecture have
lost their value and even public and
representative buildings from this
time are no longer in vogue.
TIME
The Master plan was seen a symbol
of the brotherhood and unity of the
equal and free peoples of Yugoslavia
(United Nations 1970 (Ed.): 52) and
was the first major international col-
laborative exercise of this magnitude
to prepare a development plan for a
sizable city (Watts 1997, in Home
n.d.: 28). Hence, all the designs were
built within the greater context, poli-
tic and zeitgeist of the 1960s. Today,
the Macedonian government tries to
deny the Yugoslavian time period.
Searching for a new identity, they
are also looking for an architecture
that represents the new democratic
Republic of Macedonia. Bton brut
alludes to an old situation and poli-
181
2modern
tic, apparently a new use of shape is
needed. Prefabricated buildings were
the architectural reflection of social
equality. With the renunciation of So-
cialist ideals, the wish for individua-
lity and an own aesthetic is growing.
Every generation wants something
of their own that is special and repre-
sents the current zeitgeist.
OVERALL PLANNING
It is a well known fact that the ideas of
Modernism are out favor. Architects
overestimated the significance of a
suitable architecture for a newly in-
dustrialized society. Even if modern
technologies and new ways of living
did work their way into daily routine,
the people would still have been con-
tent living in Pre-Modern cities. But
planners foresaw a total transfor-
mation of urban spatial structures to
match advances in an industrializing
society. This was not site-specific
and led to the internationalization of
urban planning. The earthquakes
clean sweep was a challenge and an
opportunity to build a city suitable for
a Modern society. However Functio-
nalism and related trends in Moder-
nism had become not a utopia for the
masses but rather for the architects
and planners themselves. Their visi-
ons were not necessarily representa-
tive of the actual needs and desires
of the society for which they thought
they were building. The Master Plan
was a creature of its time. Architect-
planners of the modern movement,
confident in their role of remaking the
postwar world, worked with the state
rather than with the people (Home
n.d.: 20). Even as it was being de-
veloped it was unclear if Skopjes
inhabitants would really identify with
the new plan. Tanges plan is notab-
le for its attempt to unify the diverse
ethnic composition in Skopje. Howe-
ver by assuming Modernism was the
medium through which this could be
achieved, the plan also displayed a
lack of respect for the equally diver-
se traditions of the individual ethni-
cities.
THE MASTER PLAN DISCONTINUED
For the people of Skopje themselves
the citys reconstruction was as mo-
mentous an event as its destruction:
when Skopje school children were
asked in the 1960s to write an es-
say on a major event in the life of
my town, 80 percent chose to wri-
te about the Master plan rather than
the earthquake (Home n.d.: 4). The
State of Repair of modern buildings
50m
250m
Building Use of modern buildings
50m
250m
182
vision of Tange was to create sym-
bolic meaning leading into identity
and humanity. The plans partial im-
plementation shattered the big visi-
on for Skopje into isolated buildings
and zones. Reasons for this were
the long planning and implementa-
tion phases, a lack of money and
the attitude of taking sometimes the
easiest but not the best way. So we
dont know how the perfect Modern
city could have worked or been un-
derstood today, because the entire
idea of Modernism and Kenzo Tange
was not carried out in Skopje. Due to
this fact the structure cannot work.
Its like a machine that is just engi-
neered in parts, the mechanism will
never work.
Modern architecture bases its aesthe-
tics on its function. The slogan form
follows function illustrates the idea
of Modern architecture. To legitima-
te Modernism, these buildings have
to maintain their initial function or be
reused. Therefore Modern buildings
have to be kept in good condition
to prevent the future depreciation of
Modernism solely based upon its ap-
pearance.
It is important to find a contempora-
ry handling of Modern architecture in
order to integrate Modernism into the
cityscape. Modern elements like tho-
se in Skopjes city center have to be
included in the greater city structure
if they are to function properly. The
quality of the city is represented in
its architectural variety, where diffe-
rences in the physical environment
complement each another instead of
creating riffs.
It is fundamental for an appreciation
of Modern architecture that inhabi-
tants realize the original intent of the
architects. Modernism has a high
level of abstraction and a minima-
list design, which cause difficulties
communicating its intention through
external appearance. Architects like
Kenzo Tange were reacting to and
critical of classical Modernism. He
tried to satisfy the social and human
needs in the city, such as communi-
cation and identity in the urban en-
vironment. Contemplating this theo-
retical background is important for a
contemporary interpretation and un-
derstanding of Modernism in Skopje.
Reintroducing the original functions
back into Modernist buildings, reha-
bilitating their exterior and reinterpre-
ting their contemporary contribution
to Skopjes city fabric could improve
the relationship between Modernism
and the citys inhabitants.
Skopje before the earthquake small pattern structure is competing with new concret blocks
183
2modern
184
POST MODERN
3modern post
185
3
186
Due to the many power shifts in
Macedonias history, the term Mace-
donian can be confusing and vague.
Likewise the population of Macedonia
is multi-ethnic and makes describing
an ethnic Macedonian difficult. The
majority, 66 percent, of Macedonians
are ethnic Slavs while ethnic Albani-
ans, at 25 percent of the population,
comprise the largest minority (Repu-
blic of Macedonia, State Statistical
Office (Ed.) 2002: 446). The growing
Albanian population in Macedonia
leads to fear among ethnic Slavs of
one day being the minority in their
own land. Additionally many neigh-
boring countries question not only
the countrys borders but also the
legitimacy of a separate Macedonian
language and culture, serving only to
cast more doubt on an independent,
Macedonian identity.
After peacefully seceding from Yu-
goslavia in 1991 ethnic conflicts
in Macedonia became explosive.
Macedonia perceived its new inde-
pendence as an opportunity to open
the country to Western European
development. However Democracy
in the young country became a call,
particularly among minorities, to
become more politically active. The
political participation of Macedonias
ethnic minorities led to a conflict with
fractions of ethnic Slavs which pea-
ked at the threat of civil war in 2001.
Macedonian independence was like-
wise fuel for a long-standing border
conflict with Greece. Both countries
claimed to have the historical right
not only to particular regions but
also to particular cultural legacies.
The conflicts expanding proportions
led Greece to veto Macedonias entry
into the EU (Opfer-Klinger 2008:
25).
But times of crisis and uncertainty
increase the need for security, influ-
ence and national identity. Among
other, mostly political outlets, this de-
sperate search is expressed through
current, architectonic trends. This
chapter examines Skopjes three
most visible trends in architecture.
These trends developed as reactions
to Yugoslavia in the years following
independence and could be identi-
fied as (Re)construction, Kitsch and
Globalized Architecture, influenced
respectively by the government, pri-
vate residents and international eco-
nomic development.
Further, we examine an omnipresent
Do-It-Yourself mentality among
private citizens, which appears as a
reaction to certain deplorable con-
ditions in the built environment. At
the end of each section we present
a short subjective interpretation. The
conclusion for Chapter III discusses
similarities and differences among
the individual trends and examines
the trends originators and their mo-
tivations.
INTRODUCTION
3modern post
187
(RE)CONSTRUCTION
188
OVERVIEW
Reconstruction is a phenomenon par-
ticular to Central and Eastern Europe.
Neo-Classicism, Neo-Academicism
and the Secession among other ar-
chitectural movements helped create
stately city centers, political and na-
tional identities that were destroyed
through World Wars or natural disas-
ters. Repetitive, post-war socialist
ensembles replaced these structures
along with the hope of a Modernist
utopia that never materialized. Today
the opposite trend can be recognized
across Central and Eastern Europe,
as many cities, including Skopje, att-
empt to deconstruct Modernisms le-
gacy and reconstruct a glorious past
(Delitz 2010).
One example is the Berliner Stadt-
schloss that was pulled down in so-
cialistic times (1950) because it was
interpreted as a symbol of Prussian
absolutism. In 1973 the government
of the GDR started to erect the Palast
der Republik which was deconst-
ructed in 2006. Nowadays the fede-
ral government and the city of Berlin
want to reconstruct the Berliner
Stadtschloss similar to the original
appearance with some minor modern
adjustments. There have been many
protests against this reconstruction
plan out of political and aesthetic re-
asons.
Similar movements take place in many
countries, especially in the Balkans.
Post-socialist cities often reconstruct
the monumental and ornamental buil-
dings of the 18th and 19th centuries
while deconstructing the prominent
socialist ensembles of their still-re-
cent past. (Delitz 2010:5) The com-
munistic symbols get replaced by
national symbols, religious elements,
monuments etc. in order to wake the
imagination of a glorious past, regard-
less of its real background. Skopje is
no exception. Furthermore, politici-
ans use national symbols to create
an identity. In the case of Macedonia
this means the invention of continuity
from the glorious times of Alexander
The Great. (Schenker 2010)
The phenomenon of reconstruction is
not unusual and is generally a product
of the search for stability in times of
change. Certainly this is the case in
Skopje. However in Skopje recon-
struction underlies a deeper ethnic
conflict, which is being expressed in
architecture and urban design (Rei-
terer 2009). Architecture has always
been a product of its time and sparked
resistance, but the question in Skopje
has taken on new dimensions. Recon-
struction in Skopje is no longer purely
architectural. It goes beyond a matter
of taste, provoking questions of po-
litical or social intent. This section
examines reasons for reconstruction
in Skopje and seeks to understand
exactly what is being reconstruc-
ted. This is an especially pregnant
question considering that the majority
of buildings under (Re)construction
never existed in the first place.
Palast der Republik 1977 Reconstructed Berliner Stadtschloss Berliner Stadtschloss about 1900
3modern post
189
The big prominent buildings on
Skopjes Macedonia Square, including
the National Bank, City Theater
and Officers Quarters, embodied a
new political, economic and cultural
meaning of the city in the early 20th
century. The old Ottoman bridge over
the Vardar connected these symbols
of urban power into an impressive
whole. It was the time of the SCS
Kingdom and the cultural dominance
of Serbia. After liberation from the
Ottoman Empire Skopje, like many
other cities in the southern Balkans,
oriented itself towards Europe. Then
contemporary architectural projects
commissioned by the government
communicate a clear message. It
was a well-directed regress to a con-
structed national identity with its roots
in the past. Furthermore a new inter-
pretation of history was supported by
emulating the architectural grandeur
associated with a European identity
(Reiterer 2009).
The center of Skopje will have a new
look by 2014 with new buildings,
about 20 monuments and retouched
and decorated facades of the present
buildings surrounding the Macedonia
Square. The construction of these
buildings and monuments has been
planned and is being realized by the
Macedonian government, the Ministry
of Culture and the Municipality of Cen-
tar (Macedonian Information Centre
(Ed.) 2010). The vision for Skopje
2014 was released with a 3D compu-
ter animation in the presence of Centar
Mayor Vladimir Todorovik, Culture Mi-
nister Elizabeta Kanceska-Milevska,
architects and other guests. The video
is now on many websites and internet
forums and has sparked heated deba-
tes. This presentation is going to help
Skopjes residents get a better pic-
ture of what the center of the capital
is going to look like, Todorovik said
(Macedonian Information Centre (Ed.)
2010). The whole face-lifting project
will cost about 200 million Euros
and will be drawn from several annu-
al state budgets, from the municipal
budgets and from private investors
(Trajkov 2010).
The old Skopje about 1960
50m
250m
SKOPJE 2014
190
RECONSTRUCTED
THEATER
NEW OFFICERS
CLUB
2 NEW HOTELS
ORTHODOX CHURCH OF
SAINTS KONSTANTIN
AND ELENA
MINISTRY OF
FOREIGN AFFAIRS
STATE ARCHIVES, ARCHAEOLOGICAL
MUSEUM AND CONSTITUTIONAL COURT
MUSEUM COMPLEX
MACEDONIAN STRUGGLE
50m
250m
3modern post
191
Four new buildings will be put up in
the Macedonia Square: The rebuilt
Officers Quarters, a hotel complex
and the Church of Ss Konstantin and
Elena. The square is currently being
dug up to build the fountain and mo-
nument to Alexander the Great.
On the other side of the Vardar, the
theater, the Museum of the Mace-
donian Revolutionary Struggle, the
Constitutional Court, the Archive,
the Archaeological Museum and the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs are in the
process of construction. The Agency
for Electronic Communication, the
Public Prosecution and the financial
police, as well as a line of columns
called Independent Macedonia are
scheduled to be built. The Parliament
will get a new look with an addition
of one more floor and three domes.
(Macedonian Information Centre (Ed.)
2010) The final designs for theses
projects have been decided through
competitions (Reiterer 2009).
This Vision is kitschy. There is a dis-
parity between form and function.
The city pretends to reconstruct the
old historical buildings. But some of
the new buildings will be placed on a
more representative setting or crea-
ted bigger and more pompous as its
origin. Most of the buildings are com-
pletely invented anyway and conse-
quently do not have a historical ante-
type. Hence, they simulate a special
history of architecture.
The following describes the indivi-
dual projects in as much detail as
was available.
What is planned to be built?
View from Vardar Bridge to Macedonia Square and the Millenium Cross
192
THE ORTHODOX CHURCH
The most spectacular of these pro-
jects is the Orthodox Church, built
on Macedonia Square in a 14th cen-
tury style (Reiterer 2009). An inter-
national architectural competition in
2008 determined the design of this
hotly debated building. The Ministry
of Culture set criteria detailing whe-
re competition entries should draw
inspiration. They were looking for a
building that would mix traditional,
orthodox influences with the current
context in the city center. The buil-
ding should connect with surround-
ing cultural monuments. Proposals
were judged based on respect for
tradition, originality of the design and
innovativeness of the proposal. Pro-
posals were also asked to take into
account seismic activity and handi-
cap access. The design is an ima-
ginative albeit arbitrary interpretation
of the original building that stood on
the square (Reiterer 2009).
Rendering of the Church and the
Statue of Alexander the Great
Future area of the church: current situation at the Macedonia Square (march 2010)
The New Buildings
The renewed Officers` Club next to the
river will serve as a hotel, and a floor
will be adapted into a residence of the
mayor. Two historic looking hotels will
be built next to it, while one will be part
of the same complex with the Army
House. They will be separated by a
round decorative building, whose de-
sign is yet to be determined through a
competition.(Macededonian Informati-
on Centre 2010).h
THE OFFICERS CLUB
Old Officers Club New Officers Club
3modern post
193
The Museum Complex is not a strict-
ly architectonic reconstruction. The-
re was never a museum devoted to
the Macedonian Struggle. The ar-
chitecture does, however, reflect the
ornamental styles consistent with
(Re)construction, intending to re-
present a historical building whose
stature is somehow associated with
Macedonian culture. The Museum
Complex will house the Museum
of VMRO as well as the Museum
of the Victims of Communism and
will be located next to the new thea-
ter. The Ministry of Culture arranged
an architectural competition for the
museums design. It was the first
competition in 2007 for the new pl-
anned buildings by the government.
The jury consisted of 13 people. All
of them were members of the Minis-
try of Culture and the president was
included.
The Commission has stated that the
Ministry of Culture decided which of
these two designs should be selected
for building of the Museum Complex
(Commission for Public Procurement
(Ed.) 2007). Construction started in
2008.
Construction site of the Theater and the Museum Complex in march 2010
Rendering of the Museum Complex
The theater is one of the few projects
that is an official reconstruction. The
original was built during the SCS King-
dom and destroyed in 1963. It will be
in the same location as the old thea-
ter. The cornerstone was laid in 2007.
Jovan Stefanovski-Zan is the chief
architect of the project. According to
him, the buildings exterior and interior
will be consistent with the old theater.
The new theater, by contrast, will be
much larger and envisions a 756-seat
capacity for the main hall. An additio-
nal, smaller stage will have 236 seats
(Ministry of Culture (Ed.) 2010). Imita-
ting the ornamental exterior of the old
theater, however, merely reappropria-
tes the former SCS identity as Mace-
donian, using the theaters shell sym-
bolically (Reiterer 2009). Additionally
there is already a theater in Skopje.
This raises the questions of whether or
not this new theater is even necessa-
ry and what will happen to the current
one. Aside from the theater and Of-
ficers Quarters, the only other existing
building to be (Re)constructed is the
Parliament Building, which receives a
Neo-Classical facade.
Old Theater
Rendering of the Theater
THE THEATER
THE MUSEUM COMPLEX MACEDONIAN STRUGGLE
194
MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS
STATE ARCHIEVES, ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM AND CONSTITUTIONAL COURT
This administrative building is appro-
ximately 13,500 sqm and will cost
13.5 million Euros. The building will
be 29 meters high. Construction
started in January 2010 and should
be finished in June 2011 (Build.mk
(Ed.) 2010). The Ministry is also a
new (Re)construction.
This building has likewise never exis-
ted and is in a Neo-Classicistic style.
It will be located next to the Museum
Complex with the old Stone Bridge in
between. The building will be 13,510
sqm. Construction started in 2009
and is supposed to be realized by the
23rd of July 2011 (Build.mk (Ed.)
2009).
Construction site of the State Archieve in march 2010
Rendering of the Museum Complex
3modern post
195
HERE ARE TWO OF THE PLACE
MATS WE FOUND IN A RESTAU-
RANT, A PANORAMA OF THE
MACEDONIA SQUARE TODAY
AND IMAGES FROM THE OFFICIAL
SKOPJE 2014 VIDEO.
Panorama View of the planned Cit Center Skopje 2014
Macedonia Square today
Even the govermental building gets a
facelift; planned statues in the front Planned Triumph Arch without history
Govermental detailed plan of the buil-
dings (eastern side of the old bridge)
196
1
One type of monument is placed in
front of the parliament building. A va-
riety of ancient statues line up as if
they were standing in a museum or
in the front garden of a wealthy es-
tate, without any context. What is the
reason for placing these monuments,
looking like new old Greek statues?
2
The numerous bronze statues in the
city center are the result of a ques-
tionable art competition organized
by the city of Skopje. The statues are
placed along the main pedestrian way
running straight from the old station
to Macedonia Square. The fact is that
these monuments do not have a me-
aning for Skopje. They dont remind
the viewer of anything. As a result
they could have been placed any-
where else in the world. Furthermore
it is not clear whether these statues
should be called art or just a kind
of tool, perhaps of a political nature.
The competition itself could be called
into question: who determined the
winner?
3
The Millennium Cross is one of the
latest symbols of Skopje. It was built
and finished in 2002 by the Mace-
donian Orthodox Church in order to
celebrate 2000 years of Christianity
in the world and on Macedonian soil.
Because the Church was unable to
collect enough money for the con-
struction, the Macedonian Govern-
ment supported them with a dona-
tion of almost two million Euros. It
was constructed and placed on the
highest point on Vodno mountain,
a place known for centuries as a
place where a Cross exists. Most
of the time during Ottoman rule in
Macedonia, a small cross stood on
this spot. Turkish and local Macedo-
nians called it Krstovar (place with
a cross). The special thing about the
Millenium Cross is its visibility. It can
be seen from almost every point of
view in the city. At night it is illumi-
nated and appears like a holy cross
hovering above the city. Some peop-
le are fascinated about it, some think
it scary or spooky. But could it also
been interpreted as a provocation or
as an expression of disrespect to-
wards the Albanians, their religion
(mostly Muslim) and culture?
4
This sculpture is located next to the
University of Skopje and is rumored
to allegorize a hand grenade.
5
Miniature of a church located in the
middle of Magir Maalo. In Skopje
one can find several small churches
like this one, placed on small public
spaces as well as in front of normal
sized churches.
The current situation shows a diversity of statues in the city center of Skopje and, particulary to be noticed, a huge
monument called the Millenium Cross.
INPUT MONUMENTS
3modern post
197
1
2
3
4
5
198
CURRENT MONUMENTS IN THE
CITY CENTER
3modern post
199
200
Right now, as part of the Skopje
2014 project, the city of Skopje is
erecting new bronze statues to bring
back the old glitter to a city full of its
fair share of gray architecture from
the Communist era (Marusic 2010).
The project includes plans for at least
17 tall statues, all made in Italy. In
May 2010, two bronze statues of the
early 20th century Macedonian revo-
lutionaries Goce Delcev and Dame
Gruev, mounted on horses, were
erected in Skopjes main square. One
month later, a third statue, the marble
bust of the first president of the Anti-
Fascist Assembly of the National Li-
beration of Macedonia, was erected
at the same location. The bust of
Metodija Andonov Cento, together
with its stand, is some 7.5 meters
tall. Several planned elements attrac-
ted significant controversy from the
public, including the giant 22 meter
tall horse statue of the ancient war-
rior King Alexander the Great, which
many people considered to be over-
sized. (Marusic 2010)
As a result of this enormous monu-
ment-erecting-activity, the city cen-
ter of Skopje is becoming a conglo-
meration of statues and fountains.
They create an impression of despe-
ration in the shadows of the relicts
of communist urban structures. It
appears as if the government is att-
empting to create a glamorous and
modern image of the city by selec-
tively picking out every little questi-
onable piece of history-we-should-
be-proud-of and splicing it together
in the form of monuments at impor-
tant spots of the city.
Localisation of current and planned
sculptures in the City Center
The New Monuments
SKOPJE 2014
50m
250m
3modern post
201
Made in Italy
High quality bronze statues
Different sizes: up to 22m!
202
SKOPJE 2014: OPINIONS
Several NGOs and the opposition
have attempted public protests, ar-
guing the funds would be better
spend on fighting poverty (Trajkov
2010). Moreover they criticize the
non-transparent process of selecting
architects for the planned buildings
and monuments and that the project
will be too expensive for the state
(Nestoroska 2010).
The government and its licentious
planning and the symbolic meaning
of the buildings get criticized. The
former Foreign Minister Denko Ma-
levski, disclaims Skopje 2014, it
will raise the arguing with Greece
and it confronts the Macedonian and
the Albanian citizens. The minori-
ty of muslin citizens in Skopje feels
affronted, too. Because they dont
get considered, the project amplifies
the separation between the ethnics.
(Bachman 2010)
The (not involved) urban planners
and architects are outraged. The plan
to promote classical architecture was
frowned upon by Macedonias Asso-
ciation of Architects as being poorly
drafted against the current settings
of the city. They released a statement
in which they said that they would
not give up on as they call it their
Don Quixotian battle to improve the
opinions quality of the Skopje 2014
project, with the support of the Inter-
national Union of Architects. (Nesto-
roska 2010) The Association offered
to collaborate with the government
several times and proposes that all
elements of the Skopje 2014 pro-
ject which are intended to have a las-
ting impact be reevaluated. (Nesto-
roska 2010) The architect Grceveven
points out that the planned buildings
represent the architectural taste of
dictators and this kind of propaganda
makes it more difficult to become a
member of the EU (Bachman 2010).
The government-controlled newspa-
per SETimes published an article
by Goran Trajkov which said that the
goal is to enhance Skopjes appeal
and administrative functionality (Tra-
jkov 2010), so it is officially a project
to show the governments power.
The First Arhi (Architect) Brigade, an
informal group of young architects
and students from the Faculty of Ar-
chitecture, organized an exhibition
in the Cultural center called Skopje
28.03.-upgraded. This exhibition is
devoted to the First Architectural
Revolution (another source says it
was called The First Architectonical
Rebellion) when several hundred
people demonstrated against what
they considered to be usurpation of
public space, when the government
decided to built the Orthodox Church
on the main square on 28.03.2009.
But they were met by a much big-
ger group of protesters with oppo-
sing views and a clash ensued. As a
governmental reaction on this protest
Dont rape Skopje!
Metropolis! Not Necropolis!
3modern post
203
screaming in public got forbidden.
Now the demonstrators announce
their demands for more transparen-
cy in political decisions and freedom.
The exhibition contains student pro-
jects and other projects which are set
to be installed in various locations in
Skopje, something that the public has
not yet been informed about. (Nesto-
roska 2010) The protests against the
Orthodox church on the Macedonia
Square developed to continuative de-
mands to the government.
Prime Minister Nikola Gruevski ans-
wered that the new buildings will
eventually save money by reducing
rents that some agencies must pay.
Furthermore he brings the argument
that construction jobs are being
created. (Trajkov 2010) But there
are other supporters of this project,
too. What a surprise its most of the
people who benefit from Skopje
2014. One of the artists, Aleksandar
Stankovski said: In this case the go-
vernment represents the taste of the
citizens, who vote and thus make
an aesthetic choice. (Nestoroska,
2010) This statement is completely
void because it explains the decision
of esthetic issues with the election
result. It is quite strange to affirm
that in a democracy esthetic decis-
ions are made by an election. Other
artists say it is a kind of art revoluti-
on that there are so many sculptures
being built from different artists.
One of the responsible architects,
Vangel Bozinovski, said to a program
in Deutschlandfunk (German Radio
newschannel): I am proud. What
happens here is really unique and I
think it is justified because from an
architectural view we never had a
capital up to now (translation by
author). In a survey last March a ma-
jority of the Macedonian people vo-
ted against Skopje 2014 (Bach-
man 2010).
The scream by Matej Bogdanovski
(original by Edvard Munch)
The local Architect Grvev brought
the case to the Constitutional Court
in February this year. In July the
Macedonian Constitutional Court
ruled that many of the buildings and
monuments in the project Skopje
2014, were illegally included and
their construction must be halted.
The judges found that the Municipa-
lity Centar made decisions under a
shortened procedure and thus ne-
glected the provisions of the laws that
at that time did not allow for such an
abridged procedure. Ironically, one
of the unlawful buildings is the new
Constitutional Court itself and the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Amongst
other monuments, the giant statue of
Alexander the Great is problematic,
too. The Constitutional Judge told
the media that There is a formal
breach of the procedure which is un-
fortunately filled with politics. The
municipality now has two options,
either to tear down the problematic
buildings and monuments or to start
a new planning process that would
include several stages like drafting,
public debate and presentation (Ma-
rusic 2010).
But the government is not very in-
terested in this judgement, and the
construction works will go on, a spo-
kesman said. That is not the first time
the party VRMO-DPMNE shows it
takes no stock in the judgements of
the Constitutional Court (Bachmann
2010.
Legal Prescription
204
CONCLUSION
A project such as Skopje 2014 is
difficult to interpret. Any planning
and architectural project that sparks
protests of the kind seen in Skopje
deserves to be questioned. The re-
lationship between architecture and
identity is complicated and has long
been a subject of architectural theory.
One of the questions that naturally ari-
ses pertains to who is in control of ar-
chitecture and for what purposes they
are using it. It would seem fairly obvi-
ous in this case that the government
is controlling architecture for the sake
of (Re)creating a collective Macedo-
nian identity, using a Monumentalism
reappropriated from a shared Slavic
identity under the SCS Kingdom and
claiming it for their own.
The statues and monuments, the sub-
ject of the following section, are even
more questionable. Because they
often represent real historical figures
there is little symbolism left up to the
interpretation of the viewer. The sta-
tues are direct statements, claiming
this figure or that revolutionary as re-
presentatives of Macedonian history.
All that is certain about Skopje 2014
is that it is acting as a barrier to
Macedonias political future, fanning
the flames with Greece and preven-
ting Macedonia from entering the Eu-
ropean Union.
3modern post
205
KITSCH
206
Tendencies similar to those seen in
the governments (Re)construction
projects can also be found among
the building activities of private
homeowners.
At the end of the 1960s a new generati-
on of architects queried Modernisms
claim to represent the ultimate ad-
vance in sensibility and form; that
beyond it newness was not possible
(Welsch n.d., in Flagge; Schneider
2004: 33). They criticized Modern
architectures elitism (Jencks 1977,
in Flagge; Schneider 2004: 33). Di-
versity and Pluralism were to become
the basic principles of Post-Modern
architectural design. A Post-Modern
work is in and of itself pluralistic; it
fulfills contradictory expectations
(Flagge; Schneider 2004: 33) by
using contradictory design elements.
Post-Modernism is trying to get
over that elitism not by dropping it,
but rather by extending the langua-
ge of architecture in many different
ways into the vernacular, towards
tradition and the commercial slang of
the street (Jencks 1977, in Flagge;
Schneider 2004: 33).
Up until the downfall of Yugoslavia
Post-Modernism was unable to ex-
perience any major break through
in Skopje. Post-Modern characte-
ristics first began being introduced
only after Yugoslavian influence had
subsided. Even those elements that
resemble a Post-Modern aesthetic in
todays urban fabric in Skopje were
not purposefully created according
to a Post-Modernist philosophy.
Buildings fitting Post-Modernisms
description, however, could easily
be described as Kitsch. But what is
Kitsch? Kitsch describes a creation
of the individual that sets off a dispa-
rity between exterior form and interior
content. It is the attempt to externally
convey more than what could be
contained within a buildings walls.
A house, for example, could have a
facade like a palace and yet be fur-
nished with sale items from the five
and dime.
Kitsch, like so many other architec-
tonic trends, is a reaction against
that which preceded it. The domi-
nance of a Yugoslavian Modernism
often perceived as drab effected a
longing towards comfort and indivi-
duality among residents. Kitsch ent-
steht immer in Zeiten des Wertezer-
falls und der Auflsung festgefgter
Weltbilder (Kitsch arises in times
of diminishing values and the dis-
solution of established worldviews.
own translation; (Gelfert 2000: 126).
Democracy in Macedonia offered re-
sidents the opportunity to give form
to their own personal interpretations
of architecture. As a result a range
of influences create a hotchpotch
pattern in residential neighborhoods.
Favorite influences include historical
forms and American episodic televi-
sion.
Post-Modernism as well as Kitsch
is a move away from Modern
architectures claim to universal va-
lidity. Both place emphasis instead
on pluralism. But while Post-Moder-
nism remains a form for artists and
architects, Kitsch is the common
persons reaction to the elitism as-
sociated with Modernism (Flagge;
Schneider 2004: 34).
OVERVIEW
Kitsch as hotchpotch
3modern post
207
LOCATION
Kitsch elements on residential buil-
dings barely exist in the city core.
This style of architecture, howe-
ver, is beloved in heavily residential
neighborhoods. Kitsch architecture
is most likely to be found on infill
residential structures or where old
buildings have to make way for new
houses.
50m
250m
The demolition of old buildings creates space for the new architecture of Kitsch.
208
The majority of Kitsch houses are two
stories tall. Since Kitsch is generally a
product of private residents working
on their private home, houses have
to offer enough living space for the
family and be comfier and roomier
than traditional, single-story houses.
Building Height
50m
250m
MAPPING
3modern post
209
Because Kitsch is a relatively young
style of architecture, most of these
buildings are in a good state of re-
pair. Most Kitsch houses are built by
the individual, causing one to wonder
just how good the buildings mate-
rials are. An interesting question is
how these houses will look in a few
years.
State of Repair
50m
250m
210
The vast majority of the buildings
belonging to Kitsch are residential.
Kitsch buildings housing commer-
cial uses are rare.
Building Use
50m
250m
3modern post
211
Kitsch architecture in the Maalos is
purely residential and contains no
ground floor use. Otherwise the new
Kitsch constructions plan to house
shops and store fronts as much as
possible.
Ground Floor Use
QUANTITY
50m
250m
212
In 2009 a memorial house for Mo-
ther Teresa was built in the city cen-
ter. The memorial is in memory of
Skopjes most famous inhabitant,
who was born in Skopje in 1910 as
Agnese Gonxhe Bojaxhiu to Albanian
parents. She lived in Skopje for 18
years before joining a nunnery and
becoming famous for her humani-
tarian engagement. The proposal to
build a memorial house offered the
chance for international recognition.
The initiative of the government was
supported by the Vatican and the fol-
lowers of her order, and appreciated
by citizens no matter which ethnicity.
The Albanian nun is worshiped by
orthodox Macedonians as well as
Albanian inhabitants. (Pencic 2010)
The Ministry of Culture announced
the international competition for the
project. A Portuguese architect was
named winner. Nevertheless, the
government and the initiation com-
mittee decided to ignore the expert
opinion and arranged a new compe-
tition, choosing a design previously
commissioned from the local ar-
chitect Vangel Bozinovski.The cho-
sen design combines elements of a
typical Ottoman residential house, in
a seemingly Post-Modern style, with
a chapel and Indian design elements,
attempting to remind the viewer of
her life and work. (Oppeln 2009: 85)
But many architects wonder if the
result meets this intent. Erich Raith
from the Technical University of Vi-
enna said: The building is like so-
meone tastelessly dressed, arrayed
in gumboots, lace stockings, a bro-
cade skirt and a Chinese silk shirt, all
heavily accented with bling and what
appears to be a cosmonauts helmet.
It puts on everything at once. (Pen-
cic 2010)
But the grievous point of criticism
is that the design totally ignores any
architectural correlation with the life
and work of Mother Teresa. This is
a case of overloading the architec-
ture with meaning to point of losing
almost any and all meaning. The
original intent of representing the life
and contributions of Mother Teresa,
very simply, fails. The excessive
meaning imbued in the architectonic
representation is in effect the exact
opposite of the modest life Mother
Teresa chose in order to help others.
ARCHITECTURE
Mother Teresa House
The architect said in reference to
this building: The architecture with
its sculptures symbolize the digni-
ty, freedom, justice and struggle for
a higher quality life for all people on
planet Earth (Wego (Ed.) 2010).
Perhaps he was referring to the mi-
niature Statue of Liberty on the roof.
The relevance for Kitsch is immedi-
ately obvious. Here is a normal, re-
latively small hotel that has been as-
signed the weighty task of bringing
about world peace.
Ambassador Hotel
3modern post
213
SIMPLE RESIDENCES WITH THE
FACADE OF A PALACE AND DE-
CORATIVE ELEMENTS FROM THE
BUILDING SUPPLY STORE.
214
Kitsch architecture is decorated with ornamentation inspired by a diverse range of historical architectonic influences.
Behind the splendidly formed facade stands a mere cement skeleton no different from the ones found in Modernist
structures. Contrary to the image it is meant to portray, the exterior dcor is not built with expensive materials. Rat-
her the fancy facade is just a careful selection of cheap, mass-produced items from the local building supply.
Design Elements
3modern post
215
216
Those responsible for the heavily de-
corated buildings of Kitsch in Skopje
arent self-proclaimed artists. Their
colorful constructions, which stand
in stark contrast to the plain facades
of Yugoslavian Modernism, arent
meant to be political statements.
These are simple homeowners who
like to tinker, living true to the motto
my home is my castle. Their only
goal is make their dream home a re-
ality.
The path away from Modernism in
Skopje has given rise to a fairly ab-
surd situation. Kitsch has become
an architectural style that feels the
need for individual comfort. When
everything else in the outside world
is a mess, and an authoritarian state
ignores skyrocketing unemployment
and ethnic conflicts the last remai-
ning place to turn is either religion or
the private sphere. Kitsch has arisen
as a fulfillment of personal desires
and security. Although Kitsch is a
relatively prominent phenomenon in
Skopje it has limited ability to achie-
ve the private homeowners wish for
individuality. Post-Modernists, espe-
cially Francois Lyotard, pleaded for a
worthy Post-Modernism (Lyotard
1987, in Flagge; Schneider: 35),
which does not mix the different ar-
chitectural styles together until they
are no longer recognizable, but pre-
serves their heterogeneity (Flagge;
Schneider 2004: 35).
CONCLUSION
3modern post
217
DO-IT-YOURSELF
218
INFORMAL VS. ILLEGAL
Dealing with the topic of Informal sett-
lements and DIY Architecture first re-
quires an understanding of the terms
informal and illegal. References
to illegality refer mainly to conformity
with planning and construction norms
and, more importantly, to legal relati-
onships concerning property. The in-
formal nature of these developments
is associated with the lack of formal
urban plans and/ or building licen-
ses. Informalities are due to different
factors: inadequate spatial planning,
old and complex legislation, lack of
housing policy, and outdated public
administration structure. By contrast,
the new informal settlement formati-
on today is often driven by poverty
and social exclusion. (Tsenkova
2009: 2)
SOUTH-EAST EUROPEAN SETTLE-
MENTS
This phenomenon, not comparab-
le to slums in Asia, Africa or South
America, has evolved from different
historical circumstances and varies
in terms of standards (from slums to
luxurious residences), location (from
suburbs to city cores and protected
areas) and size (from several small
units to settlements for over 50,000
residents). One can identify four ma-
jor types of settlements in the post-
socialist countries of former Yugosla-
via: squatter settlements on public or
private land, settlements for refugees
and vulnerable people, upgraded
squatter settlements and illegal sub-
urban subdivisions on private or pub-
lic land. (Tsenkova 2009: 3)
Squatter settlements were establis-
hed in the 1970s and 1980s (in Alba-
nia in the early 1990s). They consist
of squatter housing that was usually
built by the squatters themselves on
illegally occupied land. The settle-
ments are primarily the result of rapid
movement to cities due to migrati-
on, changes in the urban economy
or the result of a gradual process of
occupation and incremental growth.
Located in peri-urban areas and on
public or private land, the settlements
have grown to become municipalities
in their own right, housing hundreds
of thousands of people. Today their
scale presents a severe problem. In
Macedonia they are home to 11 per-
cent of the population in the 14 largest
cities. (Tsenkova 2009: 3 et seq.)
The so called upgraded squatter
settlements started as squatter sett-
lements and evolved over time into
more established neighborhoods.
Skopje, for example, has 27 illegally
constructed neighborhoods dating
back to the earthquake in 1963. They
vary in terms of their legal status.
Most began with an illegal occupation
of land and slowly gained formal, le-
gal recognition and title over the land
(e.g. in Serbia and Macedonia). Over
time, de facto legality is recognized in
the fact that the settlements are not
demolished and some infrastructure
has been provided. There are cases
where these settlements are included
in the new master plans of cities, re-
cognizing their alternative develop-
ment standards. This has enabled
some of the more established sett-
lements to develop rapidly, with re-
sidents investing in their homes and
improving the local environment.
The upgraded settlements are often
vibrant neighborhoods with a viable
INPUT INFORMAL SETTLEMENTS
In the western Balkans, the collapse of the socialist economic system in Yugoslavia and Albania has given rise to
extensive informal building activity that represents a new form of urbanization. The situation in South Eastern Europe
is prototypical for urban development in transitional and post-conflict situations, from Prishtina to Belgrade, where
weak or missing institutional structures make it impossible to achieve the regulation of construction processes.
(Vckler 2008)
In South-East Europe
Slums & informal housing in Belgrade
3modern post
219
In Skopje five major types of infor-
mal housing developments can be
identified:
Squatter settlements and upgraded
squatter settlements: Most of them
were illegally constructed after the
earthquake in 1963, since many
people lost their home. Some of the
settlements date back to the 1970s
and 1980s, when thousands of re-
fugees and migrants (for political
and economical reasons) moved to
Skopje.
Settlements for the wealthy: The cur-
rent development includes the cons-
truction of small settlements mostly
situated in the peripheries of Skopje.
Zlokukjani, a settlement in Karpos,
has a gated entrance but an informal
status, as official permission to build
there was never given.
Roma Settlements: The Roma seem
to be the poorest ethnic group in
Skopje, and they are not integrated
into the society. Skopje contains the
biggest Roma settlement in Europe -
Shutka/ Shuto Orizari. The housing
conditions are mostly very poor.
Many people live in shanties, some
in the left-over containers originally
brought from the USA as tempora-
ry homes after the earthquake. But
since there are a lot of aid organiza-
tions, the situation improves slowly
and some of the houses are even
renovated.
Furthermore, due to the high number
of very poor people, there are a lot
of individual informal housing units
thrown up by poor people searching
for a place to live. Many build self-
constructed shacks in between va-
cant buildings or live in the vacant
buildings themselves in the city cen-
ter as provisional homes.
As described detailed in Chapter I,
Maalos also comprise informal sett-
lements. After the earthquake and the
new Master plan for Skopje, some of
the oldest neighborhoods of the city
lost their official status. Consequent-
ly, a lot of inhabitants waited and
continue to wait for a plan, hesitant
to invest in their houses. The current
situation shows that a few people
still build new houses or renovate
the old ones, even without permis-
sion. Many residents live in houses
without toilets. Electricity is rare and
some dont even have water.
In Skopje
rental and home ownership market.
(Tsenkova 2009: 6)
Some of the informal settlements in
the region are not necessarily poor
quality, under-serviced housing are-
as. Residents in these settlements of-
ten have a title for the land, however
the housing is built without a planning
and/or building permit. Unauthorized
land developments or illegal subdivi-
sions are widespread on the fringes
of cities in South East Europe from
Serbia to Bosnia and Herzegovina. Il-
legal subdivisions refer to settlements
where agricultural land has been sub-
divided and sold by its legal owner to
people who build their own houses.
Rapid growth of informal housing in
peri-urban Pristina, Kosovo
View on Shutka
220
Vacant building in the inner city of
Skopje used by Roma as provisional
homes
3modern post
221
222
Do-it-yourself (DIY) came up in the
1950s in England and can be defined
as a culture of amateurs. The practi-
tioners of DIY believe in themselves
and their power to change something.
The DIY movement of the 1960s and
1970s is characterized by a belief in
self-empowerment, self-organisati-
on, improvisation, initiative and often
a distrust of established authority.
(Wikipedia (Ed.) 2010)
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE
DIY, or Architecture without Architects
(Rudofsky 1964), can be observed all
over the world. Architecturally, DIY re-
fers to those self-made homes that
are characterized by their imperfec-
tion. The portfolio ranges from deta-
ched houses in garden plots, slums
and Favelas, Roma settlements in
South-East Europe, Blue Boxes in
Japan, shacks in South Africa, con-
tainers, or even Hippies and Trailer-
parks, just to point out a few examp-
les. These creative improvisations
can be identified as a general phe-
nomenon of our time and of our built
environment.
A distinction has to be drawn between
improvisations within the culture of
amateurs; where is DIY an experi-
mental hobby, and where does im-
provisation arise out of necessity? In
poor countries DIY is a necessity that
often provides the only possibility to
survive. The manual work for an own
and independent home seems like the
first step to freedom and escape.
PROVISIONAL VS. IMPROVISATION
A provisional solution is not really a
solution but an interim arrangement
that will be replaced soon. Thus it
refers to the future. Improvisation on
the other hand refers to its develop-
ments or origins, thus to the past.
The design follows the function or
the necessity of solving a problem.
The urgency of production and the
lack of suitable materials can be
clearly observed. Solutions are often
very surprising and simple, but for
fear of banality most people hesitate
to implement them.
The several years have given rise
to a curiosity among designers and
planners about the aesthetics of im-
perfection. Unfinished, raw and im-
provised objects or solutions peek
interests and sometimes even give
the impression of beauty. Our society
seems to be influenced by the phe-
nomenon of imperfection and disco-
vers the charm and visual attraction
of those constructions. They are no
longer regarded with pity, but as a
spirited architecture and source of
inspiration. But why do only profes-
sional designers or planners feel this
attraction about the Non-design?
What do non-professionals think
about it? What does the improvisati-
on show and what can designers or
planners learn from this phenome-
non?
One important reason for our at-
traction to the unfinished is our own
relationship to the building process.
Improvised structures contain visible
clues as to their purpose. The viewer
is able to recognize the circumstan-
ces that led to the structures creati-
on. For a planner or designer this is
her or his language, just as equations
are the language of mathematicians.
Our interest in improvised structures
rests in the process that created such
structures. Viewing informal housing
or elements we recognize them as
the solutions to a problem (Hussain
2005).
OVERVIEW
Theory
Favela Housing in Sao Paulo, Brazil
Arbor in Leipzig, Germany
3modern post
223
The movement of DIY can be applied
to the general state of architecture
both in Skopje and the Balkans in
general. People try to fix their apart-
ments by changing windows, or by
painting their part of the facade.
Moreover additions of balconies or
entire new apartments on rooftops
can be observed. People do this on
their own (or sometimes with the
help of a company) and without any
permission. For them, its a normal
process.
What is the reason for this urban
development that can be recognized
in Skopje, as well as in other Balkan
countries? Is it an expression of mis-
sing individuality after a long period
of Socialism with its bland, similar-
looking residential buildings? Or is it
just a result of a disfunctional hou-
sing system?
The responses from Skopje resi-
dents reveal that self-modificiations,
such as balconies, are not at all a
result of missing individuality. If re-
sidents felt the need for individuality,
they would have called an architect.
The motivation for DIY has its origins
somewhere else. The reason for this
architectural phenomenon is the fact
that there are no regulations or ru-
les, defining who is responsible for
the house and its apartments. Or
maybe there are rules, but nobody
cares about them. Consequently,
people who own an apartment start
to TOP, ADD and FIX out of practi-
cal reasons. By adding balconies or
topping roofs, they pay less money
than they would pay per sqm. Fur-
thermore nobody cares when they
destroy the facade, no matter how
ugly or pretty the building is. The
same issue is present in the city
center where numerous adds on
beautiful old houses can be seen.
As a result, the DIY-phenomenon
in Skopje can be interpreted as an
expression of the lack regulations in
the housing system. This is not an
abnormality, but a typical process in
Balkan countries.
Praxis
P
R
I
N
C
I
P
L
E
S
TOP - I T
FI X - I T
ADD - I T
=
=
=
+
+
+
ARCHITECTURE
224
TOP - I T
3modern post
225
226
ADD - I T
3modern post
227
228
FI X - I T
3modern post
229
230
SKOPJE FULL OF TOP, ADD AND
FIX IT ELEMENTS
3modern post
231
In Amsterdam, architects MVRDV
designed the WoZoCo Apartments
for Elderly People (1994-97). The
complex is somehow reminiscent
of the ADD-IT buildings in Skopje.
Both examples share a common,
basic house design that is very sim-
ple. The only physical differences
appear to be the arrangement of
the balconies and apartment units.
However the motivations behind the
Skopje phenomenon and the WoZo-
Co Apartments seem slightly diffe-
rent. The Balkan style is a result of
private building activity reacting to
the lack regulations in the housing
system. At first sight the hanging
houses of Amsterdam appear as
pure architectural design that tries
to individualize the buildings. But ac-
tually MVRDV designed the building
under conditions that forced them
to improvise. WoZoCos Apartments
were supposed to provide 100 units
in an area of Amsterdam threatened
with the loss of green space due to
a large increase in density. As a re-
sult of zoning regulations regarding
adequate day lighting in apartments,
only 87 of the 100 units could fit the
restricted footprint. The architects
turned this problem into a design:
to respect the open space on the rest
of the site, the remaining units were
cantilevered on to the north facade.
MVRDVs solution is indicative of
the firms ability to create original
designs through practical considera-
tions. (Hill 1999)
DIY and the DIY-Look (except the
hobby-activities of the wealthy) can
be seen as a tool to solve problems
of a different kind. In Amsterdam the
architectural design was generated
by an obstacle to the designs im-
plementation, resulting in the need to
improvise. In Skopje DIY is a practi-
cal solution for the partly suboptimal
housing conditions, e.g. a lack of
apartments, bad state of repair, etc.
Hence, residents try to improve their
housing quality by top, add and fix on
their own.
A COMPARISON
WoZoco Apartments in Amsterdam (MVRDV)
Appartment house in Skopje with ad-
ded balconies or even living rooms.
232
CONCLUSION
The beauty of primitive architecture has often been dismissed as accidental, but today we recognize in it an art
form that has resulted from human intelligence applied to uniquely human modes of life. [] The philosophy and
practical knowledge of the untutored builders can be seen as untapped sources of inspiration for industrial man
trapped in his chaotic cities. The wisdom to be derived from them goes beyond economic and esthetical (sic.)
considerations and touches the far tougher problem of how to live and let live, of how to keep peace with ones
neighbors in the parochial sense and in the universal one as well. (Rudofsky 1964)
Skopje is marked by a wide range
of informal and partly illegal hou-
sing developments. As described at
the beginning, many squatter sett-
lements, dating back to the earth-
quake and the time of migration, can
be identified as well as poor Roma
settlements or informal communities
for the wealthy. These are informal
developments on a large scale, com-
prising whole neighborhoods. At the
same time a culture of informal (so-
metimes illegal) activities on a smal-
ler, individual scale can be observed.
Those who live in an apartment, or
even own a house, top, add and fix
to improve their quality of life. Sum-
ming up these developments shows
that Skopje faces huge problems,
and it seems like the municipalities
are overextended with them.
For us, as German urbanists, DIY ar-
chitecture has a particular attraction.
Its something we cannot find in Ger-
many, or at least, not to such an ex-
treme. Germans are used to building
permits, regulations and strict rules.
Everything, with few exceptions, is
regulated. If, for example, a window
is broken, the housing company tries
to fix the problem in a way that it
fits with the rest of the architecture.
When we see this colorful diversity
of windows, balconies and facades
mixed in one building, the wow-ef-
fect is inevitable. In general, the aes-
thetic of imperfection, the unfinished
and improvised architecture that can
be seen in Skopje and other Balkan
cities, as well as all over the globe,
attracts increasing attention from ar-
chitects and designers. What does it
mean and how can it influence the
future development of the city? Can
it be seen as a chance for Skopje
(and other cities) to learn from DIY-
activities?
The reality of private building activi-
ties points to missing regulations
and to a serious deficit in the field
of urban planning. The influence of
political interest, more than anything
else, plays a decisive role. It could
be a vision that the municipality of
Skopje, architects, urbanists and po-
liticians will become inspired by cur-
rent DIY developments. They should
take a look at what untutored buil-
ders create to face the real and ur-
gent housing problems.
3modern post
233
GLOBALIZED ARCHITECTURE
234
After the collapse of Yugoslavia
Macedonias market opened up to
international business interests. The
objective was to attract foreign inves-
tors at any price in order to bring mo-
ney into the country. Invest Mace-
donia, for example, is a government
program providing economic incenti-
ves such as hefty tax breaks.
Investors invited by the Macedoni-
an government are often given free
range within the country. Aside from
bringing economic influence, their
presence also leaves its mark on ar-
chitecture, creating an array of blue
glass facades replicated around the
globe as symbols of financial power.
In the following section we explore an
phenomenon in Skopje weve termed
Global Architecture. Contrary to the
rest of this atlas, what makes Glo-
bal Architecture interesting is that its
not merely a trend in Skopje. Global
Architecture is a phenomenon that
places Skopje in an international con-
text. What weve described as Global
Architecture in Skopje could just as
easily be found in any business or fi-
nancial district the world over.
Of course, its not the first time in
history, that an architectural style
influenced cityscapes all over the
world. The Roman Empire, for ex-
ample, spread Antiquity architecture
throughout their dominion, delineating
their territory. Certainly times have
changed, but using architecture as a
demonstration of power remains an
important motive of building activity.
Another example is the International
Style of Modernism: As the name
implies, the inherent philosophy is
not to create site-specific, but rather
international designs, which were re-
alized all around the world.
Today pressures to globalize ar-
chitecture primarily spring from two
sources: the culture of commerce
and the culture of design. (Lewis
2002)
The global culture of design is sup-
ported by worldwide interconnec-
tedness. Investments, information
and ideas, including design trends,
spread all over the globe, just as in
the field of architecture. Pictures of
imposing, newly constructed buil-
dings go around the world and in-
fluence architects irregardless of lo-
cation. With fabulous photographs
in slick magazines and professional
journals, trend-conscious designers
can scan and span the globe, sha-
ring high-style concepts rendered in
stylish materials. Glass, aluminum,
stainless steel, copper, titanium and
natural stone are readily available. If
they cant be acquired locally, they
can be imported. (Lewis 2002)
Once this would have been prohi-
bitively expensive, but nowadays
transport costs are affordable. This
culture of design, which is a dri-
ving force for Globalized Architec-
ture - or New International Style
architecture is not a contemporary
emerging phenomenon, but was a
driving force for previous internati-
onal influential trends in architecture
as well.
Even if globalization has changed the
circumstances influencing building
activity (such as increasing world-
wide networks and the international
exchange of ideas via media and
internet), architects have always
been inspired by the ideas of other
architects.
Characteristic for contemporary Glo-
balized Architecture, which is main-
ly financed by investors operating
worldwide, is more than for previ-
ous international styles the culture
of commerce. There is not only a
worldwide flow of ideas and buil-
ding materials, but of money as well.
The global culture of commerce,
which is inspiring global investors,
is driven by changing consumer ex-
pectations, market opportunities and
business agendas. Their architec-
tural manifestations include iconic,
skyscraping banking towers as a
symbol of the power of a company
or a city, as well as chains of stan-
dardized hotels and franchise restau-
rants and shopping malls full of []
familiar name-brand stores (Lewis
2002) to satisfy the demand for co-
veted consumer goods of internatio-
nal brands.
OVERVIEW
3modern post
235
A country like Macedonia with little fi-
nancial strength is especially depen-
dent on attracting foreign investors.
For this purpose the Macedonian
government even implemented the
campaign Invest Macedonia, inclu-
ding free-trade laws and taxes which
are among the lowest in Europe. (In-
vest Macedonia (Ed.) 2008: 4)
Even if Macedonia is a relatively un-
explored real estate investment loca-
tion, there are several new projects
in the city center of Skopje and even
more under construction.
LOCATION
Globalized Architecture is only loca-
ted south of the river Vardar. Objects
of this category are spread over the
city. A concentration can be found in
the city core western of the Mace-
donia Square. In the following this
area will be referred to Business
district.
Global investors spread a new architec-
ture of commerce across the globe,
often without taking into account local
structures.
50m
250m
236
Buildings of Globalized Architecture
consist mainly of four to six levels.
Especially in the city core some
houses are even higher with seven to
ten levels.
Building Height
50m
250m
MAPPING
3modern post
237
Buildings of this contemporary ar-
chitectural style are newly built or
under construction.
State of Repair
50m
250m
238
The buildings are mainly built for busi-
ness purpose, sporadicly for residen-
tial use.
Building Use
50m
250m
3modern post
239
Half the buildings have ground floor
use with supply function. It is striking
that there is no supply in the ground
floors in the Business District.
Ground Floor Use
QUANTITY
50m
250m
240
Globalized Architecture is an architec-
ture belonging to the economic sector.
It is built by companies that want to
establish themselves in international
markets and by cities competing for
advantage in the globalized economy.
As a result, iconic, imposing buildings
become symbols representing the po-
wer of a company or a city. The typi-
cal results are large, solitary buildings
with reflective glass facades. Expensi-
ve materials such as marble are used
as a sign of status.
ARCHITECTURE
Monumentality
Cities around the world appear to look
more and more similar. Even Skopje
conforms. Hotel chains, restaurant
franchises and shopping malls are
full of familiar name-brands. Big-box
stores and franchises bring more
than just a standardized product-
line with them. Their standardized
architecture is also found in Skopje,
and the inhabitants appreciate the
increasing availability of internatio-
nal brands.
Worldwide Known Brands
3modern post
241
242
SHOPPING CENTER
BACKGROUND
The first shopping centers were built
in the USA in the early 1920s. Be-
ginning in the 1960s they made their
way to Europe and had spread to non-
industrial countries by the 1980s. The
last few years have seen a boom in
shopping center construction world
wide. Increasing globalization is one
influential factor.
International trade along with the po-
pularity of outsourcing among the in-
dustry and service sectors have pro-
vided inhabitants of some developing
countries with steady employment
and driven the urbanization process in
those countries. As a result, incomes
and purchasing power have incre-
ased. Products which were previously
affordable for only a scant few have
turned into products consumed by
the masses. International chain stores
demand attractive locations for their
stores. These demands often cant be
met by the informal and decentralized
retail structures that exist in many
countries. Particularly in these coun-
tries, therefore, shopping centers offer
the cleanliness and security sought
after by both consumers and store
owners. (Hahn 2010: 15 et seqq.)
THE SITUATION IN SKOPJE
Skopjes first shopping center was
built in the 60s according to plans by
Kenzo Tange. The concept revolutio-
nized retail and offered an alternative
50m
250m
Ramstore Mall
3modern post
243
to the Bazaar and pedestrian malls.
Today the shopping center concept is
again becoming popular. New shop-
ping centers are currently being built
in various locations through the city.
RAMSTORE
Ramstore is the first shopping mall
of global standards in Macedonia and
wider in the region announces the
homepage of the company. Ramsto-
re Mall Skopje is part of the Turkish
Ramstore chain, which has more than
500 shopping centers in e.g. Turkey,
Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, and
Bulgaria.
The recently built shopping center is
located near the center of Skopje with
a total area of 24,000 sqm and fitting
and satisfying all customers tastes,
needs and budgets. (Ramstore Mall
(Ed.) 2008) On the facade of the lar-
ge solitary building Ramstore Mall
is written in huge letters and a glassy
portal draws the focus of the passers-
by to the malls entrance.
VERO
Vero Mall, a second shopping center
close to the city center of Skopje, is
currently under construction. The
investor is the large retail group Ver-
opoulos, based in Greece. Veropoulis
was founded in the 1960s when it
opened its first supermarket. Suppor-
ted by the German SPAR company,
VERO evolved into a supermarket
chain, that today has stores in Gree-
ce, Macedonia and Serbia.
The first VERO in Skopje opened
in 1997 after the independence of
Macedonia. From the very beginning
Vero brings new trends and a different
way of shopping in accordance with
European standards and working me-
thods. (Vero (Ed.) n.d.) Nowadays
Veropulos is one of the biggest for-
eign investors in Macedonia.
The shopping center will be enormous,
with a tinted glass facade inviting the
consumer in to a shopping experience
in the most modern of settings.
Vero Mall
244
In the past residential buildings and
apartments were refurbished into
business facilities. This left very few
available office buildings that were
actually built to house offices. Additi-
onally the majority of those business
facilities were built during Socialism
and therefore dont meet modern
business needs. In view of increa-
sing globalization and rising demand,
this deficit offers many opportunities
to investors. (Invest Macedonia (Ed.)
2008: 10) At the moment the office
district in Skopje is centrally located
just west of the Macedonian Square
along the River Vardar. This Busi-
ness District consists of a cluster
of pompous, mirrored glass office
buildings housing the regional head-
quarters of companies such as the
German Telekom.
BUSINESS DISTRICT
50m
250m
3modern post
245
A country like Macedonia with little
financial strength is especially de-
pendent on attracting foreign inves-
tors. Therefore Skopje endeavors to
conform its urban image into that of
an established metropolis. Business
and shopping centers are growing at
central locations in the city.
Globalized Architecture, just like Mo-
dernism, can be described as an In-
ternational Style. However, contrary
to Modernisms underlying socia-
list ideals Globalized Architecture is
based on the interests of international
markets. And while functionality was
the basis of Modernist philosophy,
competition and prestige lie in the fo-
reground of Globalized Architectures
culture of commerce. The result,
however, is an architecture insensiti-
ve to context; Skopjes hot summers
and environmentally unfriendly glass
facades, for example. Even still, the
globalization of architecture and of
an image of urbanity seem to be not
only progressing but receiving politi-
cal support in Skopje.
CONCLUSION
246
POST MODERN CONCLUSION
Skopjes uncertain and unstable past
can be seen today, expressed in the
city`s architecture. Independence in
1991 led to great uncertainties. Both
the origin of the Macedonian people
as well as their identity were called
into question. Disputes over the legiti-
macy of the language, the sovereignty
of the Macedonian Orthodox Church,
the countrys name, its borders and
claims to the lineage of Alexander
the Great have driven the desperate
search for a national identity. Simul-
taneously Macedonia must put aside
these very uncertainties in order to
prove it is an international, modern
country in spite of any economic wea-
kness. But while the populace longs
for the stability, security and comforts
associated with a modern society, the
government remains focused on (Re)
constructing the Macedonian identity.
These varying desires, goals and con-
ditions mirror themselves in Skopjes
contemporary architectural trends.
The following presents the various ac-
tors responsible for the architectonic
situation in Skopje: the government,
the investors and the citizenry.
The government uses the populations
need for a national identity as a po-
litical instrument. The Neo-Classic
constructs sprouting up along the Ri-
ver Vardar are meant as symbols of
Macedonian achievement and iden-
tity but serve in reality to (Re)const-
ruct and idealize Macedonias histo-
ry. Accordingly, Alexander the Great
and the period of Slavic unity under
the SCS Kingdom seem to form the
basis for this project. The Macedo-
nian government is focused solely
on implementing Skopje 2014,
evidenced by the lack of regular in-
frastructure maintenance and total
disregard for the social well-being of
the residents. Likewise, the projects
open provocation of the dispute with
Greece puts Macedonias entrance
into the EU at risk.
Selective interpretation of Macedo-
nias history also means other eras
in the citys past are negated or igno-
red. Ottoman buildings and even en-
tire elements of Islamic urban form
such as the Maalos are left to fall
into decay, despite the fact that the
Ottomans constitute the longest con-
tinuous presence in Skopjes past.
The emphasis on the Macedonian
Orthodox Church likewise ignores
not only the citys Muslim past but
more importantly the ethnic Albanian
population in Skopje, the majority of
which are practicing Muslim.
Foreign investors, invited on behalf
of the government, provide an ad-
ditional influence on Skopjes citys-
cape. They represent Skopjes intent
to grow financially into an internati-
onal player. Investors demand high
standards unable to be met by the
remnants of Yugoslavian Moder-
nism, leaving Modernism to slowly
whither while Globalized Architecture
spreads. But Globalized Architecture
also presents an interesting contrast
to Skopje 2014. The glass facades
and their multinational conglomera-
tes signify economic progress and
a metropolitan character. Compara-
tively the Neo-Classic Macedonian
identity being (Re)constructed strikes
the viewer as somewhat stagnant.
The citizenry rounds out our list of
Skopjes major architectonic trend-
setters. Skopjes inhabitants have
somehow been left in the dust by
each of the citys architectural in-
fluences since the Ottomans. They
found themselves in the literal dust
of the SCS Kingdom after the earth-
quake in 1963 and in the dust of
Modernism after Kenzo Tanges plan
was unable to be fully implemented.
Even today theyre covered in the
dust of (Re)construction and Glo-
bal Architectures construction si-
tes. Due to structural deficiencies in
the governments planning process
and because not one of these mo-
vements has ever been able to fully
speak to the residents and help them
realize their dream built environment,
3modern post
247
Skopjes citizenry has taken matters
into its own hands, forming a DIY
mentality and developing Kitsch to fill
in the gaps in Skopjes urban fabric.
(Re)construction, Kitsch and Globa-
lized Architecture are all signs of the
increasing plurality in architecture
since Macedonia gained indepen-
dence in 1991. The city has slowly
turned away from Modernism and
allowed the new architectural plura-
lity to dominate contemporary urban
design. Despite their common factor
as anti-Modern, current trends do
not only form a contrast to Moder-
nism. (Re)construction, Kitsch and
Globalized Architecture contrast in-
ternally, alternately representing nati-
onalist desire caught in time, interna-
tional cosmopolitanism struggling to
secure a future and the individuals
aspirations for a refuge from it all.
These current trends contribute to a
city fabric that cannot be perceived
as a single unit. Everybody does what
she or he wants to do and an overall
plan for Skopje is conspicuously ab-
sent. In addition to the lack of a com-
mon goal there is something else
missing. The government is reactio-
nary and looks backwards for ans-
wers. Discussions of practical issu-
es such as reducing CO2 emissions
or increasing energy efficiency do
not take place. The overall impressi-
on is that everything revolves around
political power instead of sustainable
planning for the Macedonian people.
248
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INTRODUCTION
Our work up to this point has dealt pri-
marily with individual eras in Skopjes
history, both from a city planning as
well as architectonic perspective. We
have tried to pay particular atten-
tion to the political framework within
each era in order to understand the
political influences on and secon-
dary uses for the architecture and
urban forms that weve encountered
along the way. Therefore, the overall
intention has never been to recreate
Skopje as it would have looked du-
ring its various stages. Rather this
atlas attempts to understand the ex-
treme contrasts and relationships in
present-day Skopje and the roll of
the architectonic legacy and urban
planning history that have been left
behind.
Looking at these political influences
from todays perspective we can
begin to understand elements of the
current planning agenda. The fol-
lowing time line summarizes what
weve found to be the most influenti-
al characters in shaping current city
planning tendencies in Skopje.
Alexander the Great represents the
original Macedonians, a people who-
se territory included much of what
is today Greece. For this reason he
is also a very controversial figure,
with both Macedonia and Greece
in a political battle over his lega-
cy. Most of the (Re)constructionist
buildings currently being thrown up
by the Macedonian government are
meant to represent a Neo-Classical
architecture that is in some way as-
sociated with the greatness of their
Macedonian hero.
The Ottoman Empires 500-year rule
over Skopje contributes to an unde-
niable Islamic and Oriental influence
that is particularly noticeable on the
north bank of the river Vardar. The
Old Bazaar, dealt with extensively in
Chapter One, represents the most
obvious manifestation of this cultural
legacy. Even though the Ottomans
were in Skopje until around 1910 this
influential element in Skopjes history
is not only ignored but, as mentioned
previously, being systematically co-
vered up by the new frenzy of (Re)
constructionism.
The Maalos, the neighborhood struc-
ture in Islamic urban form, are suf-
fering a similar fate as that of the
Bazaar. Since the Tange Plan didnt
foresee their adaptation into the soci-
alist, Modernist future of Skopje they
are essentially illegal. As indicated by
the current administration the Maalos
remain, as a symbol of an unwanted
history, a relatively low priority.
The Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and
Slovenes represented the beginning
of the union of Southern Slavic na-
tions. It was, in effect, a young Yu-
goslavia. European trained Serbian
city planners and architects laid the
foundations for Skopjes current ur-
ban street structure. The linear city
blocks found on the southern bank of
the River Vardar are a direct result of
formal Serbian planning principles.
Building on the blocks perimeter,
allowing for interior courtyards rin-
ged mostly by residential buildings,
is likewise a result of Serbian as well
as Croatian planners during the early
phases of Yugoslavian Modernism.
In 1945 the founding of the Federal
Peoples Republic of Yugoslavia, un-
der the leadership of General Josip
Broz Tito helped bring the Yugos-
lav nations into a global context.
Tito, by breaking from the Soviet
Communists, saw in Yugoslavia the
possibility for a modern Slavic state
representing a Slavic society. Serbi-
an and Croatian architects worked
to develop Yugoslavian Modernism.
The 1963-earthquake in Skopje pre-
sented the chance to fully redevelop
and mold the city according to inter-
national trends in Modernism. At the
same time the earthquake provided
Skopje the opportunity to present
itself, both politically and architectu-
rally, as a leading example of a Soci-
alist Utopia. Kenzo Tanges resulting
Timeline
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plan remains only partially realized
and can be seen today embodied
mainly in the City Wall discussed in
Chapter Two. Tanges Plan is view-
ed by many Macedonians as foreign
and disrespectful of the needs of
Macedonians. In this sense Tange
represents a second undesired Ori-
ental influence and the remnants of
this Socialist Vision are slowly being
negated by the attempts of todays
Vision, Skopje 2014, to facilitate a
collective Macedonian identity. The
similarities of these two Visions are
discussed later in this chapter.
Macedonia split peacefully from Yu-
goslavia in 1991 and became, for the
first time since Alexander the Great,
an independent nation. The continual
power shifts in Macedonia, however,
never allowed for the development of
a strong Macedonian identity. There-
fore the separation from Yugoslavia
and the resulting loss of a Yugoslav
identity left a vast hole that needed
to be filled. This search for an identi-
ty, coupled with an unwillingness to
recognize the many minorities living
in Macedonia, has allowed a govern-
ment with nationalist tendencies to
use the longing for a Macedonian
identity for a Macedonian people
as a political instrument, propelling
themselves into power and paving
the way for the reconstruction of a
collective history, the legitimacy of
which could easily be called into
question. Skopje 2014, as discussed
in Chapter Three, architecturally em-
bodies this (Re)construction and is
the dominant factor working two-fold
to bind the historically-favored peri-
ods of Alexander the Great and the
SCS Kingdom while at the same time
shutting out and making illegitimate
the Ottoman and Islamic traces in
Skopje now associated with the Al-
banian and Muslim minority.
Simultaneously influencing the cur-
rent architectonic face of Skopje are
the burgeoning Kitsch buildings of
a rising Slavic Macedonian middle
class and the Globalized Architecture
of private investors. Both tenden-
cies serve as infill for the holes left
in Skopjes city blocks either by the
earthquake of 1963 or by the delibe-
rate disinvestment by the Macedoni-
an government in existing Modernist
buildings. Separating this current
trend from others, however, is the
involvement of the individual Mace-
donian. Instead of a political regime
carrying out its agenda, Kitsch is an
expression of the people of Skopje
searching for their own individual
identities. Globalized Architecture
is likewise a result of an individual
investors efforts, as Skopje seeks
to open its markets to international
funding.
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MAPPING IN COMPARISON
The following analysis seeks to establish connections between the individual eras weve mapped in Skopje and uses
the above time line as a jump-off point for drawing comparisons and contrasts across the entire study area. Weve
broken our analysis into two parts. In the first section we use mapping data gathered in Skopje to provide an objecti-
ve look at the architectonic relationships between eras. Afterwards we take a more subjective approach to the study
area, attempting to visually realize and describe development patterns, similarities and contrasts across all eras.
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Modernism accounts for the largest
amount of buildings in Skopje. How-
ever, without thinking about the blue
colors meaning a first glance could
tell quite a different story. The urban
structure of the investigated area re-
minds one of old city centers similar
to other European cities. This is due
to the City Wall, a singular monu-
ment that combines Modern ideas
with elements of an earlier period.
But was it actually an element of an
earlier period in Skopje or a typical
Macedonian edifice? Kale fortress
indeed has and had a battlement.
However, the shape of the City Wall
rather resembles a bastion, an ele-
ment of fortification invented in Italy.
Interestingly Tanges creation enc-
loses the perimeter structures in the
city center. Usually it was the other
way round. In the course of urban
expansions in the 19th and early
20th century, blocks of that type
were built outside the old city wall.
The large Modern structures and
houses are a stark contrast to the
small-scaled Bazaar and Maalos.
Their origin is different as well. In a
manner of speaking the different ty-
pes of architecture in Skopje reflect
the evolution of town planning. The
oldest quarter, the Bazaar, was built
without anything even resembling an
urban plan. The Maalos represent the
next stage. Some of them, like the Old
Bazaar, just came into being. Others
however, were erected following a
certain pattern. Serbian Block Struc-
ture results from deliberate plans, a
fact clearly visible in the linear hou-
ses and streets. One of the most
important ideas of Modernism was
the demand for an overarching plan.
With the end of Socialist Yugoslavia
this way of planning with its ambiti-
on to control every element of town
development was superseded by a
more easygoing attitude. Even the
mega-project Skopje 2014 does
not have the greater aim to provide a
new organization for the whole of the
city. The phenomena of Kitsch and
Global architecture just happen here,
there and everywhere. This is reflec-
ted by their punctiform appearance
all over the town.
Time Period
256
ONE AND TWO FLOORS ONE TO THREE FLOORS
FOUR TO SI X FLOORS TANGE HEI GHTS
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A buildings height in Skopje conve-
niently allows it to be placed with the
time period during which it was built.
With few exceptions, for example, all
buildings one and two-stories tall be-
long to the pre-Modern era of either
the Ottomans or SCS Kingdom. This
includes Ottoman public buildings
and the shops in the Bazaar as well
as Turkish Houses and early villa re-
sidences from the 1920s.
By adding the three-story buildings
to the map two elements of the Mo-
dern period are immediately noticea-
ble. First of all, the early experiments
with low-rise Modernist residential
houses appear. But also visible are
the Mighty Modernist Monuments,
museums, some administrative buil-
dings, the post office and the GTC,
all the non-residential buildings of
Modernisms euphoria, if we may
be so bold, of the 1960s and 70s in
Skopje.
Adding the set of buildings ranging
from four to six-stories reveals ano-
ther trend. This map shows only the
buildings of this height range, with
green representing buildings that are
not residential. All other buildings
arent just residential buildings,
theyre also the product of Moder-
nism and the attempts to satisfy
the immense housing needs at the
beginning of the 1950s and in the
post-earthquake 60s.The only few
buildings that belong to this height
range are Modernist administrative
buildings, Skopje 2014 and one or
two Global Architecture buildings.
The last map shows all buildings
seven-stories and above. Almost
every single building belongs to the
City Wall, further emphasizing its
importance, not just as a landmark
within the city but as a recognizable
element of Skopjes skyline.
GENERAL BUI LDI NG HEI GHT
Building height
258
RENOVATED/ NEW PARTLY RENOVATED
NON- RENOVATED BAD STATE OF REPAI R/ RUI NED
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State of Repair
RENOVATED / NEW
There are two outstanding types of
buildings that are in a good state of
repair. On the one hand a good sta-
te of repair is indicative of privately
homes, filling holes between other
structures or in the Maalos. These
could be new or renovated const-
ructions.At the same time, however,
buildings with public or commercial
use can often be found in this cate-
gory. It is remarkable that the majo-
rity are not renovations but new con-
structions.
PARTLY RENOVATED
The modern residential apartment
buildings dominate this category.
Partly renovated means in this case
that every household cares about its
own apartment. Hence, a lot of new
windows and doors, added balco-
nies or roofs can be observed. (see
Do-It-Yourself)
The big modern complexes with
public or commercial uses, e.g. the
Opera or the GTC shopping mall,
are not really renovated, but they ap-
pear in a quite ordinary condition due
to their relatively young age.
It is also outstanding that a majority
of houses in the Old Bazaar belong to
this category. Since the main building
stock in the Bazaar is privately owned
and used for commercial purposes,
it is probably that occasional reno-
vations are an economic necessity.
Shop owners need to attract custo-
mers and are responsible for their
business. The pedestrianized streets
are also in very good condition and
create a nice atmosphere. But by ta-
king a look at the backyards or side
streets, one can recognize numerous
shabby old Turkish houses, partly
vacant. Some small, private houses
in the Maalos are also partly reno-
vated. Sometimes residents add new
parts to their house, paint the facade
or change doors and windows.
NON-RENOVATED
Non-renovated buildings are pre-
dominantly small, private houses,
either leftovers from the time before
the earthquake (small pieces bet-
ween modern structures,) or in the
Maalos where they characterize the
appearance of the neighborhood. Its
an expression of the low income of
the population, since they dont own
enough money to reconstruct their
houses (both after the earthquake
and in general after a long period of
time with many houses at least 100
years old). Thus many people still
live under very bad conditions. Fur-
thermore, as mentioned in Chapter
One, due to the fact that Magir Maalo
and Novo Maalo became informal,
many residents hesitate to invest
in renovations. They feel a strong
uncertainty concerning their future
since they dont know if there will be
any development proposals for these
areas.
Another dominant, non-renovated
housing stock is located in the Ba-
zaar. There are a lot of shabby hou-
ses, most of them are also more
than 100 years old. Most of the hou-
ses are just for commercial or public
use. Since the Bazaar has lost much
of its meaning as a place for hand-
crafted good, many of these work-
shops have moved away or closed
for good. Consequently many of
these buildings are also vacant.
There are likewise many Modern
houses, both with residential and
public use, that have never been re-
novated. Especially remarkable are
the public buildings north of the ri-
ver Vadar. They fall into disrepair as
a consequence of a government that
abandons them, moving instead into
the new public buildings of (Re)con-
struction.
BAD STATE OF REPAIR/ RUINED
A small part of the building stock is
characterized by very poor condi-
tions. Those houses went rack and
ruin and some of them are relics
from the earthquake in 1963. Con-
sequently most of these houses are
vacant. Owners lacked money to re-
construct them and moved to new
Modern apartment houses.
In the south-east an Ensemble of
continuous rows of houses, dating
back to the Modern period, can be
recognized. They are for residential
use and characterized by a very bad
state of repair. Who cares about the-
se houses?
260
The color of the building stands for its use. The outline shows the building era.
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Building Use
The first look on the map gives the
impression that residential usage is
prevailing, but walking through the
city retail and business facilities are
more obvious. The center of Skopje
offers the typical mixed usage with
shops in the ground floor and flats
or offices or even both above in the
upper floors.
Residential use is especially provi-
ded due to the City Wall. The quantity
of building with residential purpose is
higher in the east than west. Cros-
sing the Vardar to the north there is
only few residential housing in our
investigation area. Housing is only
due to the Magir Maalo and the five
high rise buildings in the GTC com-
plex next to the riverside provided.
Most of these buildings were build in
the modern period. Especially those
which are forming the old perimeter
block structure in the center. They
were build before the earthquake re-
vealing to the older structure before.
On the boarder of the working field
there are more residential buildings
of pre and post modern time.
Commerce as a usage is typical for
a city center, especially shops and
offices are provided in cities. Com-
merce as ground floor shops and re-
tails are in buildings from all periods.
Offices buildings were build more
likely during the modern period while
new services and larger shopping
concepts are located in buildings of
the pre modern period. They can be
found in the South and East of the
city center of Skopje. In the City Wall
ring there are almost no commerce
buildings.
Public usage is spread over the city
center of Skopje, but a concentration
on the northern part of the City Cen-
ter is visible. New planned facilities,
such as the theater, but especially
those build after the earthquake like
the opera, the administration district,
the university and library or the mu-
seum of contemporary design. Most
of these buildings are also big com-
plexes and not only small houses
bulding, creating in particular next
to the Bazaar a big a contrast. Most
public buildings were erected in the
modern period. An exception is the
embassy district in the inner core. A
small pattern structure with secessi-
on buildings shelter the international
representatives.
Despite the general idea of moder-
nism that supports the functional se-
paration, Skopje and its city center is
more attached to the old comprehen-
sion of cities - all usage is provided.
But this is also thanks to Kenzo Tan-
ge who turned away from this strict
modern conception - brought by Le
Corbusier and the Charta from Athe-
ne - and supported the humanity and
livability that can be found through
mixture.
Another point of this development is
also the size of the city. Skopje is not
London or Hamburg with a City that
services only commercial use. Like
many other destroyed cities for ex-
ample in Germany after World War II
it wasnt possible to carry the con-
cept of total functional separation
over to real cities with less than one
million inhabitants.
262
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Ground Floor Use
An analysis of the ground floor uses
throughout Skopje reveals three no-
teworthy trends. First of all, the vast
majority of vacancies in Skopje are
in the Bazaar. There could be a few
reasons for this. One very decisive
factor is the amount of disinvest-
ment on the side of the state. The
new Macedonian identity doesnt
include the ethnic Albanians, who
are associated with the Bazaar. Very
little federal funding is available for
the maintenance or renovation of
public and religious buildings in the
Bazaar and as a result upkeep costs
fall on the proprietor or private orga-
nizations. Disinvestment causes the
area to fall into disrepair and hence
lose its attractiveness for customers
or tourists. Economic changes have
likewise caused many tradesmen to
either move to another location or
close up for good. A global economy
has decreased the demand for hand-
crafted wares as cheaper, mass-
produced goods become available.
These goods are often sold in the
plentiful pedestrian malls and shop-
ping centers, increasing the overall
attractiveness of the shopping cen-
ters which in turn attracts brand na-
mes. All this of course leaves work-
shops and retail stores in the Bazaar
empty.
Another interesting trend, however,
is the slow resurgence of some peri-
pheral areas of the Bazaar. In the few
streets closest to the Vardar River a
number of bars and restaurants have
opened up, drawing a new genera-
tion of young Macedonians. Many
of those frequenting the Bazaars
new gastronomic and entertainment
offerings are also politically active
and have expressed, both during our
research in Skopje and in public de-
monstrations their dismay with the
governments rebranding of Mace-
donian identity. The implications are
hopeful. Perhaps this new generation
is the key to overcoming the ethnic
and political barriers in Macedonia.
The last trend is made obvious in
Debar Maalo, where Skopjes Kitsch
architecture seems to cluster. Debar
Maalo also has a comparatively high
rate of services. This is no coinci-
dence. Kitsch architecture is more
often than not the provider of ground
floor or store front space for servi-
ces.
VACANCY IN THE BAZAAR SERVICES IN PRIVATE INVESTMENTS
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CITY OF CONTRASTS
Skopje stands out due to the stark contrasts that can be observed in the city. Even though the city center was our
investigation area, we recognized many differences between poor and rich, old and new, colorful and gray, big and
small and many more. Especially compared to Western European capitals these contrasts are extraordinary cha-
racteristics and are reminiscent somehow of conditions in the Megacities of developing countries. Developed and
modern neighborhoods are located next to really poor and rural housing developments. It is impossible to imagine
chickens walking on the street next to Waterloo Station in London or seeing a timbered pigsty right next to the
German Parliament. Furthermore the population of Skopje belongs to two different religions. Muslims and orthodox
Christians, and consequently two totally different cultures, live side by side. This contrast leads to two entirely dif-
ferent urban structures facing each other in one city.
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DO-IT-YOURSELF IN COMPARISON
The main housing stock in the inner
city of Skopje belongs to the catego-
ry Partly Renovated. At first glance
it seems like a positive fact. But ta-
king a look at some pictures of those
buildings demonstrates that the state
of repair shouldnt be defined as po-
sitive. It is obvious that they are not
in good conditions, since they ap-
pear gray, old and sometimes even
shabby. The housing system seems
to lack regulations, since it is unclear
who is responsible for those buil-
dings. Consequently residents try to
fix their apartments on their own and
without permission.
This phenomenon is not a typical de-
velopment of a specific architectural
era but a normal activity appearing
in almost every part of the city. Nu-
merous private houses, e.g. in the
Maalos, are also partly renovated.
Sometimes residents add new parts
to their house, repaint facades or
change doors and windows. In addi-
tion, the Bazaar houses a high num-
ber of partly renovated buildings as
well, meant to attract customers.
Hence, Partly Renovated in the case
of Skopje particularly means that the
basic structures appear in a bad sta-
te of repair, but since people need to
live and work there, they try to im-
prove the quality of their part of the
house on their own
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276
BLACK LISTED MODERNISM
Demolishing and erecting something
new is the natural life cycle of a city
and its buildings.1960s office buil-
dings in pretty much every city seem
to have a deplorable reputation,
prompting either renewal or demoli-
tion. But this is not the problem we
see in Skopje. Due to the earthquake
Modernism had the chance to provide
many of the current public buildings.
Its these buildings that are or could
become monuments of an architec-
tural era, if they are not demolished
or forgotten. However the current
tendencies support neither adaptation
nor demolition, but rather a simple fall
into oblivion.
Current trends and general problems
are:
MODERNISM OUT OF FAVOR
The government is the primary actor
behind Modernisms decline. Its not
the residential buildings of Modernism
that are being replaced. The govern-
ment needs these, having no other
housing options for its residents.
Rather the government is seeking
to build a new identity for itself, one
based upon the legacy of Alexander
the Great and their pet project Skopje
2014, leaving residential units to
deteriorate and the ethnic and social
situation right along with it.
STATE AS CONSTRUCTOR
As a result the government builds its
Neo-Classical (Re)constructions. A
future changing of the guard is fo-
reseeable. The Modernist wonder that
is the post office complex, various
museums and the telecommunica-
tions center could all one day stand
empty. The Mighty Modernist Monu-
ments, left barren and useless only to
be replaced by a Neo-Neo-Classical,
(Neo-)Macedonian (Re)construct.
CAPACITY TO ADAPT PROPERTY
FOR ALTERNATE USE
Public buildings were all built with a
purpose. This use helps define and le-
gitimate the building shape. The reuse
of purpose-built buildings is always
problematic. So what happens with
Modern construction after the uses
move out? What could the futuristic-
looking post office house instead of a
post office?
Right now there are no plans to leave
the post office and Communication
Center. But it is a matter that has to be
considered given the current trends.
A result of all the mentioned develop-
ments would mean vacant Modern
buildings. Private investments are dif-
ficult to materialize. However, even if
right now Modernism is not the way
to represent Macedonia as the poli-
ticians want to see it, who knows if
Neo-Macedonia will one day be
black listed just like Modernism.
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GRAVEYARD FOR MODERNI SM
278
ARCHI TECTURE
RELI GI ON
NORTH AND SOUTH
VI SI ONS
SHOPPI NG
STREET STRUCTURE
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mash up
A visitor crossing the Vardar River in
the city center will immediately enter
an area completely different from the
one he has just left. The whole atmos-
phere is decidedly diverse. While the
older area on the north bank consists
of a complicated pattern of narrow
winding alleys the street structure
on the south side is wide and linear
featuring broad roads designed for
automobile traffic. The architectural
situation is similar. Skopjes old town
comes with small houses attached
to each other whereas the south
bank is characterized by large Mo-
dern buildings. Those two contrasts
are probably mainly due to the 1963
earthquake, which devastated the
south side of the central city area but
left the north one in a comparatively
good state.
Shoppers have to pick one side ac-
cording to the shops they mean to
visit. On the south bank, large stores
selling international brands can be
found. Major foreign companies
have their local branch in this area.
The left bank exhibits tiny shops in
which mostly only one kind of goods
is sold. Those are displayed in rather
wild heaps and bundles in front of the
houses. For local shoppers, however,
the choice is made comparatively
easy. Macedonians usually frequent
the south bank and Albanians the
north one. Each group tends to avoid
the other. During our visit to Skopje
we were warned on both sides not to
visit the other one as it was conside-
red dangerous.
The situation with religious institu-
tions is analogous to the ethnic divi-
de seen along the Vardar. North of the
Vardar river, old mosques from the
Ottoman era and some of younger
origin serve the needs of the Muslim
population. On the south bank an im-
mense orthodox church is planned
for the Macedonia Square and the
gigantic Millennium Cross on Vodno
Hill is visible from almost every part
of the town.
Kenzo Tange sought to bridge the gap
between the two banks. However,
about 40 years later it is abundant-
ly clear that this mission has failed.
Whether this is due to errors in his
plan, sociological processes or other
reasons cannot be easily answered.
The differences between the two si-
des of the Vardar River would proba-
bly provide material for another sci-
entific study. It is obvious, however,
that the large buildings planned on
the north bank in the course of the
project Skopje 2014 will not bring
the two sides closer together. Despi-
te the fact that they are planned by a
Macedonian dominated government
in Albanian territory they manage
to hide the old Ottoman town quite
effectively. The edifices of Skopje
2014 form a regular stone wall to di-
vide the elements on the north and
south sides even further.
The Contrastive Vardar Banks
280
1918
LATE OTTOMAN
KINGDOM OF SERBS, CROATS
AND SLOVENES
REPUBLIC OF MACEDONIA
primary
secondary
tertiary
EARLY YUGOSLAVIAN
URBAN STRUCTURAL NETWORK
DEVELOPMENT OF ACTI VE AXES AND POI NTS OF CONCENTRATED ACTI VI TY
This graphic shows the development
of Skopjes urban spatial structures
since the Ottoman Empire. The focus
here is no longer street networks or
urban form per se, rather were em-
phasizing the arrangement of impor-
tant axes and centers of activity. The
Ottoman city maintained not only
many points of activity, whether out-
side of public buildings or mosques
or the market areas of individual
Maalos, but also many axes connec-
ting these points. Skopje to the time
of the Ottomans had a very dense ur-
ban fabric. Over time axes began to
lose importance and concentrate on
the southern side of the Vardar. The
SCS Kingdom brought formal plan-
ning principles and used the availa-
ble space on the south bank to build
a new city center. Modernism helped
to push this new development along,
creating the City Wall which drew
even more attention and residents to
the south and further concentrated
the focus around Macedonia Square.
The current axes represent concen-
trations of either political or com-
mercial uses and the dense network
of connections that were the norm
under Ottoman rule have now all but
withered away.
1
8
9
9
1
9
1
8
1
9
4
5
2
0
1
0
281
mash up
The Macedonian Square is the main
square of the city. It is also an intersec-
tion to the old Bazaar and the surroun-
ding Albanian residential areas. At the
southern riverbank around the Mace-
donia Square is a pedestrian shopping
area located, as well as the popular
shopping-center in modernist style
and a newly built business district with
shiny glass buildings. The Macedonia
Square is obviously a place which is
devoted with high attention. The square
is highly frequented; people meet here
and pass by.
This site and the surrounding were
chosen as the scene for the project
Skopje 2014. Its huge (re)constructed
prestigious buildings will be erected at
the northern riverbank vis--vis to the
square. Due to its position everybody
who passes the square will see the
new buildings of Skopje 2014.
Although numerous buildings are going
to be erected on the northern bank, the
southern bank will remain the central
and most important spot. One recei-
ves the impression as if the buildings
are just serving as a backdrop for the
visitors of the Macedonia square. The
focus is on the side of the buildings
facing the river and the Macedonia
square. The Old Bazaar, which is loca-
ted at the backside of the buildings is
not incorporated in the planning. Quite
the contrary, one gets the impression
that it is sealed off from the inner city.
So the scene of Skopje 2014 Mace-
donia Square and the opposite river
bank includes different parts of the
city (business and shopping district
where the Macedonians are domi-
nating and the bazaar, where almost
exclusively Albanians go to) between
buildings of various architectural sty-
les, such as buildings of the Serbian
kingdom, the ottoman era, Modernism
and newly built Globalized Architec-
ture. But remarkably, the buildings of
the Ottoman era and Modernism will
be obscured by the buildings of Skopje
2014. So Skopje 2014 has a separa-
ting effect. One gets the impression, as
if a scenery is erected to stage a play
about an idealized Macedonian histo-
ry: The southern bank is the auditori-
um. The people at the square are the
audience of the show Skopje 2014,
looking at the scenery on the northern
side.
THEATER SKOPJE
282
TANGE VS. SKOPJE 2014
Similarities
Inspired by an idea of a new so-
ciety representing the modern Yu-
goslavia
Rebuilding a representative and
functional city center
Public surveys used as a basis but
played the planner-as-educator for
the new society
Tange planned a new identity for
the modern and technological so-
ciety
Creating a prestigious capital of a
new independent national state
The riverside as a setting for new
representative buildings
Unclear and opaque responsibili-
ties for the project (government or
municipality?
2014 as an answer to Skopjes
current identity crisis that resulted
from Macedonias independence,
the earthquake and the name con-
flict with Greece
VI SI ON TANGE VI SI ON SKOPJE 2014
POLITICAL & IDEOLOGICAL VISION
CONCENTRATION ON CITY CENTER
TOP DOWN PLANNING
INITIATION OF A NEW IDENTITY
While there was already a big vision in 1964/65 by Kenzo Tange, calling for a flexible and modern international city,
the current architectural trends in Skopje culminate in the vision Skopje 2014. The following tables compare these
two and point out similarities and differences.
283
mash up
TRIGGER
BACKGROUND
BUILDING USE
URBAN DESIGN
MEANING
VISION
Earthquake in 1963 forced the re-
building of Skopje
Integrated into a master plan for
the entire city
Plan for an entire city center with
different usage zones: commer-
cial, residential, public and repre-
sentative
Over all plan with large scale ele-
ments to connect both sides of
the river and the creation of a new
axis
Reorganization and adjustment of
the city structure for the new soci-
ety and their requirements
Creation of a flexible, modern and
international city
Independence of Macedonia as a
possibility for a new identity
Solitary position in the city
State representative buildings
(court, ministry of foreign af-
fairs,...)
Construction of buildings and ex-
tra bridges along the riverside in
the center as well as monuments
seemingly randomly positioned
Representing an aesthetic image
for Skopje
Creation of a new Macedonian
identity by the construction of
Neo-Classical inspired buildings
VI SI ON TANGE VI SI ON SKOPJE 2014
Differences
284
GARDEN SKOPJE
An Allegory
The comparison of the three eras
pre-Modern, Modern and post-Mo-
dern shows that they appear very
different concerning urban structures
theyve left or are currently leaving
behind. At this point we want to al-
legorize each of them and at the end
merge them in one image in order to
show abstractly the conglomeration
of different structures that can be ob-
served in Skopje.
PRE-MODERN
Allegory: wild garden (uncontrolled
growth)
A wild garden grows organically and
consists of a great diversity of bota-
nical forms. There are wild meadows
with weeds and bushes on the one
hand, and colorful flowers and trees
on the other hand. One might dis-
cover everything everywhere. There
might be parts that people prefer and
parts out of favor. Transferring this to
the pre-Modern structures of Skopje
means that the uncontrolled growth
of a wild garden stands for the nu-
merous developments in Skopjes
history, e.g. the development of the
Maalos or the Bazaar, which did not
originate from a master plan. Nowa-
days there are very charming lefto-
vers of this period of time as well as
buildings in quite a desperate sta-
te of repair. Thus, the pre-Modern
Skopje can be seen allegorically as
a wild garden which grows uncont-
rolled, appears in colorful diversity
but consists of both attractive and
charming parts as well as shabby
and homely parts. Moreover, some
people identify with a wild garden, as
Albanians might identify with the Ba-
zaar or perhaps the Maalos. Others
feel the wild garden may be a little
too untended, similar to Macedoni-
ans who choose not to venture north
of the river Vardar.
MODERN
Allegory: vegetable patch (formal pl-
anning, copy and paste)
A vegetable patch utilizes formal pl-
anning and consists of orderly rows.
It is first and foremost a functional
use of space, providing a supply of
food. The formality of planning seeks
to harness the full potential of the
garden and can stretch over several
acres, meaning crops are planted en
mass. The goal is productivity. Fur-
thermore, the majority of all vegetab-
le patches look exactly the same, as
if they could be applied copy-and-
paste anywhere in the world. Soci-
alist Yugoslavia likewise practiced
formal urban planning with a linear
street network. Functionalism was
the basis of most city planning, att-
empting to plan for the technological
potential of society. Copy-and-paste
was likewise a phenomenon of Mo-
dernist residential buildings.
POST-MODERN
Allegory: garden gnome (glorifica-
tion, Kitsch)
Garden gnomes were originally made
out of marble, sandstone or fired
clay. Today theyre mostly made of
molded plastic. They stand proud
in many gardens. At some point
the garden gnome took on an ironic
connotation as a symbol of the bad
taste of the bourgeoisie. They were
originally placed in the home garden
as legitimate decoration. And they fit
anywhere, like Kitsch filling the gaps
in Skopjes urban fabric. But gar-
den gnomes can also be seen as a
poor attempt to draw attention away
from the dilapidated house standing
behind them. Or the owner placed
the thing there without considering
whether or not it fit the surrounding
aesthetics.
The same holds true for the current
building trends in Skopje. (Re)cons-
truction, Kitsch, DIY and Globalized
Architecture can all be allegorized
by garden gnomes. Some gnomes
are meant to provoke, pants down
and mooning the neighbors, whether
neighboring Greece or the neighbo-
ring ethnic Albanian. Some gnomes
really look like theyre made out of
expensive materials, until you pick
them up and realize its just plastic.
Others are used because the person
has no access to anything more ex-
pensive or tasteful, or lacks a working
knowledge of lawn ornaments. And
285
mash up
certainly a garden gnome is a gar-
den gnome, whether its in the USA,
Hamburg or Skopje. Furthermore its
difficult to take current architectonic
development in Skopje seriously. The
cityscape might provoke a little smi-
le, but its difficult to see the logic or
benefit of it all. Maybe thats the real
seriousness of the matter.
286
PERSPECTI VES
5 per spectives
287
5
288
THE CONCLUSION PART 1
A major aim of our work was to
answer the following three main
questions:
Is Skopje a Modern city?
Which elements of different
eras constitute the city besides
Modernism?
What kind of scenarios may
result from current develop-
ments?
The text at hand features a brief sum-
mary of our conclusions. We will
give our opinions about the current
architectural trends in Skopje.
IS SKOPJE A MODERN CITY?
Initially we assumed that Skopje
would be an almost purely Modern
city because of the earthquake in
1963. Tange had proposed a whole
new Modern structure and appea-
rance for the town. With this new
Structuralist Master plan Skopje
could have joined the index of inter-
nationally recognized Modern cities.
Tanges designs respected and inte-
grated most of the undamaged parts
of Skopje and attempted to preserve
them. However, the Master plan was
never implemented as intended due
to a lack of funds, inconsistent exe-
cution during construction and chan-
ging attitudes towards the plan even
in the course of its implementation.
Important elements of the plan, for
example the City Gate, were left
out. Unable to be realized in its enti-
rety, the plan became inoperable.
The raw quantity of Modern buildings
in Skopje could be one means of
measuring whether or not Skopje is a
Modern city and would in this case be
enough to affirm Skopjes Modernity.
A great number of striking, Modern
edifices gives distinction to the citys
appearance. Most central, public and
representative buildings are designed
in this style. However, their quality
and current trends argue for the fact
that Modernism is less popular in
present-day Skopje. Many buildings
are in a bad state of repair. In addi-
tion, there is a counter movement to
the previous love for Modernism in
Socialist Yugoslavia. The tendency to
build private Kitsch homes and the
governments attempt, with Skopje
2014, to generate a European ci-
tyscape with Neo-Classical edifices
both work against Modernism. Along
with additional attempts to override
other unpopular periods, we were
forced to ask the question:
WHICH ELEMENTS OF DIFFERENT
ERAS CONSTITUTE THE CITY BESI-
DES MODERNISM?
Our mapping shows that, wedged
in between the Modern structures,
a lot of older buildings can still be
found. They appear like small isola-
ted islands next to the large-scale,
Modern edifices. Even though this
pre-Modern architecture represents
Skopjes urban history it is not tre-
ated with respect and consequently
left out of considerations in town pl-
anning.
The Old Bazaar on the north bank of
the Vardar kept its oriental atmos-
phere. While this side of the river is
strongly influenced and frequented
by Albanians, the south one can
be regarded as a Macedonian area.
The Maalos are the oldest neighbor-
hoods existing in Skopje. Some of
them have a provincial and original
character whereas others have deve-
loped and changed over time. An apt
example is Debar Maalo, erected in
the early 1900s with its orthogonal
street network. In the city center, the
spatial structures built in the period
of the SCS Kingdom with street axes
and perimeter blocks are still visible.
The Macedonian government trans-
formed the country into a tax haven
for investors in order to boost the
economy and provide new jobs. In-
vestors looking to establish them-
selves mostly built archetypal office
buildings with glass fronts, an ar-
chitecture that can be found all over
the globe. Accordingly, the cityscape
gets a more international look and
gaps between buildings are gradu-
ally filled.

In contrast to these aspects of the
towns architecture, the government
has launched the disputed urban de-
sign project Skopje 2014, a source
for constant discussion and protest.
This plan envisions a fictional Euro-
5 per spectives
289
pean city center of the 19th century
overriding especially Ottoman and
Modern urban forms and architec-
ture. Implementation has already
begun.
Another trend, not led by the govern-
ment, is the building of private ho-
mes whose owners realize all their
individual fancies in mostly orna-
mental and Kitsch houses. This style
satisfies demands put on the urban
environment that arent being met by
formal planning practices and repre-
sents the individuality of its owner.
Simultaneously, it provides a cont-
rast and reaction to the radical simp-
lification and homogenous bulkiness
of the Modern buildings.
Other citizens choose different ways
to improve their immediate environ-
ment. They drop living space on their
apartments, add it to them or top
them. In some cases, basic needs of
habitation are not satisfied and some
residents are forced to face urgent
and drastic accommodation prob-
lems. Even in the city center houses
exist that are self-built, illegal and
lack access to any infrastructure. A
major fault in official planning is the-
reby revealed. Both the municipality
and the national government can be
held responsible for this situation.
The cityscape represents different
periods, political power and priva-
te taste. Historical buildings and
structures stand in stark contrast
to Modern and contemporary ones.
Walking through the city center ap-
proximates a small trip through ur-
ban Europe. Villages, historic cen-
ters, slum-like dwellings, shopping
streets of the 1960s, modern glass
facades, malls and even a fortress
can be found. Almost everywhere
poverty encounters either prosperity
or feigned wealth.
CRITICISMS
Due to different ethnic groups, reli-
gions, cultures, architectural styles
and fast political changes, Skopje
currently faces an identity crisis.
Architecture is used as a political
instrument, particularly in the city
center. Skopje 2014 pushes this po-
pulist tool to extremes. The officially
declared purpose of the project is the
encouragement of a national identi-
ty. However, too much emphasis is
placed on impressive looking faca-
des and too little on actual useful-
ness. Architecture acts as scenery
to deceivingly give the impression of
a powerful nation/state.
The project Skopje 2014 shows the
efforts to establish a new history
while legitimate architectural wit-
nesses to former eras, especially
Ottoman and Modern edifices, are
neglected. Old structures get neither
repaired nor adapted to modern infra-
structure, but remain abandoned and
are gradually forgotten. The nationa-
listic government provokes conflict
by discriminating against the Muslim
and Albanian cultures. This situation
is not diminished by some radical
Albanian politicians aggressive re-
sponse speeches. In 2001 the situ-
ation in the country almost reached
the point of civil war. However, even
moderate Albanians are demanding
better treatment, and not without jus-
tification. This call is even more rele-
vant, since the Albanian Percentage
of the population is constantly gro-
wing. Against this background it is
extremely unlikely, if not impossible,
that Skopje 2014 could manage to
create any common national identi-
ty. To the contrary, it contributes to a
broader gap between the two ethnic
groups.
Another problem arises from the
projects legal status. Despite the
fact that the Constitutional Court
declared the project unconstitutio-
nal the governing party insists on
continuing construction. This does
not evoke public confidence in the
government. Furthermore, the open
display of corrupt politics will not
enhance the Macedonian reputation
abroad. The admission into the Eu-
ropean Union will be impeded, even
more so since Greece wont be hap-
py about the more than ostentatious
display of Alexander the Great as part
of the Macedonian cultural heritage.
Skopje 2014 is an enormous waste
of money as there are much more
pressing issues to deal with. The high
amount of informal activity reflected
by the omnipresent Do-It-Yourself
architecture proves this. The actual
challenges for urban planning are
pollution, inadequate infrastructure,
poor housing conditions and the cri-
tical deficiency in affordable living
space.
WHAT KIND OF SCENARIOS MAY
RESULT FROM CURRENT DEVELOP-
MENTS?
This question will be answered on
the following pages.
290
TThere are many possibilities for
imagining the future: utopias, visi-
ons, scenarios, forecasts and so on.
So why did we choose a scenario to
imagine the future of Skopje. Scena-
rio have to be distinguished from vi-
sions and utopias. A utopia is an un-
realistic future, it is only thinkable not
achievable. The vision of something
is an appeal and a stimulus. Current
behavior can change due to an ideal
version that is imagined. For a fore-
cast, a very profound data base is
needed that can be continued in a
realistic way. A scenario is likewise
based on a profound data set, but it
is less about data than it is about an
analysis of current tendencies. The
result of a scenario is a hypothetical
image of the future created by com-
bining and connecting current cour-
ses. This process of combination is
written down and can be retraced, by
changing one of the elements a new
outcome is possible. The Scenario
Analysis has its origins in military
purposes and was later on used in
business administration. Nowadays
it is also a tool for urban planners for
research and planning.
Retracing a scenarios output can
only be achieved by a clear procedu-
ral method. This method is based on
the self-made analysis. The analysis
is the basis used to deduce generic
terms that are important for the in-
vestigation area and the scenarios.
These topics are called Critical Di-
mensions. Often they are particular
to the site-specific problems and
events, however general topics can
also be considered such as econo-
mic crisis or climate change. When
generating a scenario not all critical
dimensions can be included. Most
important is the deduction towards
Driving Forces. These can be un-
derstood as initiating events or signi-
ficant events leading to changes,
whether positive or negative.In the
next step, the Driving Forces are
combined with each other, resulting
in in the outcome for the investigati-
on area. This sequence can be conti-
nued as often as required to generate
multiple scenarios. Next to the Dri-
ving Forces there are also variables,
or Uncertainty Factors that can be
included. They influence a scenario
often to a more extreme appearance.
These factors could be war or a me-
teorite; they may be unlikely, but not
impossible. All resulting scenarios
can be put into a so-called scenario
funnel. Thereby all outcomes are ob-
served over time and on a scale from
best to worst case scenario.
SCENARIO - AN INTRODUCTION
What is a Scenario?
The Scenario funnel as a help to differential the outcomes
What is a Scenario- Analysis?
5 per spectives
291
SCENARIOS FOR SKOPJE
We developed three scenarios for Skopje. For us, it was the best possibility to bundle our analysis. A list of recom-
mendations or a new urban plan for Skopje wouldnt be very useful and would be contrary to the purpose of our
work. With the scenarios we carry current building tendencies a few steps further and show how Skopje could
develop as a worst case, best case or trend scenario. First, we had to come up with Critical Dimensions for Skopje,
general topics that would be important for the development of the city center of Skopje. These themes are a logical
outcome of our previous study.
Critical Dimensions
POLITICS
Since the independence of Macedo-
nia in 1991 it is a national state with
a democratic system, or at least the
constitution says so. Corruption is a
well known problem. Current politics
leads to conflicts with the neighbo-
ring countries, which is resulting in
the Veto from Greece to prohibit the
admission of Macedonia into the Eu-
ropean Union.
ARCHITECTURAL DEVELOPMENT
We took the three current trends al-
ready mentioned in Chapter Three for
the city center nowadays: (Re)con-
struction, Kitsch and Globalized
Architecture. All three are negating
Yugoslavian Modernism. Similarly,
Do-it-Yourself is a current trend, a
typical means of dealing with defici-
encies in urban planning or architec-
tural design found especially in the
informal settlements of the maalos.
The city conveys an aesthetic of de-
cline.
ETHNIC AND CULTURAL ISSUES
The Balkans has been a multi-ethnic
region for many centuries and, even
if our analysis didnt involve social
processes, a few observations could
be made. Due to interviews or con-
tact with people on the street the cul-
tural separation became obvious to
us. Particularly the conflict between
Slavic-Macedonians and Albanians
is manifested in the city center of
Skopje. That involves ethnic as well
a religious differences. Furthermore
the state changed from a socialist to
a Capitalisti state. In all countries with
the same experience, a desire for in-
dividual property can be observed.
HISTORICAL POWER STRUCTURE
Macedonia is, for the first time in a
very long time, independent. In the
previous years it learned how to
function as a state but new problems
appear constantly. Meanwhile the-
re is a transformation process from
Socialism to Capitalism. Yugoslavia
is still in minds of the people and it
often is remembered in many good
ways. A glance to Germany shows
that even after twenty years the for-
mer separation is visible in many
domains such as economy or unem-
ployment. A transformation process
needs time and experience.
ECONOMY
The small state of Macedonia strugg-
les with economic problems. Mace-
donian politics try to attract interna-
tional enterprises with incentives to
stimulate the local economy. And, as
with every country in the world, the
economic crisis also effected Mace-
donia.
DEMOGRAPHIC TRENDS
There is a tendency towards urbani-
zation. More citizens are moving to
Skopje. But at the same time there
is a suburbanization taking place
in Skopje. The metropolitan area of
Skopje is growing. Already today,
segregation is constituted. There
are municipalities with more than 90
percent Albanians and others with 90
percent Slavic-Macedonians. While
the Macedonian population is shrin-
king due to a low birthrate, the Alba-
nian population is growing; cultural
and religious backgrounds cause
this development.
In our scenarios we didnt integrate
Uncertainty Factors in order to keep
the scenario more realistic and less
random.
Uncertainty Factors
292
Incoherent
image of the
city
Displeasdness
of citizens
WORST CASE SCENARIO - RIOTS IN SKOPJE
Politics
Segregation
Skopje as an incoherent capital of a state that is incapable of action due blameworthy handling of tax
money and displeased citizens.
EU-candidacy
in progress
Unconsitutional
construction
leads to a bad
repute
Infrastructural
needs
domestic policy
doesnt change
incentives for
foreign enter-
prises to invest
in Macedonia
Economy Architectural/ urban development
DF
CD
S
c
e
n
a
r
i
o
SCENARI O PLOT
Skopje 2014
achieved
Modernism out
of favor
Macedonia
doesnt be-
come an EU
Member
Lack of money
No money for
maintenance
Decay of the
city center
New buildings
are unused or
a bad quality is
provided
Strikes and
riots
Government
has to resign
State/city cant
fund public
facilities
Urban planning
focuses on
wrong topics
Corrupt beha-
vior alienate
foreign inves-
tors
5 per spectives
293
Lack of money will be the trigger
for strikes and riots. Nowadays 50
percent of the citizens support the
idea of Skopje 2014. But the en-
thusiasm will disappear over the
years. The constitutional court de-
clared the project Skopje 2014 to be
unconstitutional, nevertheless the
undertaking was achieved. Due to
the realization there is a gap in the
household budget. The project was
already expensive and the construc-
tion became more expensive than
estimated. Because of the corrupt
behavior the European Union refuses
Macedonia as a new member and
important international investments
stay away. The lack of money starts
to affect the existing city. There is
no fund for infrastructure improve-
ment or the maintenance of public
facilities. Especially the buildings of
the Modern period suffer under this
development. They fall into disrepair
and degrade the image of the city of
Skopje. Also, the newly built facilities
are related to the lack of money. Even
if there are a new theater, philharmo-
nic and museums there is no financi-
al possibility to support them. If there
is any programming, it lacks quality.
This is the point were the citizens
realize the needless utilization of tax
money. With general social problems
like unemployment, segregation and
the incoherent image of the city cen-
ter the dissatisfaction of the citizens
is increasing. The results are strikes,
riots and demonstrations culmina-
ting in the forced resignation of the
current government. But even then
the people are still far too divided in
their opinions. Furthermore the pro-
blems resulting from the lack of mo-
ney escalate. No party is able to get
a majority and the negotiations for
a coalition fail. The responsibilities
and pressure are too big. The state
is incapable of action. Many young
people leave the country. Macedonia
becomes a state falling from one do-
mestic crisis into the next one.
Scenario Discription
294
BEST CASE SCENARIO - SHOW REALITY
SCENARI O PLOT
Politics
Integrational
programs e.g.
in education
Growing ac-
ceptance of the
Albanians as
Mazedonians
Skopje realizes its real
specialties and cares about
the leftovers of premodern
and modern time.
Creation of a new multicultural identity that reflects the real history of Skopje
Leftovers from
the ottoman pe-
riod will be safed
as cultural goods
Integration of
Albanians and
other ethnic
groups
General frame-
work (basic
conditions) for the
informal Maalos
More bottom-
up proceedings
Starting to face
the current
housing prob-
lems
Money will be inves-
ted in the renovation
of modern buildings
instead of Skopje 2014
European attention
> Skopje needs to
represent itself as a
modern city
A more de-
mocratic and
liberal policy >
global thinking
Desire for a
real/authentic
history
Change of the
govermental
party
Skopje2014
stops (uncons-
titutional)
Ethnic and
cultural issues
Architectural/ urban development
DF
CD

S
c
e
n
a
r
i
o
5 per spectives
295
Imagine the governmental party
changes and a more democratic
and liberal orientated party reaches
power. The Skopje 2014 buildings
that are under construction will be
pulled down and the free space will
be transformed into a new public
space designed by Skopjes inhabi-
tants. Both the new government and
the new shared free space affect a
break within the population: the Al-
banians and the Macedonians aban-
don their prejudices and raise their
acceptance. The river bank, lately a
crime scene of propagandistic ar-
chitecture of mania, is becoming
an intercultural space. The money
which was intended to be used for
Skopje 2014 now will be used for
the renovation of Modern buildings
(both residential and public). Skopje
starts to flaunt its Modern buildings
and sticks to this architectural era as
an important part of its late history.
People learn to esteem the relics of
the mid-20th century and therefore
Modern edifices become attractive
spots, giving Skopje a unique and
non-artificial face. Furthermore the
government decides to save one of
Skopjes oldest urban structures,
the leftovers of a 500 year-enduring
Ottoman period (Bazaar, mosques,
hammams etc.), as important
objects of cultural value in order to
integrate it more into the cityscape.
In addition, the municipality votes
on a general framework for the 100-
year old Maalos in order to advance
legal and regulated housing deve-
lopments. Skopje underlines the real
and authentic specialties of the city.
It supports the tourist industry as
well as the populations acceptance
of and identification with a multicul-
tural Skopje. The new urban, cultural
and political developments will im-
prove Skopjes chance to access the
European Union.
Scenario Discription
296
TREND SCENARIO - SEGMENTING
SCENARI O PLOT
Politics
The govern-
ment negates
the ottoman
history
Average households
prefer the inner
suburbs or private
castles in suburbia
Skopje is falling into different parts.
Growing aversion
between Macedo-
nians and Alba-
nians
Disire for indivi-
dual property
Growing number
of poor people
moving to the
city center
City Center
becomes
unattractiv for
residential use
Albanians develop
a strong desire to
seperate from the
Mazedonians
Albanians feel
provoked by
the negation of
their culture
Maalos, Bazaar
and modern
structures fall
into disrepair
Racial tension
Realization of
Skopje 2014
Desire for
globalized
architecture
Ethnic and
cultural issues
Architectural/ urban development
DF
CD

S
c
e
n
a
r
i
o
Demographic trends
Building activities in
the city center con-
centrate on private
commercial buildings
Domestic
policy doesnt
change
Growing segra-
gation between
rich and poor
Financial hole
within the
local and public
budget
New malls
and globalized
architecture as
a shelter
Ethnic conflicts
New, partly
informal, gated
communities in
the inner suburbs
5 per spectives
297
Scenario Discription
Imagine the project Skopje 2014
will be completely implemented and
the inner city will become the repre-
sentative Neo-Classical city center
politicians hoped for. Combined with
the Globalized Architecture, ge-
nerated by private investments and
consequently concentrated on public
and commercial buildings, the im-
pression of a prestigious stage will
arise. Due to the decreasing number
of residents, the city center turns
empty at night.
In case Skopjes current political, cultural and architec-
tural trends continue unchanged, the following conse-
quences will possibly arrive in the near future:
CENTER STAGE
298
Scenario Discription
The huge costs of Skopje 2014 will
result in an enormous financial hole
within the local and public budget.
Hence, the municipality lacks money
for maintenance and repair of resi-
dential buildings. The historical urban
structures will go rack and ruin and
Modern housing will increasingly fall
into disrepair and become vacant.
The city center will become more
and more unattractive for residential
use. Since the prices of apartments
decrease, a growing number of poor
people will move to the city center.
The City Wall will turn into a social
hotspot.
SOCI AL HOTSPOT CI TY CENTER
5 per spectives
299
Scenario Discription
The growing aversion between Mace-
donians and Albanians is reinforced
with the implementation of Skopje
2014. Especially the Orthodox Church
that will be constructed at a famous
place in the city center provokes the Al-
banians and their religion and culture.
The government negates the Ottoman
history and the Albanians further deve-
lop a strong desire to separate from the
Slavic-Macedonians. Consequently,
one day the northern, Albanian domi-
nated part of the river will be isolated
from the southern part.
ALBANI AN SEGREGATI ON
300
As a refuge for Skopjes residents
observing the city going rack and
ruin, shopping malls and modern
leisure complexes will create an illu-
sory world.
Scenario Discription
I LLUSORY WORLD
5 per spectives
301
Scenario Discription
The growing spread between the rich
and poor and the strong desire for in-
dividual property will create new and
partly informal gated communities in
the inner suburbs. American McMan-
sions and European castles exemp-
lify the architectural style. Johnny O.
Citizen will move to the inner suburbs
where colorful apartment buildings,
decorated with kitschy elements, ge-
nerate a strong contrast to the demo-
lished apartments in the city center.
Furthermore the strong desire for in-
dividuality and Kitsch will lead to a
growing number of my own private
castles in the open countryside of
suburbia, also inspired by internati-
onal trends from western civilization,
especially the USA.
NEW SUBURBI A
302
THE CONCLUSION PART 2
POSITION
It is advisable to rethink the entire
planning system. It should become
forward looking and consider both
the pressing social issues as well as
upcoming challenges. Skopje would
do better investing money in edu-
cation, infrastructure, integration or
living conditions. People who dont
have the possibility to invest should
be supported by government pro-
grams to secure minimum housing
standards. Achieving EU guidelines
is certainly a tough task but not im-
possible. If Macedonia really wants
to join the EU it should carefully
consider the Court and internatio-
nal communitys reaction to its cur-
rent agenda instead of continuing to
build illegal and populistic buildings,
further fueling the conflict with Gree-
ce. A more democratic and flexible
planning could earn substantial soci-
al acceptance. In addition the citizens
should get involved in the planning
process, in as far as thats possible,
otherwise they will never be satisfied
with the planning itself. There is the
chance to curtail the ethnic problems
by ceasing to provoke the Albanians
with the erection of new buildings in
order to indicate a new identity for
the Macedonians. Particularly the
construction of a new Macedonian
church seems like a provocation un-
less mosques begin to be financed
by the municipality.
The Ottoman history could be reinte-
grated into the citys image, creating
awareness, not only for this part of
history but more importantly for the
various ethnic groups that comprise
Skopje. The Bazaar is a vivid and
fascinating part of Skopje and this
should be explicitly communicated
through its relationship with the sur-
rounding city. The city should accept
its diverse mixture of population and
turn it into a pull factor. It is unde-
mocratic and outright impossible to
conceal one third of the population
and its cultural heritage.
One step towards preserving histori-
cal structures could be the legaliza-
tion of the Maalos by developing a
detailed plan. The state of repair and
basic standards of some living situ-
ations are not acceptable. Since the
Master plan of 1964 is still lawful,
the status of the buildings remains
informal. Hence, it is risky to invest
in renovating or reconstructing the
houses. It is vital to respect the Maa-
los as a part of urban history and to
develop them. Also the other infor-
mal activities in Skopje should be-
come regulated. One idea would be
to not only allow but actively support
some of the private activities, since
they can result in better housing con-
ditions.
Many Modern buildings have not
been renovated since the 1960s,
though some apartments have re-
ceived new windows and insulation.
Due to its rich reservoir of 1960s
buildings worth protecting, Skopje
has the chance to become a striking
example of Modernism.
Fair public competitions with little
degree of corruption should be ta-
ken on as goals of the new planning.
In general the political system must
become more transparent and de-
mocratic, though this is admittedly
outside of the scope of the planning
field. The willingness to make com-
promises and consensus are abso-
lutely necessary. Skopje should be
developed and designed by young
people, for example by innovative ar-
chitects or artists who create ideas
for the future and find local solutions
to reconnect all elements in the city.
Getting input from the population
would help infuse further develop-
ment with individuality and a perso-
nal identity for the city.
In general, it would be a good idea
for Macedonia to reconsider how it
is presenting its new and own iden-
tity. Transformation always means
self-discovery and results in the ex-
pression of a new image. However,
creating a pseudo Disney fantasy
history by selectively adopting pie-
ces of the regions past only leads
to conflict and controversy and fails
to elicit the sympathies of potential
allies. There is a wealth of historical
and social value in Skopjes obvious
plurality of architecture and urban
form, along with too many influen-
ces to simply ignore. Therein could
lie Skopjes true identity.
5 per spectives
303
304
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