THE FORMATION OF EARLY ESOTERIC BUDDIDSM IN JAPAN:

A STUDY OF THE THREE JAPANESE ESOTERIC APOCRYPHA

By

Jinhua Chen, B.A., M.A.

A Thesis

Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies

in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements

for the degree

Doctor of Philosophy

McMaster University

Copyright by Jinhua Chen, May 1997

DOCTOR OF PIDLOSOPHY (1997) McMASTER UNIVERSITY
(Religious Studies) Hamilton, Ontario

TITLE: The Formation of Early Esoteric Buddhism in Japan: A Study of Three Japanese
Esoteric Apocrypha

AUTHOR: Jinhua Chen, B.A. (Beijing University)

M.A. (Beijing University)

SUPERVISOR: Dr. Koichi Shinohara

NUMBER OF PAGES: VII, 294

THIS DISSERTATION IS DEDICATED TO MY PARENTS
 I

ABSTRACT

It is said that the Japanese monk: Saich6 (767-822), during his nine-month stay in China,

was initiated by his chief Chinese Esoteric mentor Shunxiao (n.d.) into an illustrious esoteric

lineage starting from a prestigious Indian Esoteric master Subhakarasimha (637-735). It is also

believed that Shunxiao, based on three Esoteric texts translated by Subhakarasimha, transmitted

to Saich6 some particular fonns of Esoteric Buddhist teachings, the core of which is preserved in

one of the two "dhanna-transmission documents" ifuhi5mon) supposedly written by Shunxiao to

certify the esoteric transmission conducted between himself and Saich6. This is the conventional

view regarding the roots of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism in Japan.

This dissertation subjects this conventional view to a critical examination. It argues that

the two fuhCmons ascribed to Shunxiao were not written by Shunxiao himself, but were prepared

in Japan for re-interpreting the meaning, and strengthening the legitimacy, of the initiation Saich6

received from China. The three siddhi texts attributed to Subhakarsimha were also composed in

Japan as the scriptural support for Saicho' s esoteric transmission. The Tendai fonn of Esoteric

Buddhism in the name of Saicho was for the main part created not by Saicho himself but by his

followers.

These negative conclusions can be turned into a positive agenda for future research of

Japanese Tendai Buddhism. Scholars can turn from a fruitless search for the roots of Tendai

Esoteric Buddhism in China to look more closely in Japan. On the other hand, this study might

invite more scholarly attention to a host of Buddhist apocrypha which, long regarded as Chinese,

might have been actually produced in Japan or Korea.

 II

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My greatest debt is no doubt to my principal academic supervisor at McMaster University,

Professor Koichi Shinohara, without whose guidance I would have never been able to write such

a Ph. D dissertation. I am also extremely grateful to the other two members in my Supervisory

Committee, Profs. Robert Sharf and Phyllis Granoff, for the patience and wisdom with which they

have shepherded my study over the past five years. To Prof. Jan Yunhua, an emeritus professor

at McMaster University, lowe many insightful suggestions.

A generous fellowship provided by the Bukky6 Dend6 Ky6kai of Japan has enabled me

to conduct my dissertation-research in Kyoto. It is my great pleasure to take this opportunity to

thank the teachers, colleagues and friends I have met in Japan over the past two years. Their

learning and kindness have made my study in Japan rather enjoyable. In particular, I must

acknowledge my heartfelt thanks to Profs. Nagao Gadjin, Yanagida Seizan, Aramaki Noritoshi,

Antonino Forte, Misaki Ry6shii and Sueki Fumihiko. Prof. Nagao, who kindly took the trouble

of acting as my guarantor in Japan, helped me a lot in many ways both upon and after my arrival

in Japan. Profs. Yanagida, Aramaki and Forte successively oversaw my study at Hanazono

University (Dec., 1994 - Sept., 1995), Kyoto University (Oct., 1995 - May 1996) and the Italian

school of East Asian studies (Jun., 1996 - Apr., 1997). Though extremely busy, they often went

out of the way to guide my dissertation-writing. Prof. Misaki at Waseda University and Prof.

Sueki at Tokyo University read some parts of my dissertation. Their encouragement, comments

and criticism are greatly appreciated.

In addition, Prof. Victor Mair of the University of Pennsylvania, whom I met at the Italian
 III

School of East Asian Studies in 1995, Prof. Paul Swanson of Nanzan University in Nagoya and

Prof. OkubO Ry6jun of Waseda University also read the earlier draft of my dissertation and kindly

gave me useful suggestions. I am grateful for their help and friendship.

Finally, I cannot end this without expressing my deepest gratitude and love to my parents

and my wife Hua. Without their affection and support, it is doubtful that I would have ever been

able to do anything successfully. It is to my parents that this dissertation is dedicated.

 IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

PART ONE: THE POLEMICAL CONTEXT SURROUNDING THE

COMPOSITION OF THREE JAPANESE ESOTERIC APOCRYPHA

CHAYfER ONE The Transmission of Esoteric Buddhism to East Asia 8

CHAPTER TWO Saich6 and Esoteric Buddhism 25

Section (A) Saich6's Contact with Esoteric Buddhism During His Stay in China 26

Section (B) Saich6's Esoteric Activities in Japan before Kiikai's Return from China 29

Section (C) Saich6 and Kiikai: Saich6's Efforts to Create the Tendai Form of
Esoteric Buddhism 35

Section (D) The Kenkairon and Saich6's Efforts to Redefine His Esoteric Transmission
from China 42

Some Concluding Remarks 45

CHAPTER THREE Saich6's Disciples And the Legitimation of Tendai Esoteric

Buddhism 55

Section (A) The Denjutsu Isshinkaimon and the Glorification of Saich6's Chinese Esoteric
Mentor Shunxiao 62
(A.!) The Denjutsu Isshinkaimon Presentation of Saich6's Esoteric Dharma-transmission 63
(A.II) The Authenticity and Significance of the "Court Certificate" Included in the Denjutsu
Isshinkaimon 64
(A.II.i) The Authenticity of This "Court Certificate" 65
(A.Ii.ii) The Significance of This "Court Certificate" 70

Section (B) The Eizan Daishiden and the Legitimation of Saich6' s Esoteric Tradition 71
(B.I) The Eizan Daishiden Presentation of Saich6's Esoteric Dharma-transmission 71
(B.I1) The Authenticity and Significance of the Fuh6mon1 73
(B.II. i) The Bishamond6 MS 73
(B.I1.ii) The Authenticity of the Fuh6mon1 78
 v
(B.II.ii) The Significance of the Fuh6mon1 80

Section (C) The Naish a Buppa SOja Kechimyakuju and the Further Legitimation of Saich6's
Esoteric Tradition 82
(C.I) The Kechimyakuju Presentation of Saich6's Esoteric Dharma-transmission 88
(C.II) The Significance of the Kechimyakuju Version of Saich6's Esoteric Dharma-
transmission 92

Section (D) The Kenkairon Engi and Saich6's Esoteric Tradition: Appearance of the
FUHDMON 93
(D.I) The Kenkairon Engi Presentation of Saich6' s Esoteric Dharma-transmission 96
(D.II) The Authenticity and Significance of the FUHDMON 100
(D.H.i) The Authenticity of the FUHDMON 100
(D.H.ii) The Polemical Agenda Underlying the Fabrication of the Fuh6mon2 105

Some Concluding Remarks 108

THE CONCLUSIONS OF PART ONE 117

PART TWO CHINESE OR JAPANESE: THE PROVENANCE AND

DATES OF THREE SIDDHI TEXTS ATTRrnUTED TO
SUBHAKARASIMHA (T#905, T#906, T#907)

CHAPTER FOUR The Three Siddhi Texts: A General Survey 122

CHAPTER FIVE The Provenance and Date of T907 140

Section (A) Anne and T907 141

Section (B) Enchin and T907 150

(B.I) A Paragraph-by-paragraph Analysis of Enchin's KSSH 152
(B.I1) A Further Analysis of KSSH: Did Enchin Know of T907 When Writing KSSH? 157
(B.IlI) The Dating of KSSH 162
(B.IV) Enchin's Association with Zhihuilun: His Ignorance of T907 Until 882 163
(B. V) Did Enchin ever Read T907? 165
(B. VI) Enchin and the T907 Author: Who Is the Borrower? 166

Section (C) Annen and the "Discovery" of T907 169

(C.I) The Date of Annen's Death, His TaizCkai Daiho Taijuki and A Preface in His Hakke
Hiroku Bibliography 169
 VI

(C.Il) The Identity of the Text Annen Called "Sonsho Hajikoku Ho" or "Sonsho Hajikoku
Giki" 177
(C.IlI) Annen and T907: Discoverer or Author? 180

Section (D) The Textual Provenance of T907 181

Some Concluding Remarks 183

CHAPTER SIX The Provenance and Dates of T#906 and T#907

Section (A) A Textual Analysis of T905 194

Section (B) T905 and Enchin 201

(B.I) The Dates of KRHG, DKSM and ZSK 203
(B.Il) Two Pieces of Evidence for Supporting KRHG as the Original Text for the Textual
Parallels between T905 and KRHG 206
(B.IlI) The Contextual Inconsistencies of the Five Paragraphs in T905 208

Section (C) The Date of T905 and the Polemical Agenda Underlying the Composition of T905
after T907 213
(C.I) Two Distinctive Features of T905 213
(C.I1) The Date of T905 216
(C.IlI) The Polemical Agenda Underlying the Composition of T907 218

Section (D) The Formation of T906 220

CHAPTER SEVEN The Transmission of the Three Texts in Japan and Their Impact on
Tendai And Shingon 235

Section (A) The Transmission of the Three Siddhi Texts in Medieval Japan 236

Section (B) The Impact of the Three Siddhi Texts on the Japanese Esoteric Traditions: Their
Incessant Appearances in the Medieval Japanese Exegeses and Treatises 239
(B.I) Tendai Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts 241
(BJI) The Shingon Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts 243
(a) The Twelfth-century Shingon Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts: Choyo (n.d.) and
Kakuban (1095-1143) 244
(b) The Thirteenth-century Shingon Authors and the Three Siddhi texts: Jinken (?-1262)
and Raiyu (1226-1304) 245
(c) The Fourteenth-century Shingon Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts: Raiho (1279-
1330), Yiiban (1270-1352) and Goho (1306-1362) 247

Some Concluding Remarks 251

 VII

THE CONCLUSIONS OF PART TWO

CONCLUSIONS 262

GLOSSARY 266

ABBREVIATIONS FOR PRIMARY SOURCES 283

WORKS CITED 284

.;

- - --~-----~-----
 1

INTRODUCTION

Saicha (767-822), the founder of the Japanese Tendai school, is remembered not only for

having transplanted Chinese Tiantai Buddhism to Japan but also for his alleged role in obtaining

an Esoteric Buddhist tradition from China. In Tendai Buddhism, the esoteric aspect sometime

assumed such importance that the Tendai followers believed that the esoteric aspect of their school

embodied a higher form of Buddhism than did its exoteric side, i.e., the traditional Tiantai

doctrines that had been brought by their patriarch from China.

The legitimacy of Saicha' s Esoteric tradition is mainly supported by two certificate

documents (juhOmon) reputedly left by Saicha's chief Chinese Esoteric mentor--Shunxiao. Two

MSS are preserved at the Bishamonda Temple in Kyoto and the Shitennaji Temple in Osaka, and

have been, respectively, designated as a "National Treasure" and "Important Cultural Property"

by the Japanese government. They are regarded as the originals of these two fuhOmons.

The first fuhOmon (= Shitennaji MS), dated on the eighteenth day of the fourth month,

Zhenyuan 21 (805) in the Tang Dynasty, is centred on the esoteric teachings Saicha is said to have

received from Shunxiao. According to this fuhOmon, Shunxiao had initiated Saicha into some

peculiar forms of esoteric teachings, the core of which consists in correlating three groups of five-

syllable dharaJ)Is (i.e., A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham, A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham, A-Ra-Ba-Ca-Na) with

three ranks of siddhi ("attainment"): higher, middle and lower.

The secondfuhamon (=Bishamonda MS) was supposedly written by the same Shunxiao

one day after he is alleged to have written the frrstfuhanon. It depicts an esoteric lineage in which
 2

Saich6 was counted as the fourth successor. This lineage is traced through Shunxiao, the third

dhanna-successor in the lineage, and his Korea-born but China-educated master Yilin (the second

successor) back to the prestigious Subhakarasimha, who was regarded as the fIrst patriarch in this

lineage.

According to several dharma-transmission documents which were obviously patterned on

the two fuh6mons attributed to Shunxiao, some Post-Saich6 Tendai leaders, like K6chi (n.d.),

Tokuen (n.d.), Enchin (814-891), Henj6 (817-890), Annen (841-904?), etc., were also initiated

into the same kind of esoteric ceremony centred around the threefold dharru;ll-attainment

correlation. Thus, the esoteric lineage with which Saich6 is said to have become affIliated in China

was carried on by Saich6's followers in Japan, finally forming such an esoteric lineage involving

Indian, Chinese, Korean and Japanese Esoteric Buddhists: (1) Subhakarasimha -- > (2) Yilin -- >

(3) Shunxiao -- > (4) Saich6 -- > (5) K6chi -- > (6) Tokuen -- > (7) Enchin -- > (8) Henj6.

Throughout the entire Tendai history, this lineage has become one main device employed to

bolster the authenticity of the Tendai Esoteric tradition allegedly brought back to Japan by Saich6

and systematized by Enchin and Annen.

The threefold classification of the category siddhi is by no means a new notion. It can be

found in numerous esoteric texts translated into Chinese, for example, the Susiddhikara-srltra. In

addition, the three fIve-syllable dhar~s can be traced back to the Mahiivairocana-srltra and

VajraSekhara-siitra. Nonetheless, the three groups of five-syllable dharaJiIs were rarely listed

together side by side; their correlations with the three ranks of attainment is even more unusual.

As a matter of fact, the threefold dharaJii-attainment correlation gets no scriptural support except

in the three siddhi texts which, currently preserved in the Taish6 TripiJaka under the number 905,
 3

906 and 907, are attributed to Subhakarasimha. Therefore, these three siddhi texts are generally

taken as the fundamental texts on the basis of which Shunxiao initiated Saich6 into his esoteric

lineage.

To recapitulate, the following account has been given of Saich6' s effort to transmit an

esoteric tradition to Japan. In China Saich6 was-initiated into an illustrious lineage starting from

Subhakarasimha and culminating in Saich6's celebrated mentor Shunxiao, who, on the basis of

three siddhi texts translated by Subhakarasimha, transmitted to Saich6 some esoteric teachings.

The core of these teachings is also preserved in one of the two juh6mons written by Shunxiao

himself. This conventional view regarding the fonnation of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism in Japan

is still uncritically accepted by almost all Tendai scholars.

In this dissertation, I will subject this conventional view to a critical examination. What

has led me to question the historical validity of this conventional view is my understanding of the

origin of the three siddhi texts that are said to fonn the scriptural basis of Saich6' s Esoteric

transmission.

Japanese scholars reject the traditional view of associating the three siddhi texts with

Subhakarasimha because they are so strongly coloured by Chinese wuxing ideas. Japanese scholars

believe that they were written in China. They also stress the relative lateness of the three siddhi

texts, which may have appeared in China later than the time of Subhakarasimha. Finally, Japanese

scholars also point out that of the three siddhi texts, T907 is the primary one on the basis of which

the other two were written.

Despite the importance of their work on the three texts, Japanese scholars have ignored one

possibility that must be taken into consideration: the three siddhi texts may have been composed
 4

in Japan. It is here that my investigation begins.

I was first drawn to the close connection between T907 and a treatise by Enchin, the

Ketsuji sanshushicchi h6 (KSSH). KSSH contains numerous ideas and sentences that can be found

in T907. Evidence shows that these textual and intellectual parallels between T907 and KSSH

could not have been derived from a third source. Further, KSSH was composed when Enchin had

obviously no knowledge of T907 (KSSH was composed around 873, while some evidence shows

that as late as 882 Enchin had known nothing of T907). Therefore, I tried to explain the textual

and intellectual parallels between T907 and KSSH by the assumption that these ideas! sentences

originally appeared in KSSH before they were moved to T907. Further, no evidence suggests that

KSSH had ever circulated in an area outside Japan (e.g., China or Korea) where the Chinese

language was also used. Therefore, T907, along with T905 and T906 (since they were both based

on T907), must have been composed in Japan and on the basis of Enchin's KSSH.

I shall argue that the three siddhi texts were composed in Japan and by some Tendai

followers (their Tendai origin can be shown by their extensive use of several works by the two

Tendai patriarchs, Enchin and Annen). I shall also show that the three siddhi texts were used as

the scriptural source for the esoteric teachings depicted in the secondjuhi5mon, which constitutes

the certificate for the esoteric dharma-transmission putatively obtained by Saich6 from China. This

suggests that the three siddhi texts were prepared in Japan for the purpose of legitimating the

Tendai form of Esoteric Buddhism attributed to Saicho. From this new understanding of the

origin of the three siddhi texts, what can we say about the two fohi5mons attributed to Shunxiao?

Were they originally written by Shunxiao in China; or like the three texts, also forged in Japan

for the same purpose (i. e., to legitimate Saich6' s esoteric tradition)?
 ----- --~ ---

It seems difficult, if not impossible, to accept the two juh6mons as documents written by

Shunxiao for certifying the transmission between himself and Saicho. This conclusion is mainly

based on the following fact: neither the Esshiiroku (The Bibliography [Compiled] in Yuezhou) nor

the Kenkairon (On Promoting the Precepts) mentions any document that can be identified as either

of the two juh6mons. Since in these two works Saicho was concerned with showing the religious

value of his trip to China and the legitimacy of his Buddhist transmissions from China, had he

really secured from China such important documents as the two juhemons he would have included,

or at least mentioned, them in these two works.

However, it is the following fact that provides the strongest evidence against the

conventional view that Saicho had obtained two fuhi5mons from China. The Esshiiroku contains

a certificate signed by the Prefect of the Mingzhou, which describes Saicho' s study in the area and

confirms his religious attaimnent. At the end of the Essh iiroku, Saicho also mentions a trifurcate

vajra, which he says was given by his Esoteric master as a proof (injin) of the dharma-

transmission ifuhr5) between them. For certifying Saicho's religious activities in China, either of

the two fuhi5mons may have been as important as (if not more important than) this official

document and this vajra used as fohOinjin. Furthermore, the two fuh6mons claim themselves to

be written by Shunxiao on the eighteenth and nineteenth day of the fourth month of 805; viz,

almost one month before the compilation of the Essh iiroku, which was dated on the thirteenth day

of the fifth month of 805. Therefore, if the two fuhi5mons were authentic, Saicho would have

certainly been in possession of them when he compiled the Esshiiroku. Now that Saicho includes

or mentions the official certificate and the vajra in the Esshiiroku, we have reasons to assume that

he would have also included or at least mentioned the two fuhi5mons in the same bibliography had
 6

he really possessed them at the time. Thus, the absence of these two fuhOmons in the Esshiiroku

strongly suggests that Saich6 had, in fact, not secured these two fuhOmons from China. In other

words, these two fuhOmons were forged in Japan and then attributed to Saich6.

In addition, it seems that the following point also casts doubt on the authenticity of the two

fuhOmons: they present Shunxiao as calling himself a "daitoku" (bhadanta) at a "chinkoku dOjo'

("State-protecting Temple"), "Acarya SramaJ}a", "naigubu" ("Court Chaplain"). Few monks could

be so presumptuous as to show off so many honorific titles in a document written for his disciple.

Finally, it is rather questionable that Saich6, albeit the shortness of his association with

Shunxiao, secured from the same teacher two separate fuhOmons in two consecutive days

respectively. We know that Saich6 only made an extremely brief sojourn in Yuezhou. This left

him very limited time to stay with Shunxiao (it appears that Saich6 had stayed with Shunxiao for

no more than several days). In Esoteric Buddhism, great significance is attached to oral master-to-

disciple transmisions and the certificates conflITl1ing such esoteric transmissions (the so-called

fuhanon) must have been written with great care and importance. According to the two fuhOmons

themselves, Shunxiao wrote one of the two documents on the eighteenth day of the fourth month

of 805 and the other on the next. It is hard to imagine that Shunxiao had written afuhOmon so

easily (if not so recklessly) that he, barely one day after the issuance of one fuhOmon to a newly

initiated student, deemed it necessary to write another one for the same person.

Thus, this dissertation has arrived at a conclusion which goes precisely contrary to the

conventional view regarding the establishment of the Taimitsu school. The two fuhanons ascribed

to Shunxiao were not written by Shunxiao himself, but were prepared in Japan in order to re-

interpret the meaning, and strengthen the legitimacy, of the esoteric initiation Saich6 supposedly
 7

received from China. The three siddhi texts also appeared in Japan, and were composed as the

textual support for the Tendai re-interpretation of Saicho' s initiation as embodied in the first

juhfmon. Thus, the Tendai form of Esoteric Buddhism which has been held as obtained by Saicho

from China turns out to be, for the main part, created by his immediate and/or second-generation

disciples. It is not justifiable to attribute this form of Esoteric Buddhism to Saicho, much less to

attribute it to any esoteric tradition in China.

 PART ONE

THE POLEl\flCAL CONTEXT SURROUNDING THE COMPOSITION

OF THE THREE JAPANESE ESOTERIC APOCRYPHA
 8

CHAPTERONE

THE TRANSMISSION OF ESOTERIC BUDDHISM TO EAST ASIA

Despite the repeated prohibition against the use of incantation and magic in a number of

Buddhist texts, some Buddhist monks seem to have been fascinated with dhara¢ incantations and

other esoteric forms which have been included under the rubric "Tantrism". However, the formal

rise of Esoterism in Indian Buddhism (a trend which can be called "Indian Esoteric Buddhism")

still remains so elusive that no reliable conclusion has ever been reached on this problem.

Yet it may be safe to say that from around the third century AD onwards some esoteric

cults seems to have originated inside the Buddhist movement in Eastern India and have been

secretly transmitted between master and disciple. The oral transmission of these esoteric cults had

been carried on until they began to be systematized and given a philosophical basis in India

between the seventh and eighth centuries!. This newly emerging religio-philosophical trend within

Buddhism is generally referred to as "Esoteric Buddhism ,,2.

Esoteric Buddhism has been characterized as a Buddhist tradition making extensive use

of such "esoteric" (secret) forms as mantras/dhara1j! ("spell", "incantation"), miidra ("hand

gestures") and ma¢aZa ("sacred diagrams"). Therefore, the rise of Esoteric Buddhism is often

equated with the appearance within Buddhism of these esoteric elements and forms. If this

assumption is not too far from the truth, the origin of Esoteric Buddhism is traceable to the third

century or even earlier through textual evidence, at least that accessible through Chinese

translations.

The WuZiangmen weimichijing (Jpn., Mury6mom mimitsuji kyo; Skt.,

 9

Anantamukha[siHhakajdhara{1i; T1011) translated by Zhiqian (d. 253 AD), is generally taken as

the first Chinese-translated Esoteric Buddhist text. This is, of course, true in the sense that this

text has a peculiarly "esoteric" title and one of its major parts is related to esoteric elements. This

does not mean, however, that an earlier "proto-esoteric" buddhist text is not available. A good

example is found in the Modengjia jing (Jpn., Mataga kyo; Skt., Miitaga-siitra; T1300) , which

was translated as early as 230 AD by Zhu Luyan, a monk from central India who arrived in China

in 224 AD. In this text, we find six dhara¢s, all of which begin with om and end with svaha.

Moreover, we fmd in the same text a kind of rite strongly reminiscent of the homa procedure, a

celebrated rite practised in later Esoteric Buddhism. In this ceremony as described in the

Modengjia jing, a great fire is lighted and dhara¢s are recited as the ceremony begins; at the end

of the recitation flowers are thrown into the fire 3 • Since it usually takes some time for ideas to be

given textual form and still more time to get a text translated into a second language, we have

reason to believe that the esoteric elements as presented in the Matanga-siitra had been practised

in India sometime before 230 AD, when it was translated into Chinese. This means that some

characteristically esoteric elements had already crept into Indian Buddhism at least at the beginning

of the third century .

Since their incorporation into the Indian Buddhist movement, esoteric elements seem to

have taken a steady hold on Mahayana. In contrast to their sporadic appearance in the Mahayana

texts produced in the third century, esoteric elements had become so well accepted in fourth

century Mahayanism that some Mahayana texts devote whole chapters to dhara¢. The

Lankavatiira-siitra4 , for instance, devotes an entire chapter exclusively to magic formulas of

supposedly meaningless sound, which, when recited one hundred and eight times, are claimed to
 10

ward off demons.

As witnessed by the Chinese translations, the esoteric-flavoured Buddhist texts, shortly

after their appearance in India, were transmitted to China by Indian and Central Asian Buddhist

missionaries, who were eager to use the newly imported esoteric forms to facilitate the acceptance

of Buddhism by the Chinese people. Following the translation of these "proto-esoteric" texts like

the Modengjia jing and Wuliangmen weimichi jing in the third century, the fourth century saw not

only further esoteric-coloured scriptures translated in China, but also more Buddhist missionaries

achieving their prestige by their reputed esoteric skills.

Dharmaraksa (d. after 313 A.D.), a prolific translator, translated from Sanskrit a number

of texts consisting of dharaJ)1s. Interestingly, he translated the dha.ra¢s according to their meaning

rather than simply making a phonetic transcriptions.

In this period there were also some Buddhist missionaries, who are mainly remembered

not as translators, but for their magical talents. Fotucheng (231-348 AD) can be counted as the

first and probably the most successful of those "Buddhist magicians", who made utmost use of

their magical skills in their proselytizing activities. With his alleged supernatural abilities,

Fotucheng succeeded in obtaining the full trust of the later Zhao (319-351 AD) ruler Shi Le (274-

333 AD) and his nephew and successor Shi Hu (295-349 AD)6.

In the following three centuries (fifth to seventh), more Buddhists in China, both Chinese

and foreign, were engaged in translating esoteric-flavoured scriptures into Chinese and

promulgating various esoteric practices and teachings. Dharru:iis and the ways of reciting them

remained the focus of the Esoteric Buddhist texts current in this period. In some Buddhist texts

transmitted to China in this period, like the Dajijing translated by Dharm~ma (d. 433 AD)7,
 11

the dhara~I practice was even ranked side by side with si/a ("precept"), samadhi ("meditation")

and prajfiii ("wisdom"), the triad of the Buddhist marga. Zhitong in the early Tang dynasty, who

demonstrated keen interest in Esoterism, is also credited with several Chinese translations dealing

with dhara\lis. Among the Buddhist texts concerning dhar~js in this period, the Dakongque

zhouwang jing (T985)8 warrants particular attention for its tendency to deify dhara¢, which is

referred to as vidyiirifia (the "king of spells"). Furthermore, this sutra is followed by an appendix

on methods for making altars (probably a kind of rudimentary mandala) and painting images.

The popularity of dhara\li practices in this period in China is not merely attested by the

number of dhara¢-related Buddhist texts translated into Chinese, but is also illustrated by the fact

that Emperor Yuan of the Liang Dynasty (r. 555 AD), son of Emperor Wu, perhaps the most

fervent Buddhist patron China history has ever seen, confessed to have been so fascinated with

dhara¢s that he himself managed to learn how to recite some of them9 .

In addition to the further development of the dhar~ practice, there is evidence to show

that some embryonic ideas of m~dala had already been introduced to China during this period

through translated Buddhist texts. For instance, the Dajiyi shenzhoujing (Jpn., Daikichiji shinju

ky&, T1335) translated in 462 AD by Tanyao, who was closely connected with the building of the

stone cave-temple in Datong, describes the method of making an arena, in which images of

Buddhist deities are arranged in a circle and various offerings are presented to the deities

(T1335.21. 579bl). Chou Yiliang interprets this arena as a rudimentary m~dalalO.

Some esoteric rites were also introduced to China during this period. A text called

Molizhitian tuoluoni zhoujing (Jpn. Marishiten darani juky6; T1256)1l, considered a translation

of the Liang Dynasty (502-556 AD), specifies the method of cleaning the hall of the temple and
 12

making offerings to the deity MarIci 12 • Aligupta, who arrived in China in 652 AD, translated the

Tuoluoni jijing (lpn., Darani jikkyo; T901) which consists of many rites similar to those taught

in sutras translated by Subhakarasimha and Vajrabodhi.

Finally, Chinese people in this period, through the newly imported Buddhist esoteric texts,

were also made familiar with some of the typically esoteric ideas, like the siddhi or magical

powers. In the same Dajiyi shenzhoujing translated by Tangyao are taught a variety of siddhis,

e.g., those to conquer the enemy, to forestall or stop a storm, to obtain rain, to conceal one's

form, or to secure a wishing jewel, etc.

In the period between the third and seventh centuries latent esoteric elements were clearly

visible in many Chinese-translated Buddhist texts. Chinese people in this period seem to have

become entirely familiar with Esoteric forms and ideas such as dharax;Us, mandala and siddhi.

However, esoteric forms known in this period seem mainly to have been resorted to as magical

skills, and Esoteric Buddhism was far from being regarded as a kind of systematic teaching with

an independent and peculiar world-view and soteriology. It is only during the seventh and eighth

centuries that Esoteric Buddhism as a systematic teaching was officially introduced into China.

This period is usually referred to as the beginning of the junmitsu ("Pure") form of Esoteric

Buddhism, in contrast to the period from the third to the late seventh century when, it is assumed,

the z6mitsu ("Miscellaneous") form of Esoteric Buddhism was transmitted to China!3.

The establishment of Esoteric Buddhism as a "school" in China has been attributed to three

Esoteric masters 14 , SUbhakarasimha, Vajrabodhi and Bukong (or Amoghavajra), who are

conventionally referred to as the "Three Mahasattvas of the Kaiyuan Period (713-741 AD)"

(Karyuan sandashz), though Bukong, perhaps the most important of them, extended his activities
 13

far beyond the Kaiyuan period 15 .

Subhakarasimha, who headed the "three Mahiisattvas of the Kaiyuan period", is

remembered as the "first master" of the Esoteric "school"16 in China. He arrived in Chang'an in

716 and was warmly received by Emperor Xuanzong who was deeply impressed by his

thaumaturgy. SUblilikarasimha's contribution to the spread of Esoteric Buddhism in China mainly

consists in his role in translating into Chinese several basic esoteric texts, at least two of which

were, presumably, written by himself in Sanskrit when he was still in India 17 . In 724

Subhakarasimha, at the request of Emperor Xuanzong, accompanied the imperial cortege to

Luoyang, where he, assisted by some Chinese monks 18 , translated the Darijing (Jpn., Dainichi

kyo; Skt., Mahavairocana-siitra, six fascicles, T848). Supposedly based on the lectures

Subhakarasimha delivered during the course of translation, Yixing, one of Subhakarasimha's

Chinese studuents, has composed an authoritative commentary on the Darijing, which proved to

be decisive in the formation of various Esoteric Buddhist traditions in China and Japan as well.

One year later, Subhakarasimha finished translating the one-fascicle esoteric manual, the

Gongyang fa (Jpn., Kuyo ho; or Gongyang cidi [Jpn., Kuyo shidaz]; the Methods for Making

Offerings), which is now believed to be his own composition1 9 • Shortly after the translation was

done, the Gongyangfa was appended as the seventh fascicle to the originally six-fascicle Darijing.

The year 726, two years after the translation of the Darijing, witnessed Subhakarasimha' s success

in translating two other important esoteric texts, the Supohutongzi qingwen jiniO and SuxidijieZuo

jing21. Attributed to Subhakarasimha are, in total, twenty-one translations of esoteric texts,

some of which have turned out to be, however, of dubious provenance22 •

Following Subhakarasimha, another Indian Esoteric monk, Vajrabodhi (Chinese name

 14

Jingangzhi), came to China. Before arriving in Canton in 719 Vajrabodhi had spent one year in

Sri Lanka, then a centre of Esoteric BUddhism23. Two facts account for Vajrabodhi's pre-eminence

in the East-Asian esoteric tradition. First of all is his translation in 723 of the Jingangdingyujia

zhong luechu niansong jini4, which represents the first Chinese translation of the Vajraiekhara-

siitra (known in China and Japan as Jingangding jing/Kong6cho gyo, the Sutra of the Diamond-

crown). In later Esoteric Buddhist traditions in East Asia, this sutra, along with the Darijing, or

with the Darijing and Suxidi jing, were regarded as the two (Chin., liangdabu; Jpn., ryOdaibu)

or three major esoteric scriptures (Chin., sandabu; Jpn., sandaibu)25. In this sense, Vajrabodhi

can be regarded as the person responsible for introducing the Diamond-realm line of Esoteric

Buddhism into China. The other fact on which the importance of Vajrabodhi as an Esoteric master

is based is his role as the guru of Bukong, who was destined to be the greatest and most successful

Esoteric master in the history of China.

Bukong is also known by his Sanskrit religious name, Amoghavajra. In spite of his foreign

blood26 , he must be primarily considered as a Chinese Buddhist priest since the whole of his

seventy-year life, except for the nine years he spent in Central Asia as a child and a five-year

period he spent in Sri Lanka, was lived in China27 • Shortly after Vajrabodhi's arrival in China in

719 Bukong, then fourteen years old, went to study with him. When Vajrabodhi died in 741,

Bukong decided to visit India and Sri Lanka for further Esoteric training and to collect more

Esoteric texts.

Upon his return to China from Sri Lanka in 746, Bukong found himself well received by

the court, nobles and military elites. From then on, Bukong's prestige and popularity kept

climbing as he skilfully lent his proficiency in thaumurgy, esoteric ceremonies, and political
 15

strategy to the service of three successive Tang rulers28 , who were menaced by the diffucult

political situations leading up to and/or worsened by An Lushan Rebellion (756-763 AD).

Throughout the history of Chinese Buddhism, Bukong, by any standard, would have no

rival in his success as a Buddhist priest, especially as an Esoteric master. Politically, no monk is

comparable with him in the influence he achieved upon the court and local authorities and, in the

number and rank of honourary titles he accumulated in and after his lifetime. As a translator, he

is acredited with the translation of over one hundred Buddhist texts (most of which are, needless

to say, esoteric). This puts him on a par with such great translators as Kumarajiva (344-413 AD),

Paramartha (499-569 AD) and Xuanzang (d.664 AD). It is mainly through his unremitting efforts

that Esoteric Buddhism succeeded in surpassing any other Buddhist tradition and reached its

pinnacle in the middle and late Tang periods.

Two aspects of the tremendous heritage left by Bukong proved to be of lasting impact on

the later Esoteric (Taimitsu in particular) development in Japan and warrant particular attention

here. Firstly, Bukong seems to have been in a position that enabled him to hold a syncretic attitude

toward the two divisions of Esoteric tradition, i.e., the "Matrix Realm" (Chin., taizangjie~ Jpn.,

taizCkai; Skt., garbhakokulhiitu) and "Diamond Realm" (Chin.,jingangjie; Jpn., kong&ai; Skt.,

vajradhatu) , represented by the Darijing/Dainichi kyo and lingangding jing/Kong6cho gyo

respectively. He was both a direct successor of Vajrabodhi, who is the first expounder of the

Matrix-realm tradition, and an admirer of the tradition of Subhakarasimha, from whom he was

separated by one generation and who is the main promulgator of the Diamond-realm line29 .

Secondly, Bukong held the belief that the success of Esoteric Buddhism resided, for the

most part, in its huguo (Jpn., gokoku, "state-protecting") function. The huguo idea so fervently
 16

advocated by him proves to be influential on Saich6. Saich6 was very appreciative of the Bukong

biaozhi ji, a collection of documents Bukong submitted to the court. He based many of his

administrative reforms on Bukong' s petitions preserved in this collection3o • What impressed Saich6

most in the collection was, most likely, the huguo idea with which almost every document in the

collection is replete.

Partly due to the far-reaching influence Bukong achieved during his lifetime and the efforts

made by a number of his brilliant disciples, Esoteric Buddhism in Tang China did not decline

immediately after the demise of Bukong. Led by those capable Esoteric masters like Hanguan,

Huilang, Huichao and Huiguo (746-805), four of Bukong's "Six Greatest Disciples", Post-

Bukong Esoteric tradition in China continued to enjoy prosperity well into the beginning of the

ninth century; it was then that Kiikai and Saich6 came from Japan to study Esoteric Buddhism,

respectively in the capital Chang'an (then the centre of Esoteric Buddhism in East Asia) and the

coastal region in modern Zhejiang Province, where the impact of Esoteric Buddhism was also

palpable.

Mainly based on Chou and Weinstein31 , I have given here a brief survey of the

transmission and spread of Esoteric Buddhism in China before Saich6' s arrival. Since this

dissertation is focused on the esoteric aspect of Tendai Buddhism, a Japanese religious school

considered to be inseparably associated with the Chinese Tiantai sect, I would like to tum now to

a brief sketch of Tiantai s connection with Esoteric Buddhism. In this brief sketch, I will consider
I

how the early Tiantai group headed by its founder Zhiyi treated the Esoteric form of Buddhism

and how the Tiantai sect in the Tang Dynasty responded to Esoteric Buddhism when the latter

exerted greater and greater impact on Chinese culture in general and a variety of Buddhist
 17

traditions in particular.

Though bearing the same name as does its Chinese counterpart (Tendai is the Japanese

pronunciation of the Chinese Tiantai), the Japanese Tendai sect was much more than a Buddhist

form transplanted from China intact. Rather, between Japanese Tendai and Chinese Tiantai there

exist a number of differences, the most remarkable of which is demonstrated in their different

attitudes toward esoteric Buddhism. Whereas the Japanese Tendai sect in general places equal

emphasis on Tiantai teachings proper (represented by the Lotus sutra) and Esoteric Buddhism

(crystallized in the Darijing), the Chinese Tiantai tradition seems to have advocated the superiority

of the Lotus teaching over other forms of Buddhism, including the esoteric one.

However, it must also be admitted that Tiantai tradition, despite its emphasis on meditation

and metaphysical speculations, was not altogether free from esoteric elements. On the contrary,

Zhiyi (538-597 AD), the de facto founder of the Tiantai tradition, had already introduced a

number of dharruft practices and other esoteric elements into his four types of meditation32 . As

attested by his famous biography written by his heir Guangding (i.e., the Sui Tiantai Zhize Dashi

biezhuan) and his lectures as well, not only did Zhiyi make much use of dharrufts; he also

encouraged his students to rely on some strongly esoteric-coloured ceremonies, e.g., those aimed

at curing disease and expiating sins, etc.

However, the esoteric elements in Zhiyi's teachings were merely of marginal significance,

far from serving as basic principles for his philosophy. This is not so surprising considering that

the systematized form of Esoteric Buddhism was not introduced into China until over one century

after Zhiyi's death. It is at the time of another Tiantai practitioner--Yixing, who lived in the mid-

Tang period--that the so-called junmitsu Esoteric Buddhism began to prosper in China, and
 18

Esoteric Buddhism came to occupy a central place.

Yixing (683-727) was celebrated as one of the most learned monks in China. He was

particularly known for his expertise in astronomy, mathematics and the calendar. Steeped in

Confucianist texts at an early age, he later shifted his interests to Taoism and finally settled on

Buddhism, deciding to enter the Buddhist priesthood33 • Although mainly remembered in the

history of Chinese Buddhism as the most prominent disciple of Subhakarasimha34 and the

commentator of the Darijing, Yixing, before becoming an Esoteric Buddhist believer, had

affiliated himself with some other Buddhist traditions, including Northern Chan, Vinaya and

Tiantai.

As shown by his biographies, Yixing studied under such prestigious Tiantai masters as

Hongqing and Huizhen35 • In addition, Yixing had lived for sometime on Mt. Tiantai where he

no doubt acquired further knowledge of Tendai doctrines. As demonstrated by a number of

passages in his commentary on the Darijing, Yixing, even after formally becoming

SUbhakarasimha's student, still adhered to his belief that the Lotus represented the highest teaching

of the Buddha. Yixing asserted the oneness between the Tiantai doctrines (yuan/en) and the

Esoteric teaching (milmitsu). This idea, later known as the thesis of the yuanmi yiz)zi (enmitsu

icchi) , may have profoundly influenced the thinking of Saicho, who used it to resist Kiikai' s

aggressive assertion that Esoteric Buddhism was the highest Buddhist teaching, standing above all

forms of exoteric Buddhism (including Saicho's Tendai).

After Yixing, Esoteric Buddhism continued to exert its influence over Tiantai Buddhism.

For example, Zhanran (711-782), the sixth Tiantai patriarch, who was believed to have brought

about the revival of the Tiantai school at the late Tang, is said to have had contacts with one of
 19

Bukong's chief disciples, Hanguang, and to have discussed some Buddhist issues with him. He

is also said to have occasionally discussed esoteric practices36 • The extent to which the Tiantai

monks had been attracted to Esoteric Buddhism by the end of the ninth century is demonstrated

by the fact that the first esoteric initiation Saich6 received in China was said to have been

conferred by a Tiantai monk called Weixiang at the Guoqingsi Temple on Mt. Tiantai, then the

headquarters of the Tiantai schooe 7 •

Before fInishing this chapter, some short remarks must be made about the transmission of

Esoteric Buddhism to Japan by the end of the Nara period38 • Esoteric Buddhism has been generally

taken as a post-Nara phenomenon. This is not far from the truth in the sense that the two

systematic Esoteric Buddhist traditions were not brought to Japan until Saich6 and Kiikai returned

from China at the beginning of the ninth century. However, it must be noted that in the Nara

period a number of important esoteric texts, among them the three major esoteric texts later taken

as the textual bases for the "three esoteric traditions "39, had already found their way to Japan.

Besides the transmission of Esoteric texts to Japan, some esoteric ceremonies and rites seems

to have attracted serious attention and were practised during the course of the Nara period, as

Weinstein summarizes on the basis of his examination of Japanese scholarship:

By the Tempy6 period (729-749) novices (shamz) were expected to be familiar with
a variety of dhararp, i.e., Esoteric incantations, as part of the regular Buddhist
liturgy. The earliest collection of Buddhist folk tales, the Nihon ryOiki, compiled
c. 822, shows that by the Nara period dhararp formed an important part of folk-
Buddhism. Early sources record numerous instances during the Nara period of
Esoteric rituals being performed to induce rainfall, cure illness or otherwise avert
impending disasters. Little wonder then that more than forty of the l50-odd images
that are thought to date from this period represent Esoteric divinities such as the
thousand-armed Kannon and the Eleven-faced Kannon40 •
 20

Notes,

1. Cf., B. Bhattacharyya 1932: 32-42.

2. Now more and more scholars have chosen the term "Esoteric Buddhism" to describe that form of Buddhism
which, in its extensive use of religious practice such as mantra/mudra/mandala and certain peculiar types
of meditation, aims at a variety of goals, both material (e.g., "curing the sick," "conquering enemies,"
"finding treasures," etc.) and purely spiritual, like achieving some higher states of consciousness or even
enlightenment. In this dissertation I follow this common usage. This decision is made not so much out of my
satisfaction at the term chosen, as because of the more inadequacies the other terms (e.g., "Tantrism,"
"Mantrayana," "Vajrayana," "Mijiao/Mikkyo," "Buddhist Mysticism," etc.) might present in denoting the
form of Buddhism under consideration here.
"Tantrism" is derived from "Tantra," which, used in contrast to "sutra," denotes a host of the "ritual
texts." With such an etymological origin, "Tantrism" may be too narrow to denote the form of Buddhism under
consideration. For similar reasons, I refrain from using "Mantrayana" (literally, the "vehicle of mantra") and
"Vajrayana" (the "diamond-like vehicle").
In contrast to "Tantrism," "Mantrayana," "Vajrayana," "Mijiao/Mikkyo" and "Buddhist Mysticism"
appear too loose in connotation to refer to the form of Buddhism in question. "Mijiao/Mikkyo" (Mikkyo being
Japanese pronunciation of the Chinese term "Mijiao") is a term found in Chinese Buddhist texts, where it
refers to the part of Buddhist teachings which appears more mystical and preswnably, more advanced, than
that which, directed to a larger audience, was preached by the Buddha in more straightforward way and
therefore can be more easily understood. In this sense, "Mijiao/Mikkyo" covers a spectrwn of Buddhist
literature much broader than what the term proper, as it is understood now, indicates.
"Buddhist Mysticism" is a term recently preferred by some scholars to indicate the form of Buddhism
we are here talking about (cf., Pandit 1987). In my opinion, this term is ambiguous and must be avoided
(since not every mystical tradition within Buddhism can be relegated to the peculiar form of Buddhism under
consideration) .

3. T1300.21.400a27; cf., Chou 1945: 242.

4. The composition of the Lankiivatiira-siitra is generally dated to the third century. There are three Chinese
translations of the Lankavatiira-siitra preserved in the Taisho Tripifaka: (i) T#670, the Lengjiaapoduoluo
baojing (tr. G~abhadra, in four fascicles); (ii) T#671 , the Ru Lengjiajing (tr. Bodhiruci, in ten fascicles);
(iii) T#672, the Dacheng ru Lengjiajing (tr. S~anandra, in seven fasicles). The G~abhadra translation does
not contain such a dharaQ.l chapter, while in the S~anandra and Bodhiruci translations, the dharaQ.l chapter
is found in the ninth and seventeenth chapter respectively (cf., T672.16.624c19; 625a20; T671.16.564cll-
565bl).
Some scholars are of the opinion that the earlier version of the Lankiivatiira-siitra did not contain the
dharaQ,.l chapter, which may have been interpolated by some editor/translator (cf., BKD 11: 254-5).

5. See, e.g., the Hailongwang jing (Jpn., Kairyuo kyo; Skt., SiigaraniigariijaparipJCcha[siitraj) ,
T598.15.141b6; 156c20; cf., Chou 1945: 242.

6. The thaumaturgic abilities Fotucheng was believed to possess include those to summon spirits as he likes,
to tell one's fortune by listening to the sound of bells, and to see vividly what was happening one thousand lis
away by applying oil to his palm, etc. (T50.383b18; cf., Chou 1945: 242-243).
Chou also gives other two examples of those who achieved and increased their prestige by their
magical skills (cf., Chou 1945: 243). One is Srlmitra, who died between 335 and 342 AD. He was said to
 21

have practised the art of dhar~is in a text now lost, called Kongquewang jing. The other is a monk from
central Asia, Shegong (d. 380 A.D.), who came to China several decades later than Fochucheng. He won
Fujian's (338-385 AD) favour by his ability to summon dragons and make rain.

7. Dharm~ema was not merely a translator but was also versed in reciting dhlir~i and demonstrating magic
power, e.g., causing water to spring from a rock.

8. This sutra was translated by Yijing (635-713), one of the greatest translators in the history of China. Yijing
travelled to India in 671 and stayed there until 692. He studied in Nalandli, which was the centre for Esoterism
and where he was very likely to have been attracted to this form of Buddhism.

9. Chou 1945: 244.

10. Cf., Chou 1945: 243.

11. Two versions of the Chinese translation of a sutra, which appears close to the Molizhitian tuoluoni
zhoujing, are preserved in the Taisho Tripifaka (T#1255, T#1256). They are attributed to Bukong
(Amoghavajra) .

12. Marici is an Esoteric deity who was widely worshipped in the ancient Indian society.

13. Such bifurcations asjunmitsu vis-a-vis z6mitsu, more often than not, turn out to be misleading. It seems
dangerous to separate what is taken as thejunmitsu from the zomitsu and cut a sharp line between them. What
is taken as the junmitsu type of Esoteric Buddhism can fmd its unmistakable inception in zOmitsu Esoteric
Buddhism (cf., Misaki 1966).

14. As shown later, one of them (Le., Bukong), despite his foreign origin, must be primarily regarded as
Chinese. For a thorough study of the biographical sources related to these three Esoteric monks, see Chou's
monograph-length paper (Chou 1945).

15. The Buddhist community was so deeply involved in Empress Wu's "usurpation" that Emperor Xuanzong,
who reclaimed Family Li's control over the country from the hands of Empress Wu's successor, issued a
number of decrees aimed at weakening the influence the Buddhist order had obtained by that time. However,
Emperor Xuanzong gradually showed his tolerance and even favouritism toward a specific form of Buddhism--
Esoterism. Weinstein interprets this apparently "paradoxical" phenomenon as a result of the similarity between
Esoteric Buddhism and Taoism, with which the Tang rulers in general liked to associate, promoting the theory
that they came from the same family as did Laozi, the patriarch of Taoism,

At first glance it might seem paradoxical that Hsun-tsung (Xuanzong), in spite of his antipathy
toward traditional forms of Buddhist doctrine and practice, should have maintained close
relations with a number of monks and provided support for the translation of Buddhist
scriptures. When, however, we examine the background of those Chinese and Indian monks
who enjoyed imperial favour during his reign, it becomes apparent that the Emperor's interest
in them stemmed from the fact that they were all practitioners of Esoteric Buddhism (mi-chiao
[mijiao]). Esoteric Buddhism had been trickling into China steadily since the fourth century,
but it was only under the reign of Hsuen-tung that Esoteric Buddhism received active
encouragement and official recognition. The reason for this emperor's enthusiasm for this
new type of Buddhism is readily understandable if we bear in mind Hsuen-tung's fascination
 22
with Taoism, which made use of ritual practices similar to those employed in Esoteric
Buddhism such as astrology, incantation, mystical trances, and the like (Weinstein 1987: 54).

No doubt, the similarity between Esoteric Buddhism and Taoism was an important reason for the favour
Esoteric Buddhism succeeded in winning from Xuanzong.
However, it seems that there are other reasons for this "paradoxical phenomenon". Xuanzong's
suppression of Buddhism did not go without any resistance. The tension between Xuanzong's anti-Buddhist
stance and the monastic order backed by some powerful nobles reached a balance when Xuanzong fmally
realized that Buddhism was an important force to which he could and must do something other than to suppress
it. In other words, Xuanzong had enough wits to realize that he could and must effectively utilize Buddhism.
Meanwhile, Xuanzong was also clear that the old Buddhist forms, too closely associated with the Empress Wu
clan, could not be relied on any longer. Therefore, the new Tang ruler was in need of a new form of
Buddhism, over which he was able to exercise full control.
At this point, the Esoteric Buddhist tradition was newly introduced into China. It was the right
Buddhist form which perfectly met what Xuanzong was then seeking. Therefore, I suggest that Xuanxong's
apparently "paradoxical" acceptance of Esoteric Buddhism must be understood in this broader political context.

16. "School" is a tricky and, in many cases when Chinese Buddhism is concerned, misleading term when
applied to the Chinese Buddhist tradition in the pre-Sung periods (see, Weinstein 1987; and Sharf 1991).

17. These two texts are the Gongyangfa and the Suxidi gongyangfa (or, Suxidi jieluo gongyangfa). According
to Yixing, the former was composed by Subhakarasimha himself. The latter, not recorded in the two Tang
state-sponsored Buddhist bibliographies (the Kaiyuan lu and Zhenyuan lu) in which most of Subhakarasimha' s
officially supported translations were recorded, is unanimously held as Subhakarasimha' s translation by several
Buddhist bibliographies compiled by some Japanese Buddhist pilgrims studying in Tang China. Its similarity
in style with the Gongyangfa has led some scholars to believe that the Suxidi gongyangfa is also a manual
composed by Subhakarasimha himself (Lu 1995: 210-2).

18. As will be shown below, among Subhakarasimha's Chinese students and assistants, the most capable and
best known was the learned monk Yixing.

19. For the latest version of this view, see Lu 1995: 206-7.

20. Jpn., SobakodOji sfwmon gyo; Skt., SubaJzuparip[Ccha; The Sutra Delivered at the request of Bodhisattva
Subahu; in three fascicles; T895.

21. Jpn., Soshicchikara kyo; Skt., Susiddhikara siitra; The Sutra of "Wonderful Attainments" (susiddhz); in
three fascicles; T893.

22. As I will argue in the second part of this dissertation, the three siddhi texts, which have been traditionally
attributed to Subhakarasimha, are not translations of a Sanskrit origin.

23. Weinstein 1987: 55.

24. Jpn., Kongi5choyuga chu ryakushutsu nenju kyo; The Recitation Sutra Extracted from the Vajra.sekhara-
yoga[-siitra}; T866.
 23
25. From the standpoint of the later S ino-J apanese Esoteric traditions, the Darijing (lpn., Dainichiky 6), the
Jingangding jing (lpn., Kong6cho gyo) and the Suxidi jing (lpn., Soshicchi kyO), were the three most
important scriptures. In particular, Japanese Tendai school took them as the sources from which derived the
three Esoteric traditions.
Otherwise, it is noteworthy that of the three fundamental texts, the Jinganding jing/Kong6cho kyo
turned out to be the text that was fIrst translated (Vajrabodhi translated it into Chinese in 723, one year earlier
than the translation of the Darijing/Dainichikyo, which was done by Subhakarasimha in 724; and three years
earlier than that of the Suxidijing/Soshicchi kyo done by the same Subhakarasimha).

26. Bukong was born in Central Asia to an Indian father and a Sogdian mother.

27. It is for this reason that in this dissertation, while referring to Subhakarasimha and Vajrabodhi, the other
two of the "Three Mahasattvas of the Kaiyuan period", by their Sanskrit names, I refer to Bukong by his
Chinese, rather than Sanskrit, name.

28. The three successive emperors patronizing Bukong are Xuanzong (r.712-756), Suzong (r.756-762) and
Daizong (r. 762-779), the third of whom was the most fervent devotee of the Esoteric Buddhism promulgated
by Bukong (in fact, of all the Tang rulers Daizong may have been the most enthusiastic supporter of
Buddhism).

29. The so-called ry6buju 'ni (literally, the two divisions are not different") idea refers to the tendency to
integrate the two esoteric traditions (i.e., "Matrix Realm" and "Diamond Realm") into a harmonious system
in which neither was considered to be superior to the other. Scholars have long debated about when the
ryObuju'ni idea was formed. According to tradition, Subhakarasimha and Vajrabodhi, the two principal
representatives of the two esoteric traditions, initiated each other into their respective traditions. This story,
known as "kongzen goju", had been uncritically accepted among Esoteric traditions in Japan until modern
scholars revealed its lateness (it appeared no earlier than the middle of the ninth century, i.e., around a
century after the death of the two Esoteric patriarchs involved).
Rejecting this conventional story, more and more modern scholars attribute the rise of the ryObuju 'ni
idea to Vajrabodhi's main disciple Bukong. Matsunaga Yukei (1969: 146-47) is, however, sceptical of
Bukong's alleged impartiality toward the two Esoteric traditions. He points out, Bukong seems to have valued
the Jingangding jing teachings above Darijing teachings.
While it is debatable whether Bukong had maintained the unity and equality of the two Esoteric
traditions, the rytiJuju'ni idea, as some modern scholars believe, seems to have been established in China by
the time of Bukong's disciple and Kiikai's teacher, Huiguo (746-805) (cf., Groner 1984: 53). This
understanding is apparently based on the following famous story related by Kiikai. It was said that Huiguo
conferred only Diamond- or Matrix-realm initiation on most of his disciples, reserving the access to two
initiations to only a few highly prized students, among whom was Kiikai.
However, we must be aware of the polemical agenda underlying the ry6buju 'ni ideology which mught
have been advanced by Kiikai and furthered by his followers. I tend to believe that the ry6buju'ni idea was,
most likely, not so much due to Kiikai's teachers in China as to Kiikai himself.

30. Groner 1984: 60-61.

31. Chou 1945; Weinstein 1987.

32. Misaki 1988: 92-97.

 24

33. According to some sources, Yixing's decision to enter the monastic order was partly due to political
reasons. It is said that Yixing decided to do so in order to prevent himself from being associated with Wu
Sansi, a nephew of Empress Wu, who admired his learning and wanted to make a friend of him.

34. Despite this reputation Yixing did not assume his discipleship under Subhakarasimha until he had studied
with Vajrabodhi for several years, although Vajrabodhi arrived in Chang'an three years later than
Subhakarasimha. Further research is needed for the reasons Yixing chose to study with Vajrabodhi first.

35. Kiikai' s Ryaku fuhOden (KZ 1: 63-65) contains a stele inscription for Yixing, which is attributed to the
Tang Emperor Xuanzong (685-762 AD). This inscription, if authentic, must be taken as the earliest and most
reliable account of Yixing's life. In the same inscription is mentioned a monk named "Zhen", whom
Tsukamoto Zenryii identifies as the Tiantai scholar Huizhen (see Tsukamoto 1933: 23). According to the Shishi
yaolu, which was quoted in the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakufu (cf., DZl: 239-240), a work attributed to
Saicho but actually compiled by Saicho's disciples (for the authorship of this work, see the relevant discussion
in chapter three), Yixing also studied under Hongqing, another famed Tiantai scholar (cf., Weinstein 1974:
183).

36. Misaki 1988: 98-99.

37. As I will point out in chapter three, the historical truth of this saying could not be accepted without any
reservation. It first appeared in the Naisha Buppa sOja Kechimyakuju which, though conventionally taken as
left by Saicho himself, was in fact prepared by Saicho' s followers for some sectarian purposes.

38. Cf., Misaki 1968.

39. For the three fundamental esoteric texts, see note < 25 > in this chapter.
40. Weinstein 1974: 181.
 25

CHAPTER TWO

SAlCHO AND ESOTERIC BUDDHISM

Believed to be of Chinese descent, Saich6 was born in 767 1 near Lake Biwa, which is

located at the foot of Mt. Hiei. He began to study Buddhism at the age of twelve and was formally

ordained as a Buddhist priest at nineteen at the T6daiji in Nara. Unsatisfied with the conservative

and discursive style of the Nara schools, Saich6, barely three months after his ordination, retreated

to the then deserted Mt. Hiei to practice meditation and austerities in a grass hut he built by

himself. It was during his stay on Mt. Hiei that Saich6 developed his interest in Zhiyi's Tiantai

BUddhism2 •

Though living a secluded life, Saich6 gradually succeeded in attracting the attention of

court nobles. He was only thirty years old when he was appointed in 797 as one of the "ten monks

serving at the court chapel" (junaigubu)3.

One important thing happened shortly after Saich6's appointment as a naigubu. Sponsored

by the court, some of his wealthy relatives and lay followers, Saich6 was engaged in the

tremendous project of copying the Buddhist cannon (issaiky6)4. This may have afforded him a

chance to read some esoteric texts included in the canons. It was probably during this project that

Saich6 gained access to Yixing's commentary on the Darijing6 • What impressed him most in this

commentary was perhaps Yixing's thesis about the "oneness of the Tendai (Chin., yuan; Jpn., en)

and esoteric (Chin., mi; Jpn., mitsu) teachings", a thesis which was technically epitomized as

yuanmi yizhi (lpn., enmitsu icchif.

In 802 Saich6 was invited to lecture on the Lotus Sutra at the Taka6sanji Temple. The
 26

Taka6sanji lectures, which were Saich6's fIrst lectures away from Mt. Hiei, turned out to be very

successful. Even Emperor Krunn1U (737-809, r. 781-806) was impressed by Saich6' s performance

and he is said to have sent Saich6 complimentary messages. Encouraged by the emperor's interest

in Tendai, Saich6 requested permission to send two of his students (Enld and My6ch6) to China

in order to secure accurate copies of Tendai texts and to receive instruction in Tendai doctrines

directly from the Chinese masters. Saich6's request was soon approved. Unfortunately, Enki and

My6ch6 failed in their voyage to China8 • Emperor Kammu then requested Saich6 to travel to

China in person. Saich6 accepted it and in the seventh month of 804 he was aboard a Japanese

envoy's ship heading for China.

Section (A) Saich6's Contacts with Esoteric Buddhism during His Stay in China

After a two month voyage, Saich6 landed at the port of Mingzhou (in the northern part of

present Zhejiang Province) on the fIrst day of the ninth month of 804. About one month later, he

reached Mt. Tiantai, the goal of his pilgrimage. During the tenth month of the same year Saich6

allegedly received his fIrst Esoteric initiation from a Tiantai monk named Weixiang who was then

residing at the Guoqingsi Temple (Monastery for the Purification of the Empire) on Mt. Tiantai,
 27

exactly the headquarters of the Tiantai school9 •

Saich6 spent about 20 weeks in the vicinity of Mt. Tiantai, studying with his Chinese

Tiantai tutors Daosui 1o and Xingmalfl , in addition to collecting and copying Buddhist texts.

During his sojourn on the Tiantai mountains he collected 120 texts, twelve of which are related

to Esoteric Buddhism.

On the twenty-fifth day of the third month of 805, Saich6 arrived at the port of Mingzhou

to await the ship which would carry him back to Japan. No sooner had Saich6 arrived in

Mingzhou than he was informed that their previously scheduled return trip would be delayed for

about one and a half month. This unexpected delay provided Saich6 a chance to visit Longxinsi

and Fahuasi, two local temples in Yuezhou, where Saich6 had heard that a large quantity of

Buddhist texts were stored.

Following Saicho's followers like the Eizan Daishi den author who states that Saicho was

brought to Yuezhou in order to secure esoteric texts (DZ1: 19), some Tendai priest-scholars have

tried to depict Saicho's Yuezhou trip as mainly aimed at seeking esoteric initiations and texts 12 •

The permission issued by the Mingzhou Prefect to allow Saich6 to travel to Yuezhou, however,

indicates that Saicho had applied to travel to Yuezhou merely because he heard that the Buddhist

texts which he had failed to secure in Taizhou were stored at the two local temples in Yuezhou

(i. e., the Longxingsi and Fahuasi) 13. It is hard to conclude from the official document that the

chief purpose of Saicho's Yuezhou trip was related to Esoteric Buddhism l4 .

In any case, Saicho did secure more Esoteric texts in Yuezhou than in the vicinity of Mt.

Tiantai. According to the Esshiiroku (The bibliography [compiled in] Esshii [Chin., Yuezhou])15,

of the 102 texts that he obtained in Yuezhou 38 concern the esoteric tradition.
 28

Yet what proves to be the most important aspect of Saicho's trip to Yuezhou was the

esoteric initiation that he received with his disciple-interpreter Gishin (781-833) from Shunxiao,

who was then affIliated with the Longxinsi Temple in Yuezhou. As Saich6 himself states in the

Esshiiroku (DZ4: 381), Shunxiao initiated Saicho and Gishin into an esoteric initiation at a temple

on Mt. Fengshan16 , which is located east of Lake Jing:

[We] headed for the Longxingsi Temple in Yuezhou to visit the abode of Master
Shunxiao. Gishin and I followed the master to the Fengshan Temple east of Lake
Jing 17 • The master guided us to repair the temple and then led us into the "mandala
altar of the five division abhi;;eka" (gobu kanjo mandara danj6). On the spot, he
transmitted to us the methods of dharaJ}is and sprinkled our heads with the water
of dhara¢. Then, we copied the [texts about] the dhanna-gates of recitation and
the pictures regarding offering [ceremonies] as listed above. [Finally,] we had the
texts collated (DZ4: 381).

Two points in this passage are important and warrant emphasis here. First of all, it seems that

Saich6 here merely presented his Chinese guru Shunxiao as an ordinary monk of the Longxingsi.

Except for this simple remark, he says nothing about Shunxiao' s titles, background or even the

religious lineage to which he belonged. Here, we have to underscore the following fact: it is in

the Essh iiroku that Saicho described this monk responsible for the single important esoteric

initation Saicho received in China. Though the Essh iiroku was written in China on the eve of his

return to Japan, Saich6 knew very well that he must submit it to the Japanese emperor, who had

sponsored his travel to China and of whom he must convince the value of his study in China. Had

Saich6 at the time regarded Shunxiao as an eminent monk of distinguished lineage with honorific

titles he would have described him as such in the Esshiiroku. This would have been strong

evidence for the importance of his study in China. Saicho's failure to do so suggests that either

Shunxiao was indeed an ordinary monk or some reasons had prevented Saich6 from learning that
 29

Shunxiao was actually a distinguished priest. In either case, one thing is certain: Saich6, by the

thirteenth day of the fifth month of 805 (the day he compiled the Esshiiroku), had not seen

Shunxiao as an especially pre-eminent monk. Serious attention must be paid to this fact. As will

be seen in chapter three, this fact itself will prove very important in discrediting a "court

certificate" allegedly issued by the Japanese government to certify Saich6's religious attainment

as well as a "dharma-transmission certificate" fjuh8mon) which is said to have been written by

Shunxiao for Saich6.

Secondly, the five division mandala mentioned in this Essh iiroku passage seems to refer

to the five divisions of a kong&ai mandala, i.e., the divisions of Buddha, Lotus, Vajra, Jewel,

and Dharma. Therefore, although Saich6 and later Tendai sources tried to redefine it as belonging

to a dual esoteric tradition (taiz&ai and kong&azy8, the initiation from Shunxiao, as originally

depicted in Saich6's own Esshiiroku, was more likely of kong&ai origin.

Saich6 was back in Mingzhou from Yuezhou by the thirteenth day of the fifth month of

805, the day he compiled the Esshiiroku. He left for Japan on the nineteenth of the same month,

arriving at his destination with the Japan mission either in the late sixth month or in the early

seventh month, 805 19 .

Section (B) Saich6's Esoteric Activities in Japan before Kiikai's Return from China
 30

Shortly after his return, i.e., on the fifteenth day of the seventh month of Enryaku 24

(805), Saicho submitted to the court a memoriafo along with the Taishiiroku and Esshiiroku, the

two bibliographies of Buddhist texts he had collected during his study in China. The court

responded to his submission immediately. Edicts were issued, ordering the newly secured Tendai

texts copied and distributed to the "Seven Great Temples" in N ara21 • So warmly received by the

court, Saicho had every reason to be optimistic about the future of his religious activities in Japan.

However, one thing probably slightly disturbed Saicho. Not long after his return he had

come to the realization that Emperor Kammu, his chief supporter, was more interested in Esoteric

Buddhism than in the Tendai teachings. It was in pursuit of the genuine Tendai dharma

transmission that Saicho had gone to China and it was in Tendai doctrines that his expertise was

believed to reside.

Emperor Kammu' s favouring of Esoterism was due to both personal and political

considerations. His attitude toward Esoteric Buddhism seems to have been crucial in inducing (if

not forcing) Saicho to incorporate Esoteric Buddhism as part of the Hieizan curriculum shortly

after his return from China. In this sense, Emperor Kammu's enthusiasm for Esoteric Buddhism

was important for the initial formation of the Tendai form of Esoteric Buddhism. Therefore, some

speculation about Kammu' s interest in Esoteric Buddhism may be necessary and helpful at this

point.

At least two factors contributed to Emperor Kammu's interest in Esoteric Buddhism. First

of all, his health was then rapidly deteriorating, a situation that believed to have been precipitated
 31

by the vengeful spirit of Prince Sawara (d. 785), Emperor Kammu's half brother, who had fallen

victim to a coup against Emperor Kammu22 • In order to mollify Sawara' s supposed malevolence

against Emperor Kammu and facilitate the recovery of his health, many measures had been tried

but unfortunately, they had got little effect by the time Saich6 returned to Japan. The colourful

esoteric rites newly brought back from China by Saich6 appeared attractive and impressive, and

were naturally resorted to as the last means of praying for the health of the ailing empero~3.

Secondly, Kammu's favouritism toward Esoteric Buddhism was perhaps, to a great extent,

politically orientated. His attitude toward Esoteric Buddhism is strongly reminiscent of an

precedent set by his Chinese counterpart, Emperor Xuanzong (r. 713-755). As observed above,

Xuanzong had warmly responded to the newly introduced Esoteric Buddhism not merely for its

apparent similarities with Taoism (the religious form favoured by him and other Tang rulers as

well), but also out of his urgent need for a new type of Buddhism which had few political

connections, and over which he was able to keep tight contro124 • It was probably for a similar

political reason that Emperor Kammu welcomed the Esoteric Buddhism Saich6 brought back from

China along with Tendai. One of the factors which had prompted Emperor Kammu to move his

capital from Nara to Kyoto was his desire to reduce the influence that the Nara Buddhist order

then exercised upon his government. He warmly embraced Esoteric Buddhism perhaps in the hope

that this most recently imported Buddhist form could help counter-balance (or at least lessen) the

pressure imposed on him and his government from the monastic institutions represented by the

"Six Schools in Nara".

Although Emperor Kammu' s favouritism toward Esoteric Buddhism over Tendai might

have somewhat disappointed (if not frustrated) Saich6, evidence shows that he wasted no time in
 32

adjusting the emphasis of his teachings to the new need of the emperor. He cleverly seized on

every opportunity provided by Emperor Kammu and rapidly rose to prominence.

On the ninth day of the eighth month in 805, hardly one month after his return, Saich6 was

seen in the court practising sutra-reciting and esoteric rites for forestalling a recurrence of the

earthquake which had ravaged the capital area several days earlier5 • Less than twenty days later,

he was asked by the ailing emperor to conduct, for the purpose of hastening his recovery, a

consecration ceremonr6 at the Taka6sanji Temple27 under the auspices of the state. The court edict

issued for this occasion demonstrated that Saich6 had by that time achieved the emperor's

complete trust for his role in introducing Esoteric Buddhism into Japan:

Esoteric Buddhism had not yet been transmitted to this land, but fortunately Saich6
has obtained it. It will be fitting to select from among the clergymen in the great
temples those who are endowed with both knowledge and virtue and to have them
go through the abhi:;;eka ritual... All necessary funds for the performance of the
ritual, regardless of amount, are to be provided as Saich6 shall direcf8.

Attended by eight monks, two of whom, Shiien and Gonsh6, acted as the stand-ins for the

ill emper0l29 , the ceremony was formally performed by Saicho on the first day of the ninth month

of 80630 . The sanmayakai precept was conferred in this ceremcilly . Also conducted in the

ceremony were some esoteric procedures involving "Buccho" (literally, the "top of the Buddha's

head") and "Gobucch6" (the "tops of the heads of five buddhas"), which are among the three

types of "Miscellaneous" esoteric (zemitsu) rites into which Saich6 was said to have been initiated

while in Yuezhou32 • Except for these two points almost nothing certain can be said of the content

of this ceremony. It is, however, suggested that this ceremony might have been based on the

initiation Saich6 received in Yuezhou from Shunxiao, which was, most likely, a type of Diamond

Realm (kongCkai) initiation33 • Finally, the esoteric implements which Saicho had brought from
 33

Yuezhou were probably employed on this occasion34 • At any rate, if the description of this

ceremony appearing in the Eizan Daishiden, Kenkairon engi and Ruiju Kokushi (completed 892i5

is reliable, this esoteric ceremony represents the first kanj 0 ceremony ever conducted in Japan36 •

Furthermore, it may have been the first Japanese esoteric ritual to use a magda/a, and one of the

earliest ceremonies to use dharav.ls written in a Sanskrit script37 •

Despite the trust he had won from Emperor Kammu, Saicho was anxious to seek official

recognition of his Tendai school. A memorial he submitted to the court on the third day of the first

month of 806 was aimed at precisely this purpose38 • Saicho proposed in the memorial that the

number of official yearly ordinands (nenbun di5sha) be fixed at twelve: two allocated to each of

the Kegon, Tendai and Ritsu schools with the remaining six equally divided between Sanron and

Rosso, the two most powerful schools at the time (each of which had been granted five yearly

ordinands). Twenty-three days later, the court approved Saicho's proposal39 , but specified that one

of the two ordinands allocated to Tendai must be devoted to the study of Esoteric Buddhism, i.e.,

the Dainichikyo (Chin., Darijing; Skt., Mahiivairocana-siJtra), the basic text on which the "Matrix

Realm" line of Esoteric Buddhism was based.

It is notable that the division of the Tendai ordinands into two courses, shanagdf> (the

course of Esoteric Buddhism) and shikang(jl (the course of "meditation and contemplation" [i.e.,

Tendai teachings]), was not originally proposed by Saicho himself but required by the court. What

warrants more attention is the following fact: in the court edict approving Saicho's proposal, the

shanago course was placed before the shikango of esoteric study at a1l42 • This sharp contrast

between the absence of Esoteric Buddhism in Saicho's initial petition and the priority the court

gave to it has led some scholars to believe that the formal introduction of Esoteric Buddhism into
 34

Tendai was largely the result of Emperor Kammu' s insistence43 .

On the other hand, Saich6's decision to concentrate his shanago disciples on the

Dainichikyo is notable. First of all, this reveals both his interest in the scripture and his confidence

of his own mastery of it. As noted above, it is very likely that Saich6 had already had access to

Yixing's commentary on the Dainichikyo before his travel to China. Most likely, he had a chance

to re-read the commentary during his sojourn on Mt. Tiantai, which was then, as noted in chapter

one, an active site for esoteric studies and practice. The fame of the Dainichikyo as a fundamental

esoteric text, as well as Saich6' s own familiarity with an authoritative commentary on it, might

naturally have led him to use the Dainichikyo as the sole text in his shanago course. This exclusive

concentration on the Dainichikyo, the basic text for the "Matrix Realm" line of Esoteric

Buddhism, determined that the Tendai Esoteric Buddhism, from its inception, would lay particular

stress on the "Matrix Realm" line. This tendency to stress the Matrix-Realm tradition seems to

have persisted into Saich6's late years. In his 818 work, the Kansho Tendaishii nenbun

gakushashiki (DZl: 14), Saich6 defined the shanago course as a "curriculum in which students

are trained in the meditative recitation of [the mantras for the deities in] the three divisions

(sanbu)"44. The term sanbu here refers to the three divisions in the Matrix Mandala, i.e., Buddha,

Lotus and Vajra. Saich6 made no mention of the Diamond MaJ}dala, which comprises five

divisions (the two divisions of Jewel and dharma plus the three constituting the Matrix Mandala).

In another work composed in 819, Saich6, in an even clearer way, redefined his shanago course

as dainichi taiz&ai, i.e., the course of the "Matrix Mandala of the Great Compassion"45.

Secondly, the exclusive use of the Dainichikyo in the shanago curriculum meant that

Saich6 seemed to have been ignorant of the idea of ryrou goju (which means, the "two esoteric
 35
traditions interfusing with each other"), let alone that of sanbu goju (the "three esoteric traditions

interfusing"). At the least it can be said that Saich6 was not so interested in the ryObu goju idea

as later Tendai sources have led us to believe. In his later years, Saich6 introduced into his

shanago program more esoteric texts46 , but not the Kong6cho kyo and Soshicchi kyo, two of the

three most important works in the three traditions [sanbu] of later Tendai Esoteric Buddhism.

Actually, it was not until Ennin's time that these two texts were added to the shanago course and

the sanbu goju idea became one of the hallmarks of Japanese Tendai Buddhism47 •

At any rate, the installation of the Shanago curriculum on Mt. Hiei did prove significant

for the initial establishment of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism. With the study of the Dainichikyo

incorporated as its one subdivision, Saich6's new school was formally set up as the sole

authoritative representative of the esoteric tradition at the time. It seems that in the early period

after his return Saich6 was respected as an Esoteric master as much as a Tendai patriarch.

Section (C) Saich6 and KUkai: Saich6's Effort to Create the Tendai Form of Esoteric
Buddhism

Saich6's reputation as an authority on Esoteric Buddhism would have gone unchallenged

 36

for much longer had the following two events not happened. The first is the untimely demise of

Emperor Kammu in early 806. The following emperor, Reizei (774-824, r. 806-809), was

indifferent to the Buddhist cause and seems to have been particularly unfriendly to the Tendai sect.

The allotment of Tendai yearly ordinands was withheld during his three-year reign. What

worsened Saicho's situation was the steady comeback of the Fujiwara clan, which was a strong

backer of the N ara schools, especially the Rosso sect48 • Accordingly, Saicho's fledgling school

was under considerable pressure from the conservative Nara schools headed by the Rosso, which

was then regaining its power after a period of decline.

The second event which adversely affected Saicho' s prestige as an Esoteric leader was the

unexpected return of Kiikai, who had more solid mastery of Esoteric Buddhism than did Saicho49 •

During his brief stay in China, Saicho was only occasionally initiated into some seemingly

insignificant and obscure esoteric initiations from some little known masters living in remote

regions like Yuezhou and Taizhou. By contrast, Kiikai had formally spent thirty months in the

capital Chang'an, then the centre of Esoteric Buddhism, receiving from such prestigious Esoteric

masters like Huiguo the dual esoteric transmission of "Matrix" and "Diamond" Realms. In the

eyes of the knowledgeable, Saicho's comparatively limited esoteric knowledge was perhaps too

easily outshone by Kiikai' s thorough mastery of Esoteric Buddhism.

Although in general ignored in the two to three years following his return from China50 ,

Kiikai, with his brilliant literary talent and superior knowledge of Esoteric Buddhism, gradually

succeeded in attracting attention from the royal and aristocratic families. He began to establish

himself as a new authority in Esoteric Buddhism, potentially to the detriment of Saicho's prestige

as an Esoteric expert. Saicho, however, did not merely see a threat in Kiikai at this period. There
 37

is evidence to show that Saich6, at the early period of his association with Kiikai, viewed him

more as a friend or even ally than as a rival. The subtle character of their relationship was to a

large extent determined by their particular circumstances at the time.

Saich6 was then facing a real crisis. The strong recovery of the Nara schools and the

weaknesses inherent in his shanago program were causing large-scale defection within his sect.

The seriousness of the defection is confirmed by a record written by Saich6 himself (cf., DZ1:

250-52). Between 807 and 812, there were in total twelve ordinands enroled in the two curricula

on Mt. Hiei. But all of them, except K6j6 (779-851) and Tokuzen, left Mt. Hiei, either defecting

to the Hoss6 school or going to the Taka6sanji to study Esoteric Buddhism under Kiikai. It is easy

to imagine how much damage these defections had done to the institutional foundation of Saich6' s

new school. In order to stem the defections within the Tendai order, among other things, Saich6

needed to make his shanago curriculum more attractive. And here, he urgently needed assistance

from Kiikai, who, Saich6 himself admitted, had superior knowledge of Esoteric Buddhism51 .

In a letter of the second month of 811, Saich6 formally requested Kiikai' s instruction in

Esoteric Buddhism and an esoteric consecration (abhi~ka) he called in the letter henjo isson kanjo

(the "abhi~ka for the single deity of Vairocana")52. To this request from Saich6, Kiikai sent back

a very positive response.

Considering Kiikai's situation at the time, his reaction is not surprising either. Having just

risen from the obscurity of the three years following his return from China, Kiikai was then

eagerly seeking broad recognition for his expertise in Esoterism. He may have taken Saich6's

request as a rare opportunity to secure the seat of the Esoteric leader from Saich6, who had been

recognized as the greatest Esoteric master in Japan. For Kiikai, there was perhaps no better way
 38

to claim his paramount authority on Esoteric Buddhism than to help Saicho solve the difficulties

he encountered in Esoteric activities. Thus, on the basis of their mutual needs, these two potential

rivals formed a weak alliance.

One way Saicho tried to augment his esoteric knowledge was by reading the new esoteric

texts brought back by Kiikai. Twenty-four of Saicho's extant letters, which number around forty,

were addressed to Kiikai. Eleven of these letters to Kiikai were, in tum, written for the loan of

the texts newly imported by Kiikai from China, most of which were, of course, esoteric. Saicho' s

surviving letters demonstrate that his borrowing of Kiikai' s texts was both extensive and long

lasting. It continued for several years, from 809 to 816. He managed to copy at least 214

fascicles, that is, nearly half of the entire 461 fascicles of Kiikai' s imported texts 53 .

In his letters to KUkai, Saicho usually refers to himself humbly as, "your humble disciple

[Sai]cho" (DZ5: 456), "Your disciple at the East Mountain [Hiei], Saicho" (DZ5: 456), "[Sai]cho

who remains your disciple forever", etc. Considering that Saicho was senior (both in age and

monastic rank) to Kiikai, his extraordinary esteem for and deference to Kiikai at this period were

unusual54 . Without doubt, this testifies to Saicho' s modesty. But it also shows how eager Saicho

was then in his efforts to improve his esoteric expertise. Actually, by addressing himself in this

way, Saicho not merely ceded the seat of Esoteric leader to Kiikai, but also openly accepted

Kiikai's authority as a teacher in the matter of Esoteric Buddhism.

Saicho's earnestness in learning Esoteric Buddhism was further confrrmed by the way he

sought to receive esoteric initiations from Kiikai. On the twenty-seventh day of the tenth month

of 812, Saicho, accompanied by his disciple Kojo, went to visit Kiikai at the Otokunji Temple.

This was, probably, the third occasion on which they saw each other5 • It seems that this meeting
 39

between the two Buddhist leaders was quite amiable and constructive. Kiikai pleasantly promised

to grant Saich6 and his disciples a taiziXai initiation two months later. In order to fulfil this

promise, Kiikai agreed to move to the Taka6sanji. In addition, Kiikai seems to have been quite

pleased by Saich6's submission to his authority in Esoteric Buddhism. He volunteered an

additional favour to Saich6 and his disciples by conferring upon them a kongiXai initiation on the

fifteenth day of the eleventh month (viz, after he moved to the Taka6sanji and before he conducted

the taiziXai initiation as previously promised)56. Thus on the exact spot where Saich6, seven years

ago, had performed the first kanjoceremony in Japan, he received from Kiikai the initiations into

the dual esoteric transmission of the Diamond- and Matrix-realm57 .

But it seems that the initiations Saich6 received from Kiikai were merely of intermediary

rank, a far cry from the dengyo kanjo (or denbo kanjo, the abhi:;eka of dharma transmission)

which qualifies the receiver to accept students and transmit to them esoteric dharma. It was really

such an advanced initiation that Saich6 was then seeking from Kiikai. A title of dengyo ajari

would have helped Saich6 considerably in rehabilitating his shanago program. This would have

made him a full-fledged Esoteric master and thereby enabled him to stem the tide of defections

among his shanago students (it appears that a majority of the defectors left Mt. Hieizan out of

their dissatification at the shanago curriculum there).

Yet Kiikai insisted that Saich6 study with him for three years before he would consider

conferring on him the dengyo kanjo initiation, since the initiation required the mastery of some

complicated rituals by both parties58 . Unfortunately, the monastic order on Mt. Hiei was then

plunged into chaos. The disunion among Tendai monks and the problem of defections required

Saich6' s immediate return to Mt. Hiei and his sustained attention to the Hieizan monasteric
 40

affairs. It was then out of the question for Saich6 to stay with Kiikai for as long as Kiikai had

requested. Both as a way to compensate for the regret caused by his untimely departure and more

importantly, as a part of his plan to rehabilitate his shanago course with Kiikai' shelp, Saich6

decided to leave some of his most promising students to study Esoteric Buddhism under Kiikai at

Taka659 • Among these students were Ench6, Ken'ei and Taihan, the last of whom was Saich6's

most beloved student.

Saich6' s refusal to stay with KUkai for a longer period probably caused KUkai to question

his sincerity in learning Esoteric Buddhism. Afterward, the way Saich6 engaged himself in the

esoteric study further exacerbated KUkai. Saich6 preferred to improve his esoteric expertise by

reading, while Kiikai insisted on the irreplaceable importance of face-to-face transmissions

between master and disciple (menju). Finally, Kiikai gave vent to his anger over the way Saich6

pursued his esoteric studies in a letter in which he squarely refused Saich6' s request to borrow the

RishushakukyfYJ. The tone of this letter was so acrimonious that their friendship was believed to

have been abruptly brought to a bitter end.

Their delicate relationship was further damaged by Taihan's announced defection to Kiikai.

Taihan was considered by Saich6 as the most capable student and as his future successor. Saich6' s

surviving letters to Taihan demonstrate his deep emotional dependence upon Taihan, whom he

addressed as "my Dharma-colleague (dCb6)" (DZ5: 462-63). In some sense, Taihan had

represented Saich6' s hope of creating a Tendai form of Esoteric Buddhism and promoting his

shanago curriculum. Taihan's defection may have been an emotional blow to Saich6, making his

weak relationship with KUkai absolutely irreparable.

However, the most damaging disagreement which had driven Saich6 and Kiikai apart was
 41

their conflicting opinion about the relationship between the Esoteric (mikky6) and Exoteric

(kenky6) fonns of Buddhism. Kiikai maintained that with regard to authority and validity Shingon

stood head and shoulders above all other forms of Buddhism (including Tendai). By contrast,

Saich6 stuck to the lotus teaching as the paramount truth, which other Buddhist forms (including

Shingon) could supplement but not surpass. He advocated that the Shingon and Tendai teachings

were not contradictory to each other, but mutually supplementary. Both were of equal authority

and validity and neither should be preferred over the other. For example, in the very letter to

Kiikai dated the nineteenth day of the eighth month of 812, in which Saich6 asked Kiikai to train

him and his students in Esoteric Buddhism, Saich6 declared,

But the Vairocana school (i.e., Shingon) and Tendai interfuse with each other.
They all share the same commentary61 .. , There should be no such thing as
preferring one to the other. The Lotus and the Golden Light are those texts to
which the previous emperor [Kammu] devoted himself, and there exists no
difference between the One Unifying Vehicle [of Tendai] and Shingon (DZ5: 456;
Abe's translation [1995: 112-13]).

In a letter four years later to Taiban, then studying with Kiikai at the Taka6sanji Temple, Saich6

states, "The One Unifying Vehicle of the Lotus (hokke ichij6) , the One Unifying Vehicle of

Shingon (shingon ichij6)--what difference in excellence could there be?" (DZ5: 469). This

indicates that Saich6, throughout his sustained association with (and occasional study under)

Kiikai, adhered to the oneness of Tendai Perfect Teaching and Mikky6 (enmitsu icchl).

Moreover, for Kiikai, what was most intolerable about Saich6 was his "questionable"

understanding and "exploitation" of Esoteric Buddhism. As noted above, Saich6 was bent on

"grafting" Esoteric Buddhism to his Tendai teaching as a response to the crisis facing him and his

fledgling school. Saich6 had tried to use Esoteric Buddhism as a pillar to bolster and strengthen
 42

the whole edifice of his Tendai teachings. For Kiikai, Esoteric Buddhism is different in nature

from any exoteric form of Buddhism. No combination of them was allowed. Any attempt to

subject Esoteric Buddhism to the service of any exoteric form of Buddhism was, for Kiikai, an

unpardonable offence. This totally irreconcilable opinion about the nature, function of and inter-

relationship between, Esoteric and Exoteric forms of Buddhism turned out to be another principal

source of discord that seriously soured their relationship and finally turned Saich6 and Kiikai from

friends into antagonists.

In summary, the following remarks can be made about Saich6's relation with Kiikai. Apart

from the crisis within the Tendai sect which necessitated his sustained presence on Mt. Hiei,

Saich6's conviction that the Lotus teaching was the unsurpassed truth had prevented him from

studying Esoteric Buddhism in the way Kiikai expected him to. This gulf between them

increasingly evaporated Saich6's hope of developing a Tendai form of Esoteric Buddhism by

himself. Instead, he left some of his brilliant students with Kiikai to study Esoteric Buddhism.

However, his plan to enlist Kiikai' s assistance in training his students was also frustrated by the

precipitous end of their co-operative relation and Taihan's defection to Kiikai. Given the

irreconcilable nature of the two different ways in which Saich6 and Kiikai viewed Esoteric

Buddhism and its relation with other types of Buddhist forms (including Tendai), Saich6's

prospect of achieving a Tendai-Mikky6 syncretism by grafting some Esoteric Buddhist forms to

the Tendai teachings became more and more bleak.

 43

Section (D) The Kenkairon and Saicho's Efforts to Redefine His Esoteric Transmission
from Shunxiao

Taihan's defection formally announced the end of Saicho' s friendship with Kiikai and his

attempt to develop an Esoteric system in terms of Tendai doctrines. This marked a watershed in

the life of Saicho. He seems to have been invigorated, rather than overwhelmed, by this event.

Not long after his rupture with Kiikai, Saicho was seen on the way to the eastern provinces of

Shinano, Kozuke, and Shimotsuke, where he engaged in proselytizing activities (Sonoda 1952:

49). This sojourn in the eastern provinces, though brief, proved to be of great importance for

Saicho and the later development of his school. Some of his leading disciples, who were active

after his death, came from the eastern area.

Saicho returned from the eastern provinces to Mt. Hiei in the eighth month of 817. From

then on until his death in the sixth month of 822, the focus of his interest had shifted from

Esoteric Buddhism to the (i) defence of the Tendai teachings against the Hosso criticisms, (ii)

administering the Tendai order, and finally (iii) establishing an exclusively Mahayanist "precept

platform" (kaidan) on Mt. Hiei. This last task, which is known in Japanese Buddhist history as

Daija kaidan unda (the movement advocating the establishment of a "Mahayanist precept

platform"), proved to be the most ambitious and important achievement in the life of Saicho.

Saicho advanced the daija kaidan movement in order to ordain Tendai monks in
 44

accordance with the Mahayanist precepts as stipulated in the Chinese Buddhist apocryphon

Fanwang jing (Jpn., Bonmo kyo; TI484). The Fanwang jing precepts are much less strict than the

Rinayana precepts. Saich6's efforts to establish Mahayana kaidan incurred staunch resistance from

the Nara schools. The Nara monks were afraid that the Tendai school, after gaining the privilege

to ordain Buddhist priests by itself, would become more independent and uncontrollable.

Therefore, they attacked the orthodoxy of Saich6' s school through the accusation that his dharma

transmissions were obtained from provinces, instead of the capital, in China62 • Saich6 felt the

necessity of defending the legitimacy of his lineages.

Consequently, in the second month of K6nin 11 (820), Saich6 submitted the Kenkairon to

the court in order to counter the criticisms advanced by the conservative monks against his petition

to establish a Mahayana precept-platform on Mt. Riei.

To the charge that Saich6, who never travelled to the Tang Capital but limiting himself to

the coastal regions, failed to get orthodox and reliable dharma transmissions from China, Saich6

responded by showing that his transmissions from China were all from reliable sources. First of

all, he related in the Kenkairon his Tendai lineage:

At the end of the Enryaku period [we] Saich6 and Gishin, et al., under imperial
order, went to the Great Tang to pursue the Way on Mt. Tiantai. Thanks to the
virtues of our country, we reached Taizhou [safely]. Immediately, the governor of
the prefecture, moved by our sincerity in seeking the dharma, introduced us to
Master Daosui on Mt. Tiantai. With his love and compassion, the master, in one
word, transmitted to us the teaching of "three contemplations in one mind" (Chin.,
yixinsanguan; Jpn., isshinsankan). The perfect bodhisattva precepts were also
conferred on us, who are the most devoted. Thus, we completely obtained the
teachings exclusively belonging to the Tendai school.

Then Saich6 described his esoteric initiation from Shunxiao in a way different from that in which

he had depicted the same initiation in the Essh iiroku bibliography,

 45

Moreover, the governor of Mingzhou Prefecture, Zhen Shenze, had us escorted to

Yuezhou Prefecture to receive the abhi;;eka. Fortunately, we met Master
Shunxiao from the Lingyansi Temple on Mt. Taiyue (Le., Taishan). At a
temple on Mt. Fengshan which situated east of Lake ling, Master [Shunxiao]
conferred [upon us] a abhi§eka of a dual transmission. He also offered us a
variety of instruments during the initiation. After receiving the initiation, we
immediately returned to the place where the return ships were waiting
(T74.2376.590c7-15; my emphasis).

Read in close comparison with the Esshiiroku passage in which the initial description of the

Shunxiao initiation was made fifteen years earlier, this Kenkairon passage is found to have

differed from the earlier text in two important points. First of all, while it was merely observed

in the Essh Uroku passage that Shunxiao was a Longxingsi monk:, the Kenkairon passage gives

some further information about Shunxiao's background by indicating that he originally came from

a temple called Lingyansi on Mt. Taishan (in present-day Taian City, Shandong Province).

Secondly, the Kenkairon passage defines the initiation from Shunxiao differently. The

Esshiiroku passage describes this initiation as an abhi;;eka conducted on a five-division mandala,

impressing the reader that the initiation may have been of kong&ai origin. By contrast, in this

Kenkairon passage, Saicho refrains from associating the Shunxiao initiation exclusively with a sort

of kongawi abhi;;eka; rather, he claims in the same passage that the initiation he received from

Shunxiao belongs to a dual esoteric transmission (ryCiJu).

On the basis of these two points, I conclude that some effort was made in the Kenkairon

passage to clarify the obscurity surrounding Shunxiao and on the other, to redefine the initiation

from Shunxiao as a dual esoteric transmission. This change was made, as suggested by Kiuchi,

probably after Saicho associated with and studied under Kilkai, from whom he had received the

kongCkai and taiz&ai initiations (Kiuchi 1964: 164-65).

 46

Some Concluding Remarks

Without doubt, throughout his lifetime Saich6's main interest resided in the Tendai

teachings. What had brought him to China was, fIrst and foremost, the objective of collecting

those Tiantai texts either unavailable in Japan or available there in poorly transcribed copies. Yet,

upon his return from China Saich6 found, to his surprise (if not disappointment), that Emperor

Kammu was more interested in Esoteric Buddhism than in the Tendai teachings, of which Saich6

was an unchallenged authority.

However, all was not lost to Saich6, since one fourth of the texts he had secured in China

were related to Esoteric Buddhism. Saich6 devoted one of the two integral parts of his new

religion to Esoteric Buddhism, which was indicated as the shanago curriculum. Before Kiikai' s

return, Tendai was regarded in Japan as the sole officially recognized representative of Esoteric

Buddhism and Saich6 had been respected as the paramount authority of this new form of

Buddhism.

As for Saich6' s relationship with Esoteric Buddhism, it is worthwhile to stress the

following points:

First of all, it seems that for Saich6 Esoteric Buddhism had been important for merely a

brief period. Initially, Esoteric Buddhism had been incorporated into the Hieizan curricula mainly

at the strong insistence of Emperor Kammu. From 811 to 813, Saich6 voluntarily went to study
 47
Esoteric Buddhism under Kiikai, mainly as a strategy to stem the defections within his sect. After

his relationship with KUkai deteriorated and his attempt to obtain a Tendai-Mikky6 synthesis was

frustrated, his concern was focused on Tendai teachings and the administrative affairs within the

monastic order on Mt. Riei. In his late years, he was pre-occupied with the movement aimed at

the establishment of the daijo kaidan on Mt. Riei. This movement gave rise to such strong

opposition from the conservative N ara schools that Saich6 was forced into a protracted debate with

Nara monks, the learned Ross6leader Tokuichi in particular. So much of the future of his school

had been tied to the daijo kaidan movement and the debate was so intense and far-reaching that

Saich6, most likely, was left little time to take care of his other interests, including Esoteric

Buddhism.

Secondly, after the death ofKammu, who had been fascinated with the esoteric forms brought

back to Japan by Saich6, Saich6 seems to have become more and more willing to define his school

in terms of the Tendai lotus teaching, rather than its esoteric part. In particular, the more steadily

KUkai rose to eminence as an esoteric authority, the less Saich6 became confident in the esoteric side

of his school. We find that as early as the year 812 Saich6 had openly admitted his deficiency in

Esoteric Buddhism, while acknowledging Kiikai's proficiency in the same area. He had even gone so

far as to seek, as student, instruction and initiations from Kiikai. Both by word and action, he had

ceded the seat of Esoteric leadership to Kiikai.

Thirdly, with regard to the two esoteric traditions, Matrix- and Diamond-realm, which are

respectively represented by the Dainichikyo and Kongi5cho gyo, Saich6 seems to have advocated the

superiority of the former over the latter. This partiality toward the Matrix-realm tradition is confirmed

by his insistence on basing the shanago course exclusively on the Dainichikyo, to the exclusion of the
 48

Kong6cho gyo. The exclusion of the Kong6cho gyo from the shanago curriculum persisted even after

Saich6's association with and study under Kiikai, which had, presumably, sufficiently familiarized him

with the scripture and awakened him to its importance. We have evidence to believe that later in life

Saich6's knowledge of the kongocho gyo had become ample since he had obtained a copy of the

Kongocho gyo from Kiikai and kept it for several years. Therefore, Saich6's refusal to include the

Kong6cho gyo in his shanago course reveals not so much his lack of familiarity with the text as the

weakness of his interest in it. It seems that Saich6 himself was not so interested in the kongokailine,

much less in the ryobu gaju (the syncretism of the dual esoteric traditions), as he has been assumed

to be. It was only in his late years when he was severely criticised by Nara monks for the parochial

nature of his dharma transmissions that Saich6 in the Kenkairan began to re-interpret his esoteric

transmission from Shunxiao as of a dual transmission.

 49

Notes,

1. Tradition as supported by the Eizan Daishiden and the Denjutsu isshinkaimon, two works by Saich6' s
immediate disciples, has set the year of SaichO's birth in 767. However, around two decades ago, a
controversy regarding the year of SaichO's birth erupted among Japanese Tendai scholars, with some scholars
(e.g., Fukui 1973; Tsugunaga 1973) arguing that SaichO's birth must be dated to 766, as confIrmed by
Saich6's initiation and ordination certificates (DZ 5: 101-3) as well as the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju
attributed to him (for an English summary of this bitter controversy, see Groner 1984: 19-21; Groner believes
that the traditional date of 767 has not yet been decisively discredited).

2. Groner 1984: 17-38.

3. According to Groner, SaichO' s success in this period was partly owing to his association with Juk6, who
was himself one of the junaigubu monks (Groner 1984: 31).

4. Given the difficulties involved in copying the canon and the fact that Saich6 was then a considerably young
priest without too much influence, Ushiba doubts the historical truth of this saying (Ushiba 1971).

5. A large number of Chinese-translated esoteric texts had already been brought to Japan by the early Heian
period (Kushida 1964: 9; Misaki 1968; Weinstein 1974). Therefore, it seems reasonable to assume that not
a few esoteric texts were included in a complete issaikya collection circulating in Japan at the time of SaichO.

6. This dating of SaichO's first reading of Yixing's commentary is suggested by Oyama (1973: 160). The early
record regarding SaichO's access to Yixing's commentary was made by Enchin in his Dainichikya gishaku
mokuroku engi, which was written in 884 (cf., BZ26: 701).

7. Weinstein 1974: 186; Groner 1984: 51-52. However, Osabe Kazu6, who has contributed the only available
monograph to the study of Yixing, argues that Yixing was not, in fact, so interested in the Tendai-Mikky6
syncretism (1%3: 50-65, 181-96). On the other hand, some Japanese scholars question the conventional view
that SaichO was eager to assume a "syncretic" position between the Tendai and Esoteric traditions (Ikeda
1969).

8. It is said that an eye ailment had prevented Enki from travelling to China (Groner 1984: 38).

9. This saying is based on the Naisha Buppa sOja Kechimyakuju (DZ1: 246). No biography of Weixiang
survives. Later Tendai monks made an attempt to identify this Weixiang with one of Bukong's disciples called
Weishang (cf., the SOja kechimyakufu [BZ125: 160J and the Taikon kechimyakuzu [BZ65: 207J attributed to
K6j6 and Enchin respectively; see Groner 1984: 61; Mizukami 1975: 153-55). This identification claims little
historical reliability and failed to meet with widespread acceptance within the Tendai school.

10. Though counted as the seventh Tiantai patriarch, little is known about Daosui. The only source about him,
a short biography written by his student Ganshu, contains little useful information about his life and teachings
(it even fails to give the dates of his birth and death).
As shown by later Chinese sources, the importance of Daosui's position in the history of Chinese
Buddhism seems to have exclusively rested on his dharma transmission to SaichO. I will suggest in next chapter
that the position of Daosui as the seventh Tiantai patriarch was most likely established by Japanese Tendai
monks (Saich6' s disciples) rather than their Chinese "dharma-brothers". The glorifIcation of Daosui was
advanced as a part of the effort made by SaichO' s followers to legitimate SaichO' s dharma transmissions from
 50

China (cf., Section [AJ, chapter three).

11. For some information about Xingman, see the Naish 6 Bupp6 sOj6 Kechimyakuju (DZ 1: 229).

12. See, for example, Shimizutani 1973: 591.

13. This official permission is included in the Kenkairon engi (DZ 1: 277-8).

14. Kiuchi 1984: 167-70.

15. The Esshiiroku is one of the two bibliographies attributed to SaichO (the other being Taishiiroku, the
Bibliography compiled in Prefecture Taishu [Chin., Taizhou]). In these two bibliographies SaichO recorded
the Buddhist sutras, manuals, diagrams and instruments he had secured in Prefectures Taizhou and Yuezhou,
the two main places where he had studied in China. The Esshiiroku, in particular, records the Esoteric
Buddhist texts, paraphernalia that SaichO had obtained during his brief sojourn in Yuezhou. The Esshiiroku
is dated on the thirteenth day of the fifth month of 805. This bibliography can be found in both Taish6
TripiJaka (vol. 55) and Dengy6 Daishi zenshii (Vol. 4).
Ushiba has pointed out some questions in a manuscript named "JOdoin text" (Jodoin being the temple
in Taizhou, China, at which Saicho is said to have received some precepts and ordinations from Daosui). This
text has been taken as the original of the Esshiiroku left by SaichO himself. For examples, in the JOdoin
manuscript, the Chinese term ershi (twenty) was transcribed as nian, Lake Jing (Jinghu) was mis-written as
Hujing, etc (Ushiba 1970).
Ushiba has indeed found some important problems in the JOdoin text, which warrant further research.
However, most of the evidence he has raised to argue against the authenticity of the Esshiiroku seems weak.
For instance, it is hard to deny the existence of Mt. Fengshan (see next note). It seems that SaichO has mis-
written *Fengshan as Fengshan. Given the (i) shortness of his Yuezhou trip (which lasted no more than five
days) and the (li) hurry with which Saicho, as a foreigner, received the initiation from Shunxiao, this kind of
mistake is nothing but understandable. In my opinion, what one can say from the evidence Ushiba has raised
is no more than that the Jodoin manuscript most likely represents a flawed copy of the original text. It is
believable that Saicho had indeed written such a bibliography like the Esshiiroku circulated to us.

16. Ushiba fails to identify the location of Mt. Fengshan where SaichO's initiation from Shunxiao is said to
have occurred (1972: 88). This constitutes one reason he suspects the authenticity of the Esshiiroku as a
bibliography compiled by Saicho. However, Nomoto has recently identified this mountain as Mt. *Fengshan,
a small hill in Village Lianggang, Town Baiguan, City Shangyu in Zhejiang Province. Nomoto also tries to
identify Lake Jing as Lake Jian (the Chinese charactersjing andjian both mean "mirror"), a man-made lake
which, dug in Yonghe 5 of Eastern Han (140 AD), dried up at the beginning of the Southern Sung (1127-)
(Nomoto 1996).
The recent investigation Nomoto makes reveals that Mt. FengshanJ*Fengshan is located east of the
place where Lake JianJJing was dug. It seems that this conclusion agrees with the Esshiiroku description of
the relationship between Lake Jing and Mt. Fengshan.

17. The original text reads as koky6 (Chin., hujing, kolhu = lake,jinglky6 = mirror). Here the correct
reading may have been kyoku (Chin., hujing [the Lake of Jing)), as testified by the Kenkairon passage in
which Saicho related, for the second time as far as we know, his encounter with and initiation from Shunxiao
(cf., T74.2376.590c).
 51

18. For SaichO's own re-interpretation of the initiation from Shunxiao as of a dual transmission, see the first
chapter of his Kenkairon (my relevant discussion is made at the end of this chapter). For the effort Saich6's
disciples made to redefine SaichO' s initiation from Shunxiao as of a dual transmission, see the Naish a Buppa
sOja Kechimyakuju in particular (cf., Section [C] of chapter three).

19. On the fifth day of the sixth month of 805, the Japanese return ships took SaichO and the Japan mission
back to the island of Tsushima, and later to Nagato in the northern part of present day Yamaguchi-ken, Honshu
(Groner 1984: 63).

20. SaichO's memorial is preserved in the Kenkairon engi (DZ1: 282-83).

21. Groner 1984: 65.

22. NRDJ5: 168.

23. Groner 1984: 63-64.

24. Cf., note < 15> in chapter one.

25. Nihon kiryaku, fasc. 13 (KT 10: 283) (cf., Groner 1984: 65).

26. Jpn., kanja; Chin., guangding; Skt., abhi~ka. This esoteric consecration involves a symbolic sprinkling
of water on the head of the initiate.

27. The Taka6sanji was then the clan temple of Wake family, one of SaichO's most influential patrons. This
temple might have been strongly pro-Tendai at the time. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the court
must have negotiated with Saich6 and gained his acquiescence before the edict was issued that Kiikai and his
disciples be allowed to dwell in the temple (Groner 1984: 102-3).

28. DZ5: 92-93; tf. Hakeda (1972: 36-37).

29. The eight monks receiving the initiation in this ceremony included: Dosha, Shiien, Gonso, Shana, Shoshii,
k6en, Encha, and Koi (Eizan Daishiden, DZ5: 21).

30. Shortly after this first kanja ceremony, Saicho, at the request of Emperor Kammu, repeated the same
kanja ceremony at Nodera (aka Tendai-in, present-day Joju-ji) (DZ 1: 639). Some Japanese scholars argue
that the kanj6 ceremony was conducted and repeated not mainly for the dharma-transmission but for the
healing of Kammu's illness (cf., Groner 1984: 66-81).

31. The sanmayakai indicates a set of precepts to be conferred on a candidate for initiation before he entered
the platform where the ceremony was to be performed. It is important to note that the term "sanmayakai"
appears in a "dharma-transmission certificate" (juhemon) attributed to Saicho (cf., Section [DJ, chapter three).

32. It is in the Naisha Buppi5 sOja kechimyakuju, a Tendai source compiled after Saicho's death, that Saich6
is said to have received some miscellaneous esoteric initiations during his brief sojourn in Yuezhou. I suggest
in chapter three that this saying is quite dubious.

33. Cf., Ono 1970: 22-23.

 52

34. Saich6 records in his Esshiiroku the esoteric implements he secured in Yuezhou (cf., DZ4: 381).

35. As regards the description of this ceremony, the Eizan Daishiden version is found in DZ5: 21, the
Kenkairon engi version in DZ1: 283-84, the KT version in KT6: 228. Of the three versions, that found in the
Eizan Daishiden, on which the other two versions were probably based, proves to be the one with greatest
details.

36. Ruiju kokushi (completed 892), fasc. 178 (KT6: 228).

37. For the use of maT)dalas and Indian script during the Nara period, see Misaki 1968: 66, 72.

38. For this memorial, see Kenkairon engi (DZl: 292-93).

39. This edict approving Saich6' s petition is also collected in the Kenkairon engi (DZl: 294-96).

40. The title of the course, shanago, was taken from one of the Japanese readings of this sutra's title, the
Daibirushangj(yo.

41. The name of this course, shikango, came from the title of the Mohe zhiguan (Japanese pronunciation,
Maka shikan) , lectures by Zhiyi that were compiled by his main disciple Guangding after his death. This text
was used in Tiantai/Tendai school as the most authoritative source on meditation techniques. The content of
this course was also stipulated on the basis of the same treatise. Besides the meditation techniques taught in
the Mohe zhiguan, students affiliated with this course were also asked to study other exoteric doctrines.

42. This order was kept unchanged in all documents until 818 when Saich6 wrote the Rokuj6shiki (cf., Groner
1984: 71).

43. Nakao 1973: 163-80.

44. The translation is made by Abe (1995: 115). Some slight changes were made in my quotation.

45. Cf., Abe 1995: 115.

46. The esoteric works later introduced into the shanago course include (1) Mahamiiyiirll siitra (Butsumo
daikujaku myoo kyo, T982), (2) the AmogapaSa Siitra (FukrJ kenjaku jinpen shingon gyo, Tl092) , (3) the
[Sarvadurgatipari§xihanajlq.lJllavijayiidhara.pI-siitra (Buccho sonsho darani kyo, T967) (see Saicho's Tendai
hokke nenbun gakushi5shiki [Rokuji5shiki, DZl: 21, submitted to the court in 818); see also his Hiei-zan Tendai
Hokke-in tokugo gakushoshiki [DZl: 12], also of 818).

47. For the polemical agenda of the sanbu goju ideology which emerged at the time of Ennin, see my
discussion in section (D), chapter three.

48. Groner 1984: 72.

49. Kiikai was expected to study in China for a period as long as twenty years. However, the death of his
Chinese teacher Huiguo might have drastically changed his initial plan of study in China. Kiikai returned to
Japan around the tenth month of 606 after thirty month study in China.
 53

50. Kiikai was back in Kyushu on the twenty-second day of the tenth month of 806. He waited there for at least
a year before he was allowed to proceed to Kyoto to submit to the court the report of the results of his study
in China. No reply was made from the court to his submission until three years after he had returned from
China (i.e., in 809). In his late years Kiikai talked about the hardship of this three-year period: "For many
years after I returned from China, I was unable to propagate the teachings widely, for the time was not yet
opportune" (KZ3: 529, Hakeda's translation [1972: 37]).

51. In this period, SaichO, despite the potential threat Kiiiikai posed to him, did not hesitate to acknowledge
Kiikai's proficiency in Esoteric Buddhism. In a letter dated the nineteenth day of the eleventh month of 812,
which was believed to be addressed to his patron Fujiwara no Fuyutsugu (775-826), Saicho openly admitted
Kiikai's superior knowledge of Esoteric Buddhism,

Although I had undertaken the long journey to China, willingly risking my life for the sake
of dharma, I am still deficient in the way of Esoteric Buddhism (shingond6). The Master
Kiikai was able to study this after reaching Ch'ang-an (Letter no. 23 in the Rankei yuionshu,
KZ 5: 353-386; tr. Weinstein [1974: 186]).

52. DZ5: 456. For an English translation of this letter, see Abe 1995: 111.

53. Takagi 1990: 152.

54. Some Japanese scholars underscore the sectarian background against which the collection of these letters
attributed to Saicho (which was titled Dengyi5 Daishi shi5soku) was edited and compiled. Currently included
in the Dengy6 Daishi zenshii, the Dengyi5 Daishi shi5soku underwent a long history of copying and editing, in
which at least three persons affiliated with two conflicting sects were involved. Initially collected and copied
in 1381 by Dokai of Toji, the headquarters of Shingon school, these letters were recopied and checked for
errors by Sonkan of Ishiyama-dera. They were edited once again as late as 1819 by a monk from Mt. Hiei,
JoshO. In the light of the rivalry existing between Shingon and Tendai at the time when these letters were first
copied and edited by a Shingon monk, scholars alert us to the possibility that these letters were edited or even
altered for some sectarian and polemical purposes. In view of this, the extremely self-abasing manner in some
of Saicho' s letters may have been the result of intentional distortions made when these letters were copied and
compiled.
It is almost certain that these letters had been edited in a way unfavourable to the interest and
reputation of Tendai sect. However, in view of Saich6' s character, I am still inclined to believe that these
references to himself under examination were made by Saicho himself, rather than added by the Shingon
copyist/ editor.

55. SaichO and Kiikai probably first encountered each other when they were waiting in Kyushu for the ships
which would carry them to the same destination--China. According to the Tendai Kahyi5 [compiled in 1771
and expanded in 1867], fasc. 2A, BZ41: 246), they renewed their acquaintance in 809 when Kiikai, as a
junior, visited Saicho on Mount Hiei and sought the latter's instruction in Tendai teachings. However, the
historical truth of this story related in the Tendai Kahyi5 has been seriously doubted (cf., Groner 1984: 78).

56. Cf., Abe 1995: 113-15.

57. Later, when one of Saicho's students described Saich6's lineages in the Naishi5 Bupp6 sOji5 kechimyakufu,
he chose to omit any mention of the initiations Saicho had ever received from Kiikai. Scholars interpret this
as evidence of the bitter rivalry existing then between Shingon and Tendai.
 54

58. In a letter to Kiikai, which was dated the twenty-fifth day of the ninth month of 831, Saich6' s student
EnchO suggested that SaichO left Kiikai so abruptly since he could not afford to stay with Kiikai as long as the
latter asked him to do (Le., for three years),

Our master (SaichO) then asked: "How many months would it take for us to master the ritual
manuals on the grand meditative methods (taih6 giki)?" You replied: "It will be complete in
three years." In grief, [our master] said: "I originally expected it to be complete in three
months (ikka). If it requires years of training, I have no choice but to return to my abode,
deal with the affairs of my own school and, thereafter, come back and resume my study."
(KZ5: 385; tr. Abe [1995: 119])

59. Saich6' s decision to leave his students with Kiikai for esoteric training was part of his plan to rebuild the
shanag6 program on Mt. Hiei (cf., his letter dated the eighteenth day of the fourth month [year unspecified,
DZ5: 459], in which he entrusted his disciple Tokurei to Kiikai for the study of Esoteric Buddhism).

60. This letter is a reply to SaichO's repeated demand to borrow the Rishushakuky6 (full title, "Tairaku kong6
fukii shinjitsu samayaky6 hannya haramita rishushaku" [Chin., "Dalejingang bukong zhenshisanmeiyajing
poluomituo lichushi"], TlOO3), a commentary on the Dairaku kong 6 Juku shinjitsu sanmayaky6 (Chin.,
Da/ejingang bukong zhenshisanmeiyejing; Skt., PrajiiiI piiramitii naya satapaiica~tika, aka Adhyardha.satika
prajfiiipiiramitii; the "Path to Truth Sutra"; T243). Containing some esoteric metaphors involving the images
of violence and sexual desire, this commentary, Kiikai believed, would be dangerous for a student to read
without personal guidance from a trained teacher. This is the apparent reason for Kiikai's refusal to lend
Saich6 this commentary. But actually as Kiuchi (1984: 162-3) and Takagi (1990: 182) point out, there was
much more underlying Kiikai's letter. It is, in the final analysis, none other than an ultimatum urging the
immediate and drastic change of the way SaichO had until that point been pursuing the study of Esoteric
Buddhism; Le., relying on the written texts, instead of oral transmissions, to study the esoteric teachings. For
Kiikai, Saicho' s manner amounted to transgressing the sanmayakai, an offense punishable by
excommunication. The tone in the letter is as strong as that of a teacher chiding an errant student. This had,
without doubt, seriously hurt Saicho (cf., Abe 1995).
Since this letter from Kiikai was apparently concerned with the loan of the Rishushakuky6 and one of
Saich6's letters to Kiikai, in which he made the request to borrow this commentary, was dated the twenty-third
day of the eleventh month of 813, it is believed that Kiikai delivered his refusal letter shortly after that. This
interpretation, however, causes some difficulties. The terms in which Kiikai' s letter was written were so
humiliating that no survival of friendship between them is conceivable. But the correspondence between Saich6
and Kiikai continued until 816.
Recently a theory has been proposed by Abe to explain this contradiction. Abe suggests that perhaps
Saicho asked for the loan of the Rishushakuky6 many times, one of which was recorded in the letter dated the
twenty-third day of the eleventh month of 813. Saicho made the same request in 816, which finally made
Kiikai express his anger in this refusal letter, thus abruptly ending his friendship with SaichO. According to
this theory, the refusal letter was delivered in 816, rather than 813 and the relationship between Saicho and
Kiikai was ended by the letter abruptly and bitterly (Abe 1995). I fmd Abe's theory plausible.

61. This refers to Yixing's defmitive commentary on the Darijing (Dainichiky6 sho).

62. The criticisms the Nara monks had raised against Saich6 were reflected in Saich6' s own works; cf., the
Kenkairon (On Promoting the [Mahayana] Precepts) (DZ1: 106) and the J6 Kenkairon hy6 (On Submitting
the Kenkairon) (DZ5: 36-38).
 55

CHAPTER THREE

SAICHO'S DISCIPLES AND THE LEGITIMATION

OF TENDAI ESOTERIC BUDDHISM

As noted in the last chapter, in his late years Saich6, while more and more pre-occupied

with the Daijo kaidan movement, had actually relegated Esoteric Buddhism to a quite marginal

place in his interests. After Saicho's death in 822 his immediate students debated with each other

on how important a role esoteric teachings should play in Tendai school. It seems that the

controversy was bitter, which was one of the elements that contributed to divide Saicho's

immediate disciples into two sides, one headed by Gishin (781-833) and the other by Ench6 (771-

837).

For his linguistic talent, Gishin was chosen as the interpreter to accompany Saich6 to

China!. Though Gishin has been usually taken as one of Saicho's leading disciples, Saich6

sometimes regarded him as a fellow student, since he received esoteric initiations and ordination

with the bodhisattva precepts along with Saicho. Probably because of his close association with

Saich6, Gishin was appointed in 822 by Saicho as his successor. This appointment, however,

planted seeds of internecine strife in the Tendai school, since another disciple Ench6 had been

appointed successor ten years earlier. Some Tendai monks objected to the appointment of Gishin

on the grounds that Gishin, though senior to Ench6, had spent less time on Mt. Hiei and that his

esoteric learning was insufficient for him to effectively administer the shanago curriculum.

Nonetheless, with Saich6's strong insistence Gishin was finally accepted as Saich6's

successor. During his tenure as the head of the Tendai sect (zasu), Gishin busied himself presiding
 56

over fue janwang (Jpn., bonm6) ordination on Mt. Hiei and constructing the "precept platform"

(kaidan) fuere. He seems to have had little interest in Esoteric Buddhism.

Gishin's challenger Encha, however, proved to be more interested in Esoteric Buddhism.

Among Saich6's disciples Ench6 appeared to be one of fue most serious and accomplished students

of Esoteric Buddhism. It is even possible to trace Encha's interest in Esoteric Buddhism back to

sometime before Saich6's voyage to China2 • Ench6 was among the few of Saich6's prized

disciples who received with Saich6 the Taka6sanji abhi;;eka from KUkai. He was one of the

students whom Saich6 entrusted to Kiikai for esoteric training. Around a decade after Saich6' s

death Encha succeeded in renewing his discipleship under Kiikai. In a letter which, dated the

twenty-fifth day of fue ninfu monfu of 831, was also co-signed by other Tendai monks and the lay

administrators, Ench6 asked Kiikai to teach them Esoteric BUddhism3 • It seems that Kiikai soon

approved Ench6' s request, as attested by fue Denjutsu isshinkaimon, according to which Ench6

studied wifu Kiikai at this time4 . However, Kiikai's illness and subsequent death in 835 prevented

Ench6 from studying Esoteric Buddhism with him as long as he had wished.

After Gishin's death in 833, Ench6 succeeded in deposing Gishin's designated successor

Enshii, and became the third Tendai zasu in 834.

K6j6, another of Saich6's prized disciples, was Ench6's most powerful ally in the struggle

of Tendai leadership after Gishin's death. K6j6 wrote the Denjutsu isshinkaimon mainly to

advocate Ench6's right to the zasu position after Gishin's death. K6j6 was one of Saich6's most

trusted disciples and for a long time he acted as Saich6's faithful liaison to the court. After

Saich6's deafu, he became fue most important person in facilitating the institution of thejanwang

precept platform on Mt. Hiei. Like Ench6, K6j6 also demonstrated a deep interest in Esoteric
 57

Buddhism, trying in his Denjutsu isshinkaimon to combine Tendai, Esoteric and Zen elements with

the precepts. Kojo's attempt to interpret the precepts in terms of Esoteric Buddhism proved to

have influenced over Annen (814-?i.

The strong interest in Esoteric Buddhism within the Tendai sect shortly after Saicho's death

seems to have been stimulated by the success of Shingon as an esoteric tradition. Another reason

may have been Kiikai' s death in 835, which brought a real crisis to his school since it failed to

fmd a capable successor to Kiikai. This may have kindled the confidence of Saicho's immediate

disciples in competing with Shingon for the leadership of the esoteric tradition. Nonetheless,

before formally engaging themselves in the competition to represent the orthodoxy of the esoteric

tradition, Saicho's disciples had to deal with some serious weaknesses inherent in the Esoteric

Buddhist tradition allegedly brought back to Japan by Saicho. These weaknesses, when compared

with Kiikai's esoteric tradition, may have made the legitimacy of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism more

vulnerable.

First of all, like Saicho, Kiikai, after his return from China, also presented to the court a

memorial, in which he reported the result of his thirty-month study in China, and a bibliography

of the texts and implements he secured from China. As confIrmed by his memorial and

bibliography, Kiikai' s travel to China was almost totally esoteric-oriented and his subsequent study

in China was mainly, if not exclusively, directed toward Esoteric Buddhism. But the avowed

purpose of Saicho's visit to China was to study the Tendai teachings. To seek esoteric

transmissions was merely of secondary importance for Saicho. Since Saicho's real concern during

his stay in China did not reside in Esoteric Buddhism, people tended to doubt how earnest he was

in pursuing Esoteric Buddhism in China and whether the esoteric tradition he had acquired there
 58

was orthodox.

Secondly, KUkai had spent at least 30 months in China, while Saich6's stay in China had

lasted no more than nine months. This means that KUkai had had much more time than Saich6 to

learn Esoteric Buddhism. Further, Saich6's agenda in China was focused on discussing Tendai

issues with monks on Mt. Tiantai, receiving Tendai initiation and precept ordinations from them,

collecting and copying Tendai texts. This might lead one to suspect how much time Saich6, during

his brief stay in China, could indeed spare on the esoteric teachings and how far he could improve

his expertise in the area.

Thirdly, according to his own account, Kiikai was among Huiguo' s several outstanding

students who were allowed to receive a dual Esoteric transmission. But as witnessed by Saich6's

own accounts in the Esshiiroku and Kenkairon, the only significant esoteric initiation Saich6

received from China was that conferred by Shunxiao. Since the time at Saich6' s disposal in

Yuezhou was extremely limited, this initiation may have been conducted in great hUrry. It was

done in Chinese, now and then referring to some dhara¢s pronounced in Sanskrit. Though Saich6

was able to read and write Chinese, his spoken Chinese remained unworkable during his brief but

extremely busy stay in China. These facts, especially the hurry of the whole abhi;;eka procedure,

may have prevented Saich6 from understanding Shunxiao's esoteric teachings properly and

completely. After returning to Japan, Saich6 repeatedly changed his interpretations of the

Shunxiao initiation, once suggesting its kong&.ai nature (i.e., in the Esshiiroku) and then clearly

associating it with a dual transmission (i.e., in the Kenkairon). Obviously, Saich6 had adjusted

his interpretations in accordance with, among others, the improved understanding he achieved

after his association with and occasional study under Kiikai. In any case, the discrepancies found
 59

in his interpretations seem to confIrm the ambiguity of the Shunxiao initiation on the one hand and

his imperfect understanding of it on the other.

Fourthly, Kiikai had directly travelled to the capital Chang'an, then the centre of Esoteric

Buddhism. His subsequent study of Esoteric Buddhism was also concentrated in the capital. In this

sense, Kiikai' s followers seemed to be justified in claiming that Kiikai had been able to receive

the orthodox transmission of Esoteric Buddhism from China. In the case of Saich6, his trip to

China, being Tendai-oriented, was from beginning to end confmed to the coastal areas in Zhejiang

Province, where Mt. Tiantai, the headquarters of the Chinese Tiantai school, was situated. Saich6

had never been in Chang'an. Indeed, as was made clear in chapter one, by the time Saich6 arrived

in China Esoteric Buddhism had already spread to some areas remote from the capital, including

those inland regions (like Jingzhou) and coastal provinces (like Yuezhou and Taizhou), where it

succeeded in attracting a steadily growing following from all walks of life. The fIrst-rate Esoteric

masters were then, nonetheless, still flocking to the capital, steadily making Chang' an the esoteric

centre. Therefore, Saich6's activities in China had been characterized as parochial; and this

parochiality had proven to be one of the most vulnerable points in Saich6' s Buddhist tradition

(including, of course, its Esoteric aspectt.

Finally, Saich6' s principal Esoteric teacher in China, Shunxiao, as described by Saich6

himself in the Esshiiroku and the Kenkairon, was extremely obscure. Nothing is told about the

dates of Shunxiao's birth and death, his native place, his religious background, etc. Saich6 even

failed to specify the esoteric lineage to which Shunxiao belonged. What was in striking contrast

to the obscurity of Shunxia07 was Huiguo's pre-eminence. Huiguo was celebrated as the seventh

patriarch in an esoteric lineage which, beginning with Mahavairocana Buddha, culminated in

 60

Bukong. In Esoteric Buddhism extreme importance was attached to the oral transmission from

master to disciple. For this reason, the obscurity of Saich6' s most important Chinese Esoteric

mentor only served to tarnish the lustre of Saich6's esoteric tradition.

Therefore, for Saich6's followers, in order to glorify the esoteric tradition brought back

to Japan by Saich6 the following tasks had to be accomplished. The nature of the esoteric

initiations Saich6 received in China had first of all to be clarified. Secondly, the identity of

Saich6's major Esoteric teacher in China must be made clearer and his status was to be promoted

to the same level of Kiikai's teacher Huiguo. We will see below that these tasks were done step

by step by Saich6's successors, who, more and more drawn to the esoteric side of their teacher's

teachings, were eager to legitimate Saich6' s esoteric tradition. The obscurity and ambiguity of

Saich6's esoteric transmission proved to be of much help for Saich6's student in redefining them

in a way favourable to their cause.

The endea vour of Saich6' s students to legitimate Saich6' s Esoteric tradition are

documented in two categories of literature. Firstly, there are the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju,

Kenkairon engi, which, though originally composed by Saich6, have been seriously altered and

extensively expanded by Saich6' s immediate disciples an/ or later Tendai editors. Secondly, a

biography of Saich6 (the Eizan Daishiden) and a collection of documents related to Saich6 and

the early Hieizan order (the Denjutsu isshinkaimon), both of which were written/compiled by

Saich6's immediate students after Saich6 died in 822. The documents in these four works have

been used as the primary sources for studying Saich6' s life and the formation of the early Hieizan

order. But, as I will show in this chapter, large sections of these documents were made and added

to the four original works after their initial completion.

 61

To specify the time when these four works achieved their present fonn requires much more

research. Fortunately, what directly concerns us here is mainly the kind of documents in these

four works that are related to Saich6' s Esoteric transmission. In the following pages, we will

discuss the various accounts provided by these four works regarding Saich6' s Esoteric

transmission. By doing that, we want to show how Saich6' s Esoteric tradition was repeatedly

redefined by his students.

In the discussion that follows, I will treat the four works in the following order: (i) the

Denjutsu isshinkaimon, (ii) Eizan Daishiden, (iii) Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju and (iv)

Kenkairon engi. This order was arranged in accordance with my understanding of the relationship

between the varying accounts of Saich6' s esoteric transmission. With regard to the different

accounts of the esoteric transmission that was supposed to have taken place between Shunxiao and

Saich6, while it seems reasonable to assume that a more elaborate one develops later by

expansion, the following two possibilities must also be taken into consideration: (i) that these

different accounts co-existed randomly and (ii) that a simpler account may have resulted from

abbreviation of a more elaborate one. However, in chapter two and at the beginning of this

chapter, I have underscored the following two points. On the one hand, Shunxiao and the

initiation he was said to have conferred on Saich6 were depicted with very few details in those

early texts by Saich6, like the Esshiiroku and the Kenkairon. On the other, shortly after Saich6's

death, more and more of his disciples were attracted to Esoteric Buddhism and the Tendai sect

paid more and more importance to its esoteric side. In order to make the Esoteric tradition in the

name of Saich6 comparable with the Shingon school initiated by KUkai, the Tendai followers after

Saich6 should have had to glorify Saich6's Chinese Esoteric master Shunxiao and to redefine
 62

Saich6' s esoteric transmission from Shunxiao. Therefore, the simplest account of Saich6' s esoteric

transmission appears in the earliest datable source, while more elaborate accounts clearly show

influence from Shingon (or efforts to combat and compete with it). Given these two points, it

seems quite likely that the more enhanced accounts of Shunxiao and his initiation came later.

Each of the following four sections is to be devoted to the relevant documents contained

in one of these four works. I will first describe how Saich6's dharma-transmission is presented;

then discuss the authenticity of the document(s) concerned and the significance of each account

of Saich6' s transmission.

Section (A) The Denjutsu Isshinkaimon and the Glorification of Saich6' s Chinese Esoteric
Mentor Shunxiao

The Denjutsu isshinkaimon (Articles Related to the Transmission of the "One-mind

Precepts", in three fascicles; DZl: 523-648; T2379.74.634b-659a) was compiled by K6j6 around

833-348. A majority of this collection is composed of documents related to the Hieizan community

before or shortly after Saich6' s death. It has proven to be an invaluable source for understanding

the formation of the early Tendai order on Mt. Hiee. In particular, it contains some documents

which afford insights into the efforts that Saich6' s immediate disciples made to legitimate the
 63

esoteric tradition Saicha is said to have brought from China.

(A.I) The Denjutsu Isshinkaimon Presentation of Saicha's Esoteric Dharma-transmission

The Denjutsu isshinkaimon contains a certificate which is said to have been issued by the

Kammu court to certify Saicha's religious achievement. The main body of this "court certificate"

reads,

Dwelling on Mt. Hiei, the Eastern Mountain in the city of Heian, [Saicha] has
been assiduously practising for fIfteen years. He has searched for the mysterious
methods of recitation, and admired the exalted traces of Mt. Tiantai. In the
fourth month of Enryaku 23 (804), commissioned by imperial order, he crossed
the sea to seek the Way. Arriving at the abode of Master Daosui, who is the
seventh generation disciple after Master Zhizhe (Chisha Daishi daishichideshi;
Chin., Zhizhe Dashi diqidizi 10) at the Guoqingsi Temple in Taizhou, he obtained
over two hundred fascicles of texts regarding the Tiantai teachings. Moreover, at
the Longxingsi Temple in Yuezhou Prefecture he encountered Master Shunxiao
who, as the third-generation disciple after Trepitakall Subhakarasimha from
India, was the "Great Virtue" (daitoku; Chin., dade; Skt., bhadanta) of a "State-
protecting Temple" (chinkoku dfj6; Chin., zhenguo daochang) 12 , a "monk
serving at the court chapel" (naigubu; Chin., neigongfeng). Entering the abhi{1eka
altar, he received the "Procedures of Attainment (siddhzJ for the 'Three
Divisions' (sanbu; Chin., sanbu) " . In addition, he obtained more than thirty
fascicles of texts about the teachings [about reciting the] dharaIJls, over ten pieces
of pictures and samples of various ma¢alas, some implements for recitations, and
so forth. Having obtained the official certifIcates from the Administrative Assistant
(hanri; Chin., panli)13 of Taizhou Prefecture Lu chuN and the Prefect of the
Mingzhou Prefecture, he returned [to Japan] to report on his mission in the sixth
month of Enryaku 24 (805) (DZl: 573; T2379.74.643c15-25).

Several important points are implied in this "court certifIcate". First of all, it represents Saicha's

chief Chinese Esoteric mentor Shunxiao as an extremely prestigious master: he is (i) the third

generation disciple of Subhakarasimha, who was perhaps the first patriarch of the Matrix-realm

(taizikaz) tradition of Esoteric Buddhism; (ii) a "Great Virtue" at a government-sponsored temple

 64

which was established for the protection of the country (the so-called "chinkoku dOjo'), and (iii)

a "monk serving at the court chapel" (naigubu), i.e., a "court chaplain", a status reserved for only

a few monks who were highly respected both in virtue and learning.

Secondly, according to this document, Shunxiao transmitted to Saich6 some "Procedures

for the Attainment of Three Divisions" (sanbushicchi h6; Chin., sanbu xidifa), which reminds one

of the term sanshushicchi h6 (Chin., sanzhongxidi fa; the "procedure for the three kinds of

attainment"). As we will see below, the sanshushicchi h6 is a key notion in a later version of the

fuhanon attributed to Shunxiao (i.e., fuh6mon2; cf., section [D]) and in the three siddhi texts (to

be discussed in Part Two below).

Thirdly, in describing Saich6' s fifteen-year religious career before his voyage to China,

this "court certificate" says, "He has searched for the mysterious methods of recitation, admired

the exalted traces of Mt. Tiantai". It is noteworthy that here this "court certificate" describes

Saich6's practices in Esoteric Buddhism before his relation to the Tendai doctrines. It seems that

this "court-certificate" has given priority to Saich6's esoteric study rather than to his training in

Tendai teachings. This is remarkable because both before and after his study in China Saich6 had

been primarily respected as a Tendai master.

Finally, it warrants serious attention that this "court certificate" refers to Daosui, Saich6' s

teacher on Mt. Tiantai, as the seventh generation disciple of Zhiyi. It is implied here that Daosui

was recognized as the seventh generation patriarch of the Tiantai school.

(A.II) The Authenticity and Significance of This "Court Certificate"

 65

(A.II.i) The Authenticity of This "Court Certificate"

Can this "court certificate" be accepted as authentic? First of all, it must be noted that this

"court certificate" is said to have been issued by Emperor Kammu in the year 806 15 ; i.e., shortly

after Saich6 returned from China 16.

As noted above, this "court certificate" represents Shunxiao as a prestigious monk. This

fonns a striking contrast to Saich6's allusion to the same Shunxiao in the Esshiiroku bibliography,

in which Shunxiao was simply described as a Longxingsi monk in Yuezhou (cf., section [A],

chapter two). How should we understand Saich6's failure in his Esshiiroku to depict Shunxiao as

such a highly respectable monk as presented in this "court certificate"?

Generally speaking, it is naturally expected of a monk that when he referred to his master

in a public occasion it was both a matter of courtesy and a way to achieve respect for himself to

list his master's honorific titles and prestigious background as exhaustively as possible. On such

an important occasion as the submission of memorial and bibliographies to the court, Saich6 had

every reason to abide by this commonly observed practice. Furthennore, we know that Saich6

presented his Taishiiroku and Esshiiroku bibliographies to the court in order to convince the

emperor of the religious value of his study in China. Therefore the more respectable his teachers

in China were, the more easily he would have succeeded in doing so. Had Saich6 really had a

teacher so eminent as the Shunxiao represented in this "court certificate", he would not have failed

to describe Shunxiao as such in his bibliographies sent to the court. But Saich6 merely referred

to Shunxiao as an ordinary monk in his Esshiiroku. This suggests that according to Saich6' sown

understanding at the time he composed the Esshiiroku, Shunxiao was not so prestigious as this
 66

"court certificate" claims him to be.

The simple tenns in which Saich6 described his guru Shunxiao in the Essh iiroku also

present an interesting and telling contrast to the way KUkai described his master Huiguo in his

bibliography sent to the court. In his bibliography Kiikai described the background of his guru

Huiguo with great pride,

By chance, I fortunately encountered the master at the Dongtayuan Monastery in

the Qinglongsi Temple, whose name is Adirya Huiguo. The bhadanta ("Great
Virtue") is the dhanna-transmission disciple (denbCdeshi; Chin., chuanjadizz) of
[Master] Daguanzhi (the "Master who possesses great and broad wisdom"; i.e.,
Bukong) of the Daxingshansi Temple. In virtue, he was respected by his
contemporaries; by his Way, he was esteemed as the "Teacher of the Emperor"
(teishi; Chin., dishz). [The emperors of] three successive [Tang] dynasties
respected him and received abhi$f!ka from him; four kinds of Buddhist devotees
relied on him and learnt from him the Esoteric Treasures (T55.2161.1065a17-21).

KUkai's tone was full of pride. Here, both Saich6 and KUkai were in the same situation: referring

their Chinese master to the court. Saich6' s silence on the identity and background of Shunxiao is

remarkable in comparison with the enthusiasm with which KUkai talked about his Esoteric mentor

in China. It is difficult to explain this remarkable distinction by the differences in their

personalities 17. Instead, this strongly suggests that Saich6, until the compilation of his Esshiiroku

in the fifth month of 805, had not yet considered Shunxiao as an extraordinarily eminent monk

associated with a celebrated lineage and highly respected within the Buddhist order in his time.

Then, the "court certificate", at least the part glorifying Shunxiao, can be regarded as

authentic only if the following two assumptions can be shown to be true: not only must it be

supposed that during the several months between the submission of his bibliographies and the

issuance of this "court certificate" Saich6 had decided to glorify Shunxiao to the degree as
 67

described in the "court certificate"; it must also be supposed that this glorification met with such

success that the extraordinary prestige of Shunxiao was accepted by the court. Unfortunately,

these suppositions prove to be ill-founded, since there is evidence to show that at least as late as

820 (i.e., fourteen years after this "court certificate" is said to have been issued) Saich6's

understanding of Shunxiao' s status had not yet significantly changed.

In his 820 Kenkairon Saich6 mentions his Chinese guru once again. This time he does

furnish some more information about Shunxiao. Shunxiao, he says, originally came from a temple

called Lingyansi Temple on Mt. Taishan18 • But except for that, Saich6 says nothing new about

Shunxiao. Thus, whereas the "court certificate" acclaims Shunxiao as one of the "court chaplains"

and the dharma-successor of a distinguished esoteric tradition traceable to Subhakarasimha, no

similar words can be found in the Kenkairon passage to glorify Shunxiao in this way. However,

in deciding the authenticity of the "court certificate", what was not said in the Kenkairon passage

turns out to be of greater importance than what was said there.

As we know, before writing the Kenkairon, Saich6 had been accused of having studied

under obscure and unimportant teachers in China and having transmitted to Japan unorthodox

dharmas (the Kenkairon was, in fact, written to prove that he had studied in China with qualified

teachers and that the transmissions he received there were orthodox). Consequently, if Shunxiao

had been recognized--whether by Saich6 himself or by others--as such a prestigious monk as

portrayed in this "court certificate", Saich6 would not have failed to describe Shunxiao so in such

a strongly polemic work like the Kenkairon. Saich6's failure to do so would then indicate that he

had up to that point believed that Shunxiao was not so prestigious. Without assurance by Saich6

that his Chinese Esoteric teacher was such an eminent monk, the court obviously would not have
 68

issued such a certificate that describes Shunxiao as so great a monle Thus, it is extremely hard to

take the whole of this "court certificate" as authentic.

If we suppose that this "court certificate" were authentic, then given the unquestionable

authority of this government-sanctioned document, by 819 (i.e., thirteen years after the issuance

of this "court certificate") it would have been widely accepted within Japanese Buddhist

institutions that Saich6 had studied with an extremely respectable Esoteric master in China. In that

case, no one would have raised any doubts about the orthodoxy of Saich6' s dharma transmissions

from China. But in fact we have seen that Saich6's transmissions were under serious attack at that

time. Thus, this also confirms that not every part of this "court certificate" should be accepted as

authentic.

This "court certificate" describes Daosui as Zhiyi's seventh-generation disciple, suggesting

that Daosui was the seventh Tendai patriarch after Zhiyi ([1] Zhiyi -- > [2] Guanding -- > [3]

Zhiwei -- > [4] Huiwei -- > [5] Xuanlang -- > [6] Zhanran -- > [7] Daosui). This is contrary to

the usual way in which Saich6 refers to Daosui in, for examples, the Taishiiroku bibliography and

the Kenkairon. In the Taishiiroku, Saich6 merely referred to Daosui as "Master Daosui of the

Western Capital [i.e., Chang'an], the head of the Perfect school on Mt. Tiantai, Great Tang"

(Daita Tendaisan enshii zasu seikyo Osha D6z.ui; Chin., Datang Tiantaishan yuanzong zuozhu

xijing Heshang Daosui; T55.2159.1058a3-4), while in the Kenkairon Daosui was simply called

"Master Daosui on Mt. Tiantai" (Tendai D6z.ui Osha; Chin., Tiantai Daosui Heshang;

174.2376.59Oc8). Needless to say, having a teacher in the capacity of the Tendai seventh patriarch

would have greatly strengthened the legitimacy of Saich6' s dharma transmissions from China.

Therefore, Saich6 would surely have called Daosui the Tendai seventh patriarch had he really
 69

regarded Daosui as such in his 805 Taishiiroku and 820 Kenkairon, in both of which Saicho was,

as noted above, concerned with showing the importance and orthodoxy of his Chinese dharma

lineages. Therefore, Saicho did not call Daosui the seventh patriarch in both 805 and 820 very

likely because he did not regard Daosui so.

Moreover, there is evidence to suggest that Saicho may have regarded a Tiantai monk other

than Daosui as the seventh Tendai patriarch. Saicho's Taishiiroku records a biography of the

"Tendai seventh patriarch Master Zhidu 19 " (the Tiantai diqizhu Zhiduheshang luezhuan [A Brief

Biography of Master Zhidu, the Seventh Tiantai Patriarch], compiled by Sram3.\la Zhiming20 ;

T55.2160.1059a5). Thus, this biography indicates that at least one Tiantai tradition held Zhidu,

rather than Daosui, as its seventh patriarch. It seems that Saicho had no objection to accepting this
\

Zhidu as the seventh Tiantai patriarch. Otherwise, he would have excluded this biography from

his bibliography. Consequently, it is hard to imagine that Saicho, shortly after submitting his

bibliographies to the court, could recognize Daosui as the seventh Tiantai patriarch, for such a

claim precisely contradicts what is indicated in a biography whose title is included in one of his

bibliographies.

Based on these points, I conclude that this "court certificate" as included in the Denjutsu

isshinkaimon, or at least in the form known to us, should not be accepted as authentic. Here we

face two possibilities about the source of this "court certificate": (i) it may have been forged in

its entirety by some Tendai monk; or (ii) it may have resulted from some alterations made by a

later Tendai monk who added to the original certificate some lines aimed at legitimating Saicho's

Esoteric tradition and particularly, at glorifying Shunxiao (if this were true, the lines I underscored

would be exactly those lines added by some later Tendai monk, most likely one of Saicho's
 70

innrnediate disciples).

(A.I1.ii) The Significance of This "Court Certificate"

This "court certificate" is significant for its glorification of Saich6' s Chinese guru

Shunxiao. Glorified in this way, Shunxiao now became comparable with Kiikai's principal guru

Huiguo, who was Bukong's prized disciple and was respected, according to Kiikai, by three

successive Tang emperors. Tendai Esoteric Buddhism was thus represented as a credible rival of

Shingon in the sense that it had a Chinese patriarch as respectable as that of Shingon.

On the other hand, the Denjutsu isshinkaimon is noteworthy for one thing that it did not

do. In the following three sections, we will discuss two "dharma-transmission certificates"

ifuhemon) allegedly written by Shunxiao for Saich6. It warrants our attentions that the Denjutsu

isshinkaimon does not mention either of these two fuhOmons. Given the values these two

juhanons would have had for authenticating Saich6's Buddhist transmission, we have reasons to

believe that K6j6 would not have excluded them from his collection had he known of such

important documents. For this reason, the absence of the two juhanons in this collection compiled

by K6j6 implies K6j6's ignorance of them. This fact makes it questionable that Saich6 had ever

obtained from Shunxiao these two certificates as left to us today. Had Saich6 obtained and

possessed such important documents, he would not have hidden them from such a prized disciple

like K6j6.
 71

Section (B) The Eizan Daishiden and the Legitimation of Saich6' s Esoteric Tradition

The Eizan Daishiden (Biography of the Great Teacher of Mt. Hiei, one fascicle; DZ5: 1-

48) has been traditionally attributed to one of Saich6' s disciples called Ichij6 Chii., who has been

generally taken as Saich6's prized disciple Ninchii. (n.d.). However, some compelling evidence

has emerged to disprove this conventional identification of Ichij6 Chii.. Most likely, the true

biographer was another disciple of Saich6 called Shinchii.21 .

As might be expected of a biography/hagiography of a religious leader, the Eizan

Daishiden was composed for glorifying the life of its subject--Saich6. It is natural that in this

biography we see some traces of the endeavour Saich6's students made to glorify Saich6's dharma

transmissions from China, including his esoteric transmissions.

(B.I) The Eizan Daishiden Presentation of Saich6's Esoteric Dharma-transmission

What is of particular interest for us in this biography is the following three documents it

includes: (i) the same "court certificate" that was just discussed above in Section (A), (ii) another

court edict called Naishisen and (iii) a document called Jungy6 [Aljari fuh6mon which is said to

have been given to Saich6 by Shunxiao as the certificate of the dharma transmission conducted

between them.
 72

The second court edict called "Naishisen"22 is noteworthy for two reasons. First of all, it

associates Saich6' s esoteric tradition with Subhakarasimha ("receiving the instruction left by

Subhakarasimha", DZ5: 22). Secondly, this court edict, if authentic, represents the earliest source

for the legend that Subhakarasimha (referred to as "Tenjiku jorin [Chin., shangren; Skt.,

puru:nr;nbha] [the superior man from India]") once visited Japan and finally left there after being

disappointed by the difficulty of proselytizing there (DZ5: 22).

The third document, the JungyoAjarijuhfmon (hereafter abbreviated asjuhemon1), proves

to be of greater interest to us. Before quoting the fuh emon 1 , the author of the Eizan

Daishiden narrates the dharma-transmission between Shunxiao and Saich6. It is said there that

in the early fourth month of Zhenyuan 21 (805), Saich6 headed for the Longxingsi Temple in

Yuezhou Prefecture, where he fortunately ran into Master Shunxiao from the Lingyansi Temple

on Mt. Taishan, who was the "Great Virtue" at a "State-protecting Temple", a "monk serving at

the court chapel". Moved by Saich6's desire to seek the dharma, Shunxiao conferred the abhi~ka

on him and transmitted to him the samayas for "three divisions", pictures, samples, seals, the

certificate of dharma-transmission, and Esoteric implements, etc. (DZ5: 19).

This general description of the Shunxiao initiation is followed by the full quotation of the

dharma-transmission certificate which is said to have been written by Shunxiao and issued to

Saich6 after Shunxiao initiated him into Esoteric Buddhism:

During the Kaiyuan period of the Great Tang there was a great Trepilaka, a prince
of an Indian Kingdom, whose dharma-name is Zenmui (Chin., Shanwuwei [
Subhakarasimha]). He transmitted (tumed?)23 the great dharma-wheel from the
Great Nalanda Temple to the Great Tang. He transmitted the' dharma to his
"dharma-transmitting disciple" Yilin, who was also a "state-master" (kokushi;
Chin., guoshz) and a great aciirya. One hundred and three years old, [Yilin] is now
in the Kingdom of Silla, transmitting the dharma and turning the great dharma-
 73

wheel. He transmitted the dharma to his disciple the monk Shunxiao of the Great
Tang, who was a "Great Virtue" and Adirya at a "State-protecting Temple".
[Shunxiao] transmitted the dharma to his disciple the monk Saich6 from Japan, a
"Great Virtue" who "serves at the court chapel", and asked [Saich6] to turn the
great dharma-wheel [in Japan]. The monk Saich6 is the fourth [generation disciple]
entrusted with the dharma and its transmission. Written and recorded on the
nineteenth day of the fourth month of Zhenyuan 21 (805). [Efforts must be made]
to keep the Buddha-dhanna from dying. Acarya and Sramru;ta Shunxiao writes this
[certificate] and entrusts it to Saich6 (DZ5: 19).

Thisjithi5monl represents Saich6's esoteric lineage as being of orthodox and respectable origin.

In particular, thejithi5monl depicts Saich6's Esoteric transmission as coming from an extremely

prestigious monk. If the authenticity of this document were acceptable, the orthodoxy of Saich6' s

esoteric tradition would be substantially established. However, evidence from various sources

shows that the jithi5monl was not written by Saich6' s Chinese guru, but was forged in Japan.

(B.II) The Authenticity and Significance of the Fuhi5monl

Before fonnally discussing thejithemonl proper, I fmd it necessary to discuss a manuscript

currently preserved at the Bishamond6 Temple in Kyoto (to be referred to as Bishamond6 MS

hereafter)24, since this text is believed to be the original of the jithi5monl. A term in the

Bishamond6 text, however, unambiguously betrays its true provenance--]apan.

(B.I1.i) The Bishamond6 MS

The Bishamond6 text differs from thejithEmonl as contained in the Eizan Daishiden in one

important point. According to the Eizan daishiden version of the jithi5monl Shunxiao refers to

Saich6 as "[My] disciple the monk Saich6, who is a 'Great Virtue', a 'monk serving at the court

chapel' in JAPAN (Chin., Ribenguo; lpn., Nihonkoku)" (Chin., Ribenguo [neUgongfeng dade
 74

dizi Seng Zuicheng; Jpn., Nihonkoku (nai]gubu daitoku deshi So Saich6). In the Bishamond6 MS

Saicho was addressed as "[my] disciple the monk Saich6 of THIS COUNTRY (Chin., benguo;

Jpn., honkoku; i.e., China)" (Chin., benguo dizi Seng Zuicheng; Jpn., honkoku deshi so Saich6)25.

Since this sentence in the Bishamond6 MS implies that Shunxiao regarded Saicho as a Chinese

monk, this MS can be taken as written by Shunxiao only either of the following two assumptions

is proved to be true:

Assumption (i): Shunxiao here regarded Japan as a part of China and accordingly
took Saich6 as a Chinese;

Assumption (ii): Shunxiao had mis-written RibenguolNihonkoku (Japan) as

benguolhonkoku (this country); viz., he missed one character rilni in the MS.

Is either of these two assumptions tenable? Let us first tum to assumption (i).

Indeed, there were some cases in which some "hegemonic" Tang Chinese considered Japan

or Korea as a part of China. Is it possible that Shunxiao, in this document, considered Japan as

a part of China and consequently, that he regarded Saich6 a Chinese monk? After further

inspection, we have to conclude that as long as the Bishamond6 MS is concerned, this assumption

does not hold true, since it conflicts with messages contained in the other parts of this MS.

First of all, in the Bishamond6 MS Shunxiao referred to China thrice26 • Every time he used

Datang (Jpn., Dait6; the Great Tang) or Datangguo (Jpn., Daitikoku; the country of Great Tang),

never the term benguolhonkoku.

Secondly, in the Bishamond6 MS, Silla (a part of Korea) is called the "Kingdom of Silla",

rather than "this country". This indicates that at least in this document Shunxiao, its alleged

author, considered Silla an independent country rather than a part of China. However, as we

know, for geographical and cultural reasons, Korea had been much more likely than Japan to be
 75

regarded as a part of China in Tang and Song China. Obviously, in this document had Shunxiao

indeed regarded Japan belonging to this country--China, he would have also taken Silla as a part

of China and therefore would not have referred to it as "Kingdom of Silla".

Finally, the Bishamond6 MS seems to relate a story of a country-to-country dhanna

transmission: having turned the dhanna-wheel in (i) the "country of the Buddha" (Chin., Joguo;

Jpn., bukkoku; i.e., India), Subhakarasimha brought the dhanna to (ii) Tang China, where he

transmitted it to Yilin who brought it back to (iii) Silla before transmitting it to the Tang monk

Shunxiao, who, in tum, transmitted the dhanna to Saich6 from (iv) China or Japan (depending

on whether the text here gives benguolhonkoku ["this country" = China] as in the Bishamond6 MS,

or RibenguolNihonkoku (Japan) as in the Eizan Daishi den version of the juhemonl). In

accordance with the logic implied in the Bishamond6 MS, here Shunxiao, were he its true author,

must have used the word RibenguolNihonkoku (Japan) rather than benguolhonkoku (China). Only

with the word Ribenguo/Nihonkoku does the document present a complete country-to-country

dharma-transmission, running as follows:

__ ~ Korea (?)
(i) India (Subhakarasimha)--> (ii) China (Yilin)':-~>(iii) China (Shunxiao)-->(iv) Japan (Saich6)

This conforms to the inner logic of the Bishamond6 MS perfectly. On the contrary, if we read instead

the word honkoku, we are left with the following jumbled "international" dharma-tranmission:

_-~ Korea (?)

(I) India (Subhakarasimha)-->(ii) China (Yilin)::;(iii) China (Shunxiao)--> (iv) China (Saich6).

This is apparently iIlogicai.

On the basis of these considerations, we conclude that this text can be taken as written by

Shunxiao only on the assumption that the tenn RibenguolNihonkoku (Japan) was mis-written as
 76

benguolhonkoku (this country) in the text. This leads us to assumption (ii).

Then, is it possible that Shunxiao had missed one character (rilni) in writing the juhamon

for Saich6, leaving a text in which Saich6 was mis-presented as coming from "this country"

(China) although what Shunxiao had originally meant to say was that Saich6 was a monk from

Japan (RibenguoINihonkoku)? This possibility can not be categorically excluded, but is extremely

unlikely. Had this document really been written by Shunxiao, given its importance for both

himself and Saich6, Shunxiao would have written it very carefully. Furthermore, in the eyes of

Shunxiao and Saich6, the mistake would have been too obvious not to have been noted and

corrected27 •

Apparently, a more likely interpretation must be that the true author of this MS was not

Shunxiao but a Japanese monk, from whose perspective Saich6 was, of course, a monk of "this

country" (i.e., Japan). Thus, the Bishamond6 MS was either forged as a dharma-transmission

certificate (juhamon) in the name of Shunxiao or copied from an original text (identical with the

Eizan Daishiden version of the juhamon 1 which addresses Saich6 as "my disciple from Japan")

by a Japanese scribe who had inadvertently mis-copied the term Ribengguol Nihonkoku (Japan) as

benguolhonkoku (this country). This leads us to the problem of Bishamond6 MS' relationship

with the Eizan Daishiden version of the juhamonl. Was the Eizan Daishiden version of the

juhfmonl based on the Bishamond6 MS; or was the Bishamond6 MS forged on the basis of the

Eizan Daishiden version28 ?

From the viewpoint of Shunxiao, to address Saich6 as a monk from Japan would be

correct, while to call him a monk of "this country" (i.e., Tang China) is wrong (judging from the

Bishamond6 MS itself, we could not conclude that Shunxiao himself regarded Japan a part of
 77
China and Saicho a monk belonging to this country--China). As long as a dharma-transmission

document (juh6mon) was forged, then it seems more likely that a MS which claims to be the

original of the juh6mon was prepared before it was incorporated into a second text. In view of

this, it appears more likely that the Eizan Daishiden document, which represents the "correct"

version of the juh6monl, was based on the Bishamondo MS which is flawed by one serious

mistake. Therefore, it seems reasonable for us to assume that a later Tendai editor who included

the Bishamondo MS in the Eizan Daishiden noticed this serious error and changed the term

honkoku to Nihonkoku by adding a character "ni" to the original text. Besides, the deliberate

attempt of the Bishamondo MS author to produce it as ajuh6mon of Saicho29 also suggests that

it was forged as, rather than copied from, an original document. The Japanese author of this MS

wanted to forge ajuh6mon in the name of Shunxiao, but he was too careless to avoid such an error

which implicitly mis-presents Saicho as a Chinese monk. With all the evidence considered, I

conclude that the Bishamondo MS, which is regarded as the original of a juh6mon written by

Shunxiao for Saicho, was not written by Shunxiao in China but made in Japan30.

Anyway, it is still categorically possible that there existed a manuscript of the juh 6mon 1

(although I am inclined to believe that this very possibility is extremely slight), which was earlier

than both the Bishamondo MS and the Eizan Daishiden version of the juh6monl and in which

Saicho was "correctly" addressed as a disciple from "Japan". While the Bishamondo MS

represents a "wrong" copy of this earlier manuscript, the Eizan Daishiden reproduced it correctly.

Even if there did exist such a "correct" document as produced in the Eizan Daishiden as

the fuh6mon attributed to Shunxiao (juh6monl) , it is still extremely hard to accept such a

document as authentic (i.e., written by Shunxiao). It is to this problem that we are now returning.
 78

(B.I1.ii) The Authenticity of the FuhOmonl

Our conclusion regarding the authenticity of the fuhemonl as concluded in the Eizan Daishi

den is negative. The main reasons for believing so are as follows:

First of all, as argued in Section (A), at least as late as 820 it is unlikely that Saich6

regarded Shunxiao as such a prestigious monk as (i) the third-generation disciple of

Subhakarasimha, (ii) a "Great virtue" at a "state-protecting Temple", (iii) a "monk serving at the

court chapel", etc. Thus, the appearance of these terms in the fuhOmonl casts a shadow on the

authenticity of this document, which claims itself to have been written by Shunxiao in 805, fifteen

years earlier than the year 820.

Secondly, the absence of thejUhanonl in Saich6's two bibliographies, especially in the

Esshiiroku, the bibliography of Buddhist texts and Esoteric implements Saich6 is thought to have

secured in Yuezhou where the Shunxiao initiation is said to have taken place, strongly argues

against its authenticity.

As we know, Saich6 submitted the two bibliographies to the court precisely to show the

religious value of his travels in China. The inclusion of such a document like the fuhanonl in his

bibliographies would, without doubt, have enormously strengthened his implicit claim that his

study in China was of unusual significance. Therefore, had such a document like the fuhOmonl

been available to Saich6 at the time he composed the two bibliographies he would not have

hesitated to include it in them. Yet, we find that the juhanonl is not mentioned in his

bibliographies.

Instead, his bibliographies contain two certificates signed by the governors of Taizhou and

Mingzhou Prefecture, which certify that Saich6 had travelled to the two areas and that he had been
 79

engaged in seeking Buddhist teachings there31 • Saicho also mentions in the Esshiiroku an esoteric

instrument (i.e., a trifurcate vajra) which was given by his Esoteric master (most likely, Shunxiao)

as the "dharma transmitting certificate" (shingon osha fuhOinjin sanko bazara ichiko32 ,

T55.2160.1059c8). It is worth stressing that the ''juhOinjin'' mentioned here does not refer to any

written certificate but only to an Esoteric instrument; viz, a trifurcate vajra33 •

Saicho failed to include in his bibliographies any written certificate from any of his Chinese

teachers regarding his study under them and the lineages transmitted from them, while he did

append two official documents issued by local authorities to the two bibliographies and did

mention an object of fuhOinjin in them. Thus, the inclusion of the two official documents of

secular sources strikingly contrasts with the absence of any written certificate sanctioned by any

religious authority. Saicho must have fully understood the irreplaceable importance of such a

document like the fuhemonl for validating the orthodoxy of his dharma transmissions from China.

Therefore, we have reason to believe that he did not include any dharma-transmission certificate

in his bibliographies because either (i) the disclosure of such a certificate to the public would incur

him so much trouble (or even a disaster) that Saicho had decided to conceal it despite the

tremendous value it would have had for his school; or (ii) Saicho just had not secured such a

certificate from his Chinese teachers. Since it is hard to imagine what trouble the fuh i5mon 1 could

have caused for Saicho and his school if it had been presented to the COU~4, we have to resort to

the other assumption for interpreting Saicho's failure to include, or even mention, a document like

thefuhemonl in his bibliography. This leads us to believe that Saicho actually did not secure such

a document like thefuh6monl from China. Consequently, thisfuhemon might have been forged

either by Saicho himself or some later Tendai monk, who was eager to establish the legitimacy
 80

of the esoteric tradition in the name of Saicho.

It is not likely that thejuhfmon1 was composed by Saicho himself. This view is supported

by the following two reasons. First of all, as we noted above, the fuh6mon1 is not included in the

Denjutsu isshinkaimon, which was collected around one decade after Saicho's death. Had the

juhomon1 been made by Saicho himself, it would have been included in this Tendai collection

compiled mainly for supporting the legitimacy of Saicho's Buddhist transmissions, including

esoteric ones.

Secondly, if Saicho were the author of the juh6mon1, he would have done it after the

submission of the Kenkairon in 820 and before his death in 822 (since in that work no trace is left

of glorifying Shunxiao and connecting Saicho himself with Subhakarasimha). During this period,

the most likely occasion for him to forge such a document like the juh i5mon 1 would have been the

time when he collected the documents for the Kenkairon engi, which was completed in the third

month of 821. However, the tremendous risk accompanying the presentation of a false document

like the fuhOmon1 to the court may have sufficiently deterred any scrupulous person like Saicho

from doing so. Therefore, I am inclined to believe that the fuh6mon1 was not forged by Saicho

himself, but by a certain Tendai monk after his death.

Given its inclusion in the Eizan Dashi den which was prepared by one of Saicho' s direct

disciples, I assume that this document was forged not too long after Saicho's death and most likely

forged by Shinchli or another of Saicho' s immediate disciples.

(B.I1.iii) The Significance of the Fuhamonl

We noticed that the "court certificate" attributed to Saicho had already connected him with

Subhakarasimha by stating that his teacher Shunxiao was a third-generation disciple of the great
 81

Esoteric master. But the same "court certificate" says nothing about why Shunxiao was taken as

the third generation disciple of Subhakarasimha. The juh6monl as found in the Eizan Daishiden

goes one step further by connecting Shunxiao to Subhakarasimha through a Silla monk called

Yilin. Thus, Saich6 was closely associated with the renowned Esoteric patriarch Subhakarasimha

through the following lineage: (1) Subhakarasimha -- > (2) Yilin (one hundred and three years

old, living in Silla [a part of the present-day Korea]) -- > (3) Shunxiao -- > (4) Saich6. By

incorporatng Saich6 into such a distinguished Esoteric tradition initiated by Subhakarasimha, the

juhanonl wants to prove the orthodoxy of Saich6's Esoteric tradition on the one hand and specify

Saich6' s esoteric tradition as of taiz&ai origin on the other.

Since the juhemonl was forged in Japan and nothing certain is known about Yilin (Saich6

does not mention such a monk in either of the Esshiiroku and Kenkairon) , I am inclined to doubt

the historical existence of this so-called Silla monk. An 834 Chinese source mentions Yixing and

Xuancha035 , a monk from Silla, as the only two dharma-transmission disciples of

Subhakarasimha36 • It seems therefore likely that when a fictitious figure was made to substitute

for Xuanchao as the second dharma-transmission disciple of Subhakarasimha, he was presented

as coming from Silla, making him a compatriot of Xuanchao. Moreover, it is more difficult to

disapprove the existence of a Korean monk than a Chinese monk. Finally, the name of Yilin may

have been suggested by that of Yixing, the two names being probably quite similar in their

Chinese pronunciation.
 82

Section (C) The NaishaBuppasqakechimyakufu and the Further Legitimation of Saich6's

Esoteric Tradition

The Naisho Buppa sOja kechimyakuju (An Diagrammatic Description of the Secretly

Certified Blood-lineages of the Buddha-dhanna; in one fascicle; DZ1: 199-248) is another

important source attesting to the efforts later Tendai followers made to legitimate Saich6' s Esoteric

tradition. This work is generally regarded as the text Saich6 referred to in his 81910 Kenkairon

hyo (The Memorial regarding the Submission of the Kenkairon) as Buppo kechimyaku (the Blood-

lineage of the Buddha-dhanna), which he submitted to the court along with the Kenkairon in the

year 820.

Judged by its currently available version, the Naish 0 Buppo sOja kechimyakuju is a work

primarily concerned with proving the orthodoxy of the various transmissions Saich6 received from

China. This text aims at proving that Saich6' s original teachings were of four sources which were

respectively called (i) zen (the Northern Chan school); (ii) mitsu (Esoteric Buddhism, including

a dual esoteric transmission [i.e., taiz&ai and kong&all and the zomitsu ["Miscellaneous"]

tradition); (iii) en (Tendai school) and (iv) kai (the Vinaya school). It has therefore been highly

prized within the Tendai tradition. However, the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju, particularly

the parts regarding Saich6' s Northern Chan and esoteric lineages, has been subjected to serious

criticisms by modern scholars37 • Scholars have also been debating the authorship of this work since

Gishin first questioned its authenticity in his bibliography38.

 83

Sasaki Kentoku is the fIrst scholar who attempted a comprehensive study of the authenticity

of the Naisho Buppo sOja kechimyakuju39. Sasaki's examination of the work was based on his

understanding of the relation between the currently circulated Naish a Buppo sOja kechimyakuju

and the text indicated as the Buppo kechimyaku in the J a Kenkairon hyo. Sasaki suggested that

they may not be identical. In his Jo Kenkairon hyo Saicho referred to the Kenkairon (which was

listed side by side with the Buppo kechimyaku) by its full name. Therefore, the title "Buppo

Kechimyaku" as appearing in the Jo Kenkairon hyomay also have been the full name of the other

text known to its author. Consequently, Sasaki argues, the current Naisho Buppo sOja

kechimyakuju, with a different full name, is probably either a different work or more likely, an

emended, expanded, and altered version of the Buppo kechimyaku (Sasaki believes that the

original Buppo kechimyakuju may have been quite short, while the currently available Naisho

Buppo sOja kechimyakuju appears extraordinarily lengthy as an one-fascicle text).

Another observation point Sasaki raises to discredit the authenticity of the Naish a Buppo

sqo kechimyakuju is the peculiar manner in which it was composed. According to a colophon at

its end Saicho's disciple Shinchii wrote down this work which Saicho dictated. This is

contradictory to the usual way Saicho's other works were written (Saicho dictated no other works

to a disciple). Furthermore, the appearance of the name Shinchii in this text is noteworthy, since

no other early Heian period document mentions this disciple of Saicho.

Finally, Sasaki compares the Naisho Buppo sOja kechimyakuju with the J6shiiron (A

Treatise on Glorifying the [Tendai] School), a work written by Renko (815?-880?) to defend the

Tendai School against the Nara schools. This comparison reveals that Renko's representation of

the Tendai lineages, which was mainly based on Zhiyi' s Mohe z}ziguan, was at variance with that
 84

delineated in the Naish a Buppa sfja kechimyakuju. Had Renko really read the Naish a Buppa sOja

kechimyakuju by the time he wrote the Ji5shuron, he could not have failed to follow this

authoritative work regarding Saicho' s lineages in a work aimed at defending the legitimacy of

those lineages. Therefore, Sasaki argues, Renko appears to have been ignorant of the Naisha

Buppa sOja kechimyakuju when he wrote the Ji5shiiron. Had the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju

been indeed written by the Tendai founder himself, it is also hard to imagine that a zealous Tendai

apologist like Renkii would have failed to read it by the time he composed the Ji5shiiron, i.e.,

several decades after Saicho's death. Consequently, Sasaki reaches the conclusion that the Naisha

Buppa sOja kechimyakuju can not be attributed to Saicho. It was written by a later Tendai monk.

After rejecting the conventional ascription of the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju to

Saicho, Sasaki suggests that the ninth century Tendai monk Annen may be taken as the person

responsible for expanding and emending the Buppa kechimyaku by Saicho into the Naish a Buppa

sOja kechimyakuju which is in circulation today. Annen has significantly altered Saicho's Esoteric

lineages as originally described in Saicho's Buppa Kechimyaku in order to make the Tendai School

more competitive in gaining the leadership of the Esoteric tradition in Japan. Sasaki has also

identified the passages in the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju that came from some Chan texts,

some of which were brought to Japan after Saicho, and therefore were inaccessible to Saicho.

Sasaki believes these passages from Chan texts were not added to the Naisho Buppa sojo

kechimyaku by Saicho but by Annen.

Sasaki's research sheds some light on the sources of the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju.

Some aspects of his hypothesis concerning the formation of the text have been confirmed by recent

research. For example, Fukui Kojun has addressed some compelling evidence to prove that the
 85

Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju and the Buppa Kechimyaku are indeed two different texts 40 • But

Sasaki is not well grounded when he directly attributes the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakufu to

Annen.

In his attempt to identify the true author of the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju, Fukui

refers us to an important record found in the Tendaishii shanaga haja bensh&i (Records of the

Esoteric Course of the Tendai School Criticizing the Heterodox and Defending the Orthodox)

compiled in 1109 by the Tendai monk Yakushun,

Let it be noted here formally: My late teacher (i.e., Saich6) made the following
instruction in his Kechimyaku, "My future dharma-grandsons can add the names
[of Tendai successors] to [this text] for the purpose of continuing the dharma". I,
the disciple Kojo, added something to the text of the three-generation lineage in
order that the dharma could survive.

Let it be noted here too: Our master's [text about] the miscellaneous mandala
mentions the name of Acarya Weixiang. This master is one of the five "dharma-
transmitting acaryas" (denbo ajari) [designated by Master] Qinglong (i.e.,
Huiguo). When I Kojo, the little monk, received in the room of the late Acarya
Kiikai the "Mandala of the One-deity of the Lotus Flower" (Renka isson mandara) ,
I heard by my own ears the name of Master Weixiang. Though he was not included
in the transmission lineage, I, in order to preserve the traces of the Mountain (i.e.,
Tendai), inserted the name of Master Weixiang into the list of Trepilaka Bukong' s
dharma-sons and placed it before [the name of] Acarya Shunxiao. I thus composed
the text about lineage. I sincerely wish that the sange order (Tendai sect) not
bitterly blame me [for doing that]. The future [Tendai] practitioners must also
carefully inspect the dharma of later generations and add the names [of Tendai
monks to this Kechimyaku] according to the rule (TZ7: 199aI6-b7).

On the basis of this record Fukui concludes that the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju was

compiled by K6j6.

Unfortunately, Fukui's conclusion is not completely plausible either. First of all, as the

author of the Tendai kahya believes, K6j6' s work mentioned here is the SOja kechimyakuju

(BZI25: 160a). According to Yakushun, the text in question is titled Eizan kechimyakuju.
 86

Yakushun also warned the reader not to take this text by K6j6 as that by Saich6 (TZ7: 199a6).

Obviously, the text quoted here by Yakushun is different from the Buppo Kechimyakuju attributed

to Saich6. Secondly, according to the above-quoted remarks by K6j6, in K6j6's work the name

of Weixiang was put before that of Shunxiao. This can not, however, be seen in the Naish 0 Buppo

sqo kechimyakuju in circulation today. Finally, if the Naish 0 Buppo sojo kechimyakuju had indeed

been compiled by K6j6 himself, it would be difficult to explain why it was said at the end of the

text that the text was dictated by Saich6 to Shinchu, who was apparently less prestigious than

K6j6.

In any case, I agree with Japanese scholars (including Sasaki and Fukui) in thinking that

the Naisho Buppo sOjo kechimyakuju resulted from the emendation and expansion of the Buppo

kechimyaku, which was originally written by Saich6 himself. In other words, I agree that at least

some parts of the Naisho Buppa sqa kechimyakuju were not directly composed by Saich6 himself.

Here, I would like to provide two more pieces of evidence to support this view. One is the

inclusion in the Naish 0 Buppo sqokechimyakuju of the juhanon 1, which was, I argued in Section

(B), forged by a Tendai monk after Saich6's death. The other is that the Naisho Buppa sOjo

kechimyakuju author, most probably, had used a work by a Chinese monk which was compiled

in 834, twelve years after Saich6's death (see below).

At the same time, for the effort some Japanese scholars made to attribute the Naish 0 Buppo

sqakechimyakuju to Annen or K6j6, I have to admit that it remains difficult, if not impossible,

to identify the true compiler of this text on the basis of currently available evidence. However,

since the Naisho Buppo sOja kechimyakuju tells us that it was written by Shinchii. at Saich6's

dictation, it seems more probable to attribute it to a certain Tendai monk in the line of Shinchii..
 87

As for the date of the text in question, something more certain can be said. First of all,

since a 927 manuscript of the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju has been discovered41 , it seems

safe to say that it was compiled before the end of the ninth century. Moreover, since the Naisha

Buppo sfjo kechimyakuju only contains the juh6monl but not the juh6mon2 42 , which appeared no

later than 873 (Enchin referred to juh6mon2 in his Ketsuji sanshushicchi ho which was composed

around 873)43, it was probably compiled before the appearance of the juh6mon2, i.e., before

873 44 . Finally, because the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju author used an 834 work by a

Chinese monk called Haiyun (see below), I believe that it was compiled after 834 (most likely

after 840 since it took time for the Chinese text to be imported into Japan).

Consequently, with regard to the formation of the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju, the

following tentative conclusion seems plausible: this text was compiled between 840 and 870 by

a Tendai monk who was, very likely, either Shinchii. himself or one of his immediate disciples.

Having dealt with the formation of the Naish a Buppa soja kechimyakuju, we now tum to

a discussion of how Saich6' s Esoteric tradition was re-depicted and legitimated in this work.

Before doing that, a brief remark regarding the Naish a Buppo sOja kechimyakuju's relation with

the Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the Eizan Daishiden appears appropriate. Whereas both the

Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the Eizan Daishiden depict the Shunxiao initiation as merely of Matrix-

realm origin, the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju deflnes it as of a dual esoteric transmission.

Therefore, in view of the relative complexity of the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju deflnition

of the Shunxiao initiation, I am inclined to believe that the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju was

later than both the Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the Eizan Daishiden. Or, at least, it can be said that

these NaishaBupposfjakechimyakuju documents aimed at legitimating Saich6's Esoteric lineages

 88

were composed later than those which, found in the other two works, were composed for the same

purpose.

(C.I) The Naisha Buppo sOja kechimyakufu Presentation of Saich6's Esoteric Dharma-
transmissions

The Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakufu classifies Saich6's esoteric tradition into two

categories, one is the "transmission of the dual mandalas, Matrix-realm and Diamond-realm"

(taiza konga ry6mandara sOji5) and the other the "transmission of the Miscellaneous Mandalas"

(zamandara sOj6). The former refers to the Shunxiao initiation, the only transmission of the

"pure" (fun) Esoteric Buddhism Saich6 received from China. As noted above, according to

Saich6's own description in the Esshiiroku and the nature of the esoteric texts and implements he

brought back from China, the Shunxiao initiation was most likely of Diamond-realm origin. But

in the Kenkairon, Saich6 redefmed the Shunxiao initiation as a transmission of the dual mandalas

of the Matrix and Diamond-realm, the taiza konga rywu mandara sOja. This tendency to redefme

the Shunxiao initiation as of a dual esoteric transmission was continued in the Naish a Buppa sOja

kechimyakufu, in which the Shunxiao initiation is identified with the "transmission of the dual

mandala, the Matrix- and Diamond-realm".

Not only did the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakufu author try to re-depict the Shunxiao

initiation as of a dual transmission, he also claims that Saich6' s Chinese guru Shunxiao was in a

lineage deriving from SUbhakarasimha (the greatest expounder of the Matrix-realm tradition) and

Bukong (the chief advocator of the Diamond-realm tradition) as well. The Naisha Buppa sOja
 89

kechimyakufu contains a document called "Taizokai kongokai Ryomandara soja shishi

kechimyakufu" (A diagrammatical illustration of the blood-lineage transmitted between the

[Esoteric] masters regarding the two mandalas of Matrix- and Diamond-realm). This document

draws two esoteric lineages respectively belonging to the Matrix- (TaizCicai ) and Diamond-realm

(kongCicai) traditions, with which Saich6, along with Shunxiao, was affiliated,

The Lineage of Diamond-realm: (1) the Vairocana-tathagata in the Diamond-realm

(Kongokai Birushana Nyorai) -- (2) Vajrasattva -- (3) Nagarjuna -- (4) Nagarbodhi
-- (5) Vajrabodhi -- (6) Bukong -- (7) Shunxiao -- (8) Saich6

The Lineage of Matrix-realm: (1) the Vairocana-tathagata in the Matrix-realm

(Taiz6kai Birushana Nyorai) -- (2) Subhakarasimha -- (3) Yixing and Yilin -- (4)
Shunxiao -- (5) Saicho (DZl: 237-244)

In the second lineage, Yilin is conspicuously represented as one of Yixing' s co-disciples (hexei,

"younger dharma-brother"). Obviously, the fame of Yixing as the greatest disciple of

Subhakarasimha and the commentator of a fundamental scripture for any Esoteric Buddhist

tradition (the Darijing/Dainichikya) was here emphasized to compensate for the obscurity of

Yilin, Saicho's "dharma grand-father" .

A Chinese Esoteric monk named Haiyun (Jpn., Kaiun) also gives a more detailed

description of the dual Esoteric lineages in his Liangbu daja xiangcheng shizi fuja ji (Jpn., RyCiJu

daiha sOja shishi fuha ki; The Record of Master-to-Disciple Transmissions of the Two-divisioned

Great Dharma; TI081, compiled in Taihe 8 [834]). It is striking to note the similarities between

the two versions of the dual Esoteric lineage as found in the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakufu and

Haiyun's Record respectively. Let us fIrst summarize Haiyun's version in the following diagrams:

Kong6kai (1) the Vairocana-tathagata in the Diamond-realm (Kongokai

 90

Birushana Nyorai) -- (2) Vajrasattva Samantabhadra -- (3) Bodhisattva Mav.jusrI

-- (4) Nagarjuna -- (5) Nagarbodhi -- (6) Vajrabodhi -- (7) Bukong -- (8) Huiguo --
(9) Kiikai (T51.2081.783c19-784b2);

Taiz6kai : (1) the Vairocana-tathagata in the Matrix-realm (Taiz6kai Birushana

Nyorai) -- (2) Bodhisattva Vajrap~ (3) Dharmagupta -- (4) Subhakarasimha --
(5) Yixing and Xuanchao -- (6) Huiguo -- (7) Kiikai (T51.2081.786b6-787a3).

As for the Diamond-realm lineage, the Naisha Buppa sija kechimyakuju version is almost identical

with the Haiyun version except for the following three points. First, the third successor in the

Haiyun version (Bodhisattva M~juSrI) is absent in the Naish aBuppo sOja kechimyakuju version.

Second, Haiyun's Record and the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju identify the second successor

as Vajrasattva Samantabhadra and Vajrasattva respectively. Third, the last two successors in the

lineages are indicated as Huiguo-Kiikai (Haiyun) and Shunxiao-Saich6 (the Naisha Buppa sOja

kechimyakuju) respectively.

As for the Matrix-realm lineage, the two versions also appear identical except for several

slight differences. The second successor in the Haiyun version (Dharmagupta) was omitted in the

Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju version, while in the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju version

Yilin, rather than Xuanchao (as in the Haiyun version), is presented as one of the two successors

of Subhakarasimha. Moreover, the last two successors are also different in the two versions:

Huiguo-Kiikai (Haiyun) in one, and Shunxiao-Saich6 (the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju) in

the other.

In the main, these two versions are so close that I believe that one is based on the other.

Since there is no evidence to show that the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju had circulated in

China by 834 when Haiyun wrote his Record, it seems plausible to assume that the Naish a Buppa

sqakechimyakuju version was based on Haiyun's Record. If this is true, it could also be used as
 91

evidence against the traditional view that the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju was composed by

Saich6 himself, since by the time Haiyun wrote his Record Saich6 had already been dead for

twelve years.

Besides re-depicting the Shunxiao initiation and placing Shunxiao and Saich6 in two

Esoteric lineages, the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju also attributes several initiations of

"miscellaneous" mandalas to Saich6. It is said in the work that in China Saich6 and Gishin

received an additional four Esoteric rites from monks and a layman:

(1) the gobuccha ha and myOda mushasai from the monk Dasu;
(2) The jushuedan and nyoirindan from the layman Jiangbi;
(3) The Gundari ha from the monk Lingguang;
(4) The Daibuccha mandara from the Guoqingsi monk Weixiang (DZ1: 245-6)

The historical truth of the fourth zOmitsu transmission (i.e., that from Weixiang) appears

supported by a certain relatively reliable source45 . However, it is striking to note that while the

fourth esoteric rite was represented as conducted in the tenth month of 805, the former three were

all dated on the same day, i.e., the fifth day of the fifth month of 805, a mere two weeks before

Saich6' s departure for Japan. Misaki tries to explain this apparently unlikely coincidence by the

following assumption. Saich6, Misaki gathers, had failed to record the specific date for each of

these initiations when they were conferred on him. Therefore, fifteen years later when he

described these "Miscellaneous" esoteric rites in the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju he was left

with no choice but to attribute them to the same date 46 . Moreover, it is suggested that the Naisha

Buppa sqa kechimyakuju date may have been taken from the colophon of a text or mandala which

Saich6 brought back47.

However, it seems to me questionable that these three esoteric rites ever took place.
 92

Neither the Esshiiroku nor the Kenkairon, the only two documents by Saicho in which he

discussed his Esoteric initiations in China, says anything about these three Esoteric rites. Rather,

it is hinted in the Kenkairon that the Shunxiao initiation was the only Esoteric initiation Saicho

received during his sojourn in Yuezhou, "after receiving the Shunxiao initiation, [we, Saicho and

GishinJ immediately returned to the Port of Mingzhou where the ships were waiting for us"

(T74.2376.590c).

Finally, it should be noted that a "dharma-transmission certificate" (juh6mon) attributed

to Shunxiao (the Jungy6 Ajan fuh6mon) is included in the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakufu.

Comparing the Naish a Buppa sfja kechimyakufu version of the fuh6mon with the Eizan Daishiden

version, we find that they are almost identical except for several slight differences48 • Therefore,

the two versions of the fuhemon as found in the two texts can be regarded as based on one and the

same source.

(c.m The Significance of the Naish aBupp6sCj6kechimyakuju Version of Saicho's Esoteric

Dharma-transmissions

In both the Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the Eizan daishiden, Saicho's esoteric transmission

is depicted as originating from the Matrix-realm tradition. In the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakufu

Saicho was reported to have received the dual transmission from Shunxiao, who was not only a

third generation disciple after Subhakarasimha but also a direct disciple of Bukong.

Subhakarasimha and Bukong were respectively recognized as the most important expounders of

the two esoteric traditions, Matrix- and Diamond-realm. Thus, in the Naisha Bupp6 sOja
 93

kechimyakuju Saich6' s teacher Shunxiao was glorified as even more distinguished than Kiikai' s

teacher Huiguo, who was Bukong's most promising disciple. The Shingon ideology presented

Huiguo as the ardent advocator of the ryoou goju idea (the idea that the two esoteric traditions

are inter-penetrating).

On the other hand, it is remarkable that the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju, while

including some obviously insignificant z6mitsu initiations Saich6 allegedly received from China,

omits the Taka6sanji abhi;;eka Saich6 received from Kiikai, which concerned a dual transmission.

By doing that, the author of the Naish a Buppa sqa kechimyakuju tries to minimize the significance

of the initiations Kiikai conferred upon Saich6 and some of his leading disciples.

Also, it is important to note that the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju stresses the

importance of some "Miscellaneous" esoteric rites in Saich6's esoteric tradition. It may well be

that because of the precedent set by the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju, the "Miscellaneous"

esoteric rites have always played a more important part in Tendai Esoteric Buddhism than in

Shingon.

Section (D) The Kenkairon Engi and Saich6's Esoteric Tradition: Appearance of the
Second Version of the Dhanna-trandmission Document (Fuhanon2)
 94

In the third month of 821, Saich6 collected 33 documents and edited them into a work

titled the Kenkairon engi (Materials Concerning the Kenkairon; in two fascicles; DZ1: 263-98).

Saich6 submitted this document collection to the secretary of the State Council (Dajokan)49. Since

some of the monks in Nara had questioned the orthodoxy of Saich6's teachings, much of the

Kenkairon engi was devoted to proving that Saich6 had studied under qualified teachers in China.

The Kenkairon engi was in two fascicles. The first primarily contains official documents

concerning Saich6' s studies in China and a request for early ordinands for the Tendai School. The

second fascicle, which has unfortunately been lost (or destroyed?), contained documents

concerning the controversy over the bodhisattva precepts, including petitions by Saich6's

opponents.

Although it is highly probable that Saich6 did compile a work called the Kenkairon engi,

the Kenkairon engi that has come down to us can not be regarded as compiled by Saich6 himself.

Rather, I am of the opinion that the currently available version of the Kenkairon engi represents

the result of repeated alteration and expansion made by later Tendai editors on the original text

that was probably left by Saich6 himself. Some documents originally included into the text were

excluded and destroyed since they were against the Tendai interests. For example, the whole

second fascicle, which contained petitions from Saich6's opponents, may have been destroyed

purposefully. As I will show below, some documents forged after Saich6' s death were added into

the Kenkairon engi as the textual supports for the legitimacy of Saich6's dharma-transmissions

(especially the esoteric ones).

In comparison with the three Tendai sources discussed in the three preceding sections (the

Denjutsu isshinkaimon, Eizan Daishiden, and the NaishoBupposqokechimyakufu), the Kenkairon

 95

engi achieved its present form at a relatively late date. A so-called "court certificate" proving

Saich6' s religious expertise is found in the Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the Eizan Daishiden. As

quoted in both works, the "court certificate" presented Shunxiao as the third generation disciple

of Subhakarasimha ([ZenJmui sanzo daisan deshz). But when quoted in the Kenkairon engi, the

same "court certificate" describes Shunxiao as Fukii sanzo daisandeshi50, which could mean (i)

the "third disciple of Trepitaka Bukong" or the "third-generation disciple of Trepitaka Bukong".

Obviously, the editor of the Kenkairon engi did not understand this phrase as the "third-generation

disciple of Trepilaka Bukong", which would mean that Saich6's teacher Shunxiao was one

generation junior to Kiikai' s teacher Huiguo who was one of Bukong' s disciples. Therefore, the

editor understood the phrases as the "third disciple of Trepilaka Bukong", which means that

Shunxiao was a fellow student of and therefore comparable with Huiguo.

However, the editor forgot that the phrase "daisandeshi" in this context could only be

understood as the "third generation disciple", since in the same document Saich6' s Tiantai teacher

Daosui was referred to as the Chishadaishi daishichideshi, which can only be understood as the

"seventh generation (and not the seventh) disciple of Zhiyi" because Daosui was almost two

centuries later than Zhiyi (538-597) and his discipleship under Zhiyi is absolutely impossible.

Therefore, in this context, the phrases "daisandeshi" or "daishichideshi" must be understood as

the "third/seventh generation disciple", rather than the "third/seventh disciple". In other words,

the editor of the Kenkairon engi, in including the "court certificate" into the Kenkairon engi,

substituted "Bukong" for n[Zen]mui" (Subhakarasimha) and was ignorant of the problem caused

by this change. This change was obviously made for the purpose of associating Shunxiao with

Bukong and thereby showing that Saich6's esoteric tradition can be traced to the kong&ai tradition
 96

as well as to the taizffiai one.

As demonstrated by the juhCmonl, at the outset Saich6' s disciples were pre-occupied with

connecting Saich6 with the taizffiai lineage initiated by Subhakarasimha. Neither the Denjutsu

isshinkaimon nor the Eizan Daishiden makes any effort to connect Saich6 with the kongffiai

tradition. It was only in the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju that Saich6's esoteric tradition was

depicted as belonging to a dual transmission. Therefore, given the eagerness with which the editor

of the Kenkairon engi tried to connect Saich6 with Bukong, I feel that the currently available

version of the Kenkairon engi took form later than either of the Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the

Eizan Daishiden.

On the other hand, since the Kenkairon engi contains a more elaborate version of the

juhemon than the Naish a Buppa sija kechimyakuju version of the same certificate, it was probably

also later than the latter. Consequently, of the four sources discussed in this chapter, the

Kenkairon engi contains some of the latest documents which represent the latest stage of the effort

Saich6's followers made to legitimate Saich6's Esoteric tradition. Now, let us tum to the text of

the Kenkairon engi proper and try to see what the Kenkairon engi documents can tell us about how

Saich6's Esoteric tradition was re-interpreted by later Tendai monks.

(D.I) The Kenkairon engi Presentation of Saich6's Esoteric Dharma-transmission

Preserved in the Kenkairon engi are at least five documents which are of great relevance

to understanding how Saich6' s followers had changed their ideas of Saicho' s esoteric tradition.

These five documents are:

 97

(1) The Daito Taigaku Reiganji Jungyo Ajari juh6mon (Chin., Datang Taiyue
Linyansi Shunxiao Asheri ju!awen; The dharma-transmission certificate from
Acarya Shunxiao of the Linyansi Temple on Mt. Taiyue [=Taishan], the Great
Tang, DZ1: 279-280);

(2) Dainihonkoku shoken kanjOd6jo juhOdesi naishisen (The edict delivered by the
Inner Court Envoy (naishisen), about selecting disciples to be initiated in the first
abhi;;eka platform ever established in the Great Japan, DZ1: 283-4);

(3) Shi kyotOguho Saicho denbo kugen (An official certificate for dharma-
transmission issued to Saich6 who went to China to seek the dharma, DZ1: 284-6);

(4) Shi kyotOguhoyakugoso Gishin denbokugen (An official certificate for dharma-
transmission issued to Interpreter-monk Gishin who went to China to seek the
dharma, DZ1: 289-90);

(5) Den sanbusamaya kugen (An official certificate for transmitting the samayas
of "three divisions", DZ1: 290-1).

Of these five Kenkairon engi documents, the fIrst one is of greatest relevance to our present study.

We will consider in-depth the first document (hereafter referred to as FUHOMON) before

discussing the other four documents.

Indeed, the so-called "dharma-transmission certificate" lfuh6mon) attributed to Shunxiao

is by no means unfamiliar to us. We have found such a "certificate" (i.e., juh6mon1) included in

the Eizan Daishiden and the Naish 0 Buppo sfjo kechimyakuju as well. After comparing it with the

!uhomon1, we fInd that the FUHOMON is composed of two parts. The second part, which is

identical with the juh6mon 1, is preceded by the first part which reads as follows,

In a room of mandala comprising "Thirty-seven Deities" (Chin., sanshiqizun; Jpn.,

sanjushichison)50 headed by Vairocana-Tathagata,

A-Vam-Ram-hum-Khum -- the higher rank of attainment;

A-Vi-Ra-hum-Kham -- the intermediate rank of attainment;
A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na -- the lower rank of attainment.

Through the abhi;eka (kanjO), the samayas for the "three divisions" (sanbu) were
 98

conferred [by] Adirya SramaJ;la Shunxiao. The methods for drawing pictures,
samples and mudras [were also transmitted]. On the eighteenth day of the fourth
month of Zhenyuan 21 (805). SramaJ;la Shunxiao of the Lingyansi Temple on Mt.
Taishan, who was the "Great Virtue" at a "State-protecting Temple" and one
"monk serving at the court chapel", transmitted the samayas for the "Three
Divisions" and [issued] this certificate to his disciple Saich6 (DZ1: 279).

Thus we see that we have two versions of certificate for Saich6' s esoteric initiation from

Shunxiao: thefuhemon1 and FUHOMON. The authenticity of thefuhemon1 has been rejected. Is

the same conclusion applicable to the FUHOMON? Before dealing with the authenticity of the

FUHOMON, I think it is helpful to make a close comparison between the FUHOMON, the

fuh emon 1 , the Esshiiroku and Kenkairon passages relevant to Saich6' s Esoteric transmission in

China.

We find that the FUHOMON differs from the other three sources in several important

points. First of all, the FUHOMON is much more specific as to the content of the Shunxiao

initiation. In the Esshiiroku Saich6 was satisfied with observing that he obtained from Shunxiao

a kind of five-division abhi{ieka. The Kenkairon passage merely says that the Shunxiao initiation

was about a dual transmission. As for the fuhemon1, it says nothing about the content of the

Shunxiao initiation. By contrast, the FUHOMON describes the content of the Shunxiao initiation

in much greater detail. According to the FUHOMON, the core of the Shunxiao initiation resides

in a threefold correlation between a triplet of five-syllabled dh~ and three ranks of attainment.

Besides that, the Fuh6mon tells us that Saich6 receives an abhi{ieka, through which the samayas

of "three divisions" were transmitted to him. After that abhi{ieka, Saich6 was also offered some

diagrams and seals, which were used, presumably, to certify the authenticity of his initiation.

Secondly, both the Esshiiroku and the Kenkairon are not clear about the date of the
 99

Shunxiao initiation. Only by referring to the context of the two relevant passages in the Essh iiroku

and the Kenkairon is one able to infer that the initiation occurred in the fourth month of 805. The

juhCmonl indicates that it was written by Shunxiao and entrusted to Saich6 on the nineteenth day

of the fourth month of Zhenyuan 21 (805), without saying when the initiation happened. The

FUHOMON, by contrast, unambiguously dates the initiation to the eighteenth day of the fourth

month of Zhenyuan 21 (805).

Thirdly, the FUHOMON is meticulous in describing the place of the initiation: it occurred

in a place where a mandala comprising "TIrirty-seven Deities" [headed by] the Vairocana-tathagata

has been drawn, at the Fengshan[ding] Temple in Yuezhou Prefecture. This also forms a striking

contrast to the Esshiiroku and Kenkairon passages, both of which only briefly observed that the

initiation was conducted at the Fengshan Temple east of Lake ling, and the juh amon 1 as well,

which remains silent on the initiation location.

Fourthly, in the Esshiiroku and Kenkairon passages almost no mention is made of

Shunxiao's titles, background, and his lineage. In the juhamonl , Shunxiao was presented as a

"Great Virtue" at a "State-protecting Temple", a Great Adirya . In the FUHOMON, one more

honorific title is attributed to Shunxiao: he was not merely a "Great Virtue" at a "State-Protecting

Temple", but also a "monk serving at the court chapel".

Therefore, of all the materials which have concerned us so far, the FUHOMONpresents

the most detailed description of the Shunxiao initiation. However, the problem which follows this

general conclusion is whether this FUHOMON can be regarded as authentic; i.e., written by

Saich6's Chinese guru Shunxiao.

 100

(D.II) The Authenticity and Significance of the FUHOMON

(D.II.i) The Authenticity of the FUHOMON

First of all, it is clear that the whole of the FUHOMON can not be accepted as authentic

since its second part (=fuhanonl) was, as I have argued in Section (B) above, written by a certain

Tendai monk rather than by Shunxiao as it claims. Then, what can we say about the authenticity

of the first part of the FUHOMON?

In fact, the first part of the FUHOMON itself originally existed as a separate fuhanon

attributed to Shunxiao. On sixth December, 1965 a major national newspaper in Japan, Asahi

Shinbun, reported that a manuscript, whose text is identical with the first part of the FUHOMON,

was stored at the Shitennoji Temple in Osaka52 . This manuscript claims to be a dharma-

transmission certificate issued by Shunxiao to Saicho. The experts who investigated the Shitennoji

manuscripts agreed on the authenticity of thisfuhanon. Regarded as important written evidence

for the cultural communication between ancient China and Japan, this manuscript was designated

as an "Important Cultural Property of Japan" (juy6 bunkazai) shortly after its discovery in 1965.

Japanese calligraphy scholars are generally of the opinion that this manuscript was written in the

typical Tang calligraphical style and must be taken as of Chinese provenance. To my knowledge,

no Japanese scholar has so far expressed any doubt about the authenticity of this manuscript and

all Tendai scholars use it as one of the primary sources for studying the appearance of the Tendai

Esoteric Buddhism in Japan and its relationship with Chinese Esoteric Buddhism53 •

However, for the same reasons that have led me to reject the authenticity of the fuhOmonl ,

I find it extremely difficult to accept this fuhOmon stored in the Shitennoji Temple (hereafter
 101

fuhomon2) as authentic. These reasons include the (i) absence of this "dhanna-transmission

certificate" in Saicho's two bibliographies, in which he would have had every reason to mention

such a document had it really been in his possession at the time he wrote the bibliographies; the

(ii) appearance of the terms aimed at glorifying Shunxiao in the manuscripf4 •

In addition to these two major points, one minor, but by no means insignificant, point also

casts doubt on the authenticity of the fuhOmon 1 and fuh6mon2 as well. Shunxiao is presented by

the two fuhOmons to address himself as a "daitoku" at a "chinkoku dOj(J', "Acarya Sramru;ta",

"naigubu", etc. It is really a rarely witnessed practice that a monk would be so presumptuous as

to show off so many prestigious titles he assumed.

Fourthly, I find it extremely unbelievable that Saich6, during his several-day stay with

Shunxia055 , received two separate fuhOmons (i.e., fuh6monl and fuhOmon2) from the same

Esoteric master. As a rule, a fuh6mon is meant, on the one hand, to officially establish the

discipleship of its holder under the master signing it; and on the other, to confinn that such and

such an esoteric transmission had indeed occurred between the master and disciple as specified

therein. In view of the unparalleled importance the esoteric tradition has attached to a face-to-fact

oral transmission from the master to disciple, it seems justifiable for us to assume that an Esoteric

master must have written and issued a fuhOmon with great care and importance. In the case of

Shunxiao and Saich6, if the two fuh6mons could be accepted as authentic, Saich6 had in fact

received a secondfuhOmon from Shunxiao only one day after obtaining his firstfuhOmon from the

same Esoteric master. This would lead to such a conclusion: Shunxiao had issuedfuhOmons in

such an easy way, and/or he had writtenfuhemons so carelessly (if not recklessly), that barely one

day after the issuance of afuh6mon to a newly initiated student it suddenly occurred to him that
 102

he had to write a new fuhOmon for the same foreign student. Obviously, this conclusion directly

contradicts our belief that in Esoteric Buddhism the composition and issuance of fuhOmons was

a matter of great importance. This conclusion is therefore extremely unlikely. Consequently, the

co-existence in Japan of two fuhOmons attributed to the same Shunxiao does not reinforce the

authenticity of each of them, but, on the contrary, suggests that at least one of the two fuhOmons

(presumably the one which appeared later, i.e., the fuhOmon2) is of dubious source.

Besides these four pieces of evidence against the authenticity of the fuhOmon2, one peculiar

aspect of its content also betrays its lateness in appearance. The fuhOmon2 seems to try to depict

.the Shunxiao initiation in terms of "three divisions" (sanbu) , the three esoteric traditions

represented by the three basic Esoteric sutras (the Dainichiky6, Kong6ch6gy6 and Shoshicchi gy6).

As noted above, the fuh6mon2 represents the core of the Shunxiao initiation as the

threefold dhar~-attainment correlation. The former two dhara¢s, which are correlated with the

higher and intermediate ranks of attainment respectively, are found in the Darijing

(T848.18.20a19; 52b12-28), while the third one in correlation with the lower rank of attainment

is traceable to a text closely related to the lin'gangding jing (T1173.20.71Ob)56. Therefore the

author of the fuhOmon2 seems to have used the three five-syllabled dhara¢s to represent the

Darijing and the lin 'gangding jing, two basic texts for the dual esoteric transmission.

Furthermore, according to thefuhOmon2, the three dhara¢s were correlated with the three ranks

of attainment (higher, intermediate and lower), The locus classicus for this threefold classification

of the Indian notion "siddhi" (attainment) is found in the Suxidi jint7, the text representing the

third Esoteric tradition in the sanbu system. Thus, it seems that the fuhOmon2 implicitly advocates

a kind of sanbu goju idea (the idea that the three Esoteric traditions are mutually supplementing
 103

and inter-penetrating). According to Matsunaga, in China the Suxidi jing was placed on a par with

the Darijing and the lingangding jing around the 830S56 • The Suxidi jing was not included into the

Hieizan shanag6curriculum until the return of Ennin (794-864) from China in 847. Ennin may

have been drawn to the importance of the Suxidijing during his study in Chang'an between 840

to 847, exactly the time when the Suxidi jing was steadily gaining popularity within the Chinese

Esoteric Buddhism.

Therefore, the sanbu goju implication in the fuh6mon2 makes it difficult if not impossible

to regard it as written by Shunxiao in 805, when the Suxidi jing probably had not yet been

elevated to a position as one of the three fundamental texts in the Chinese Esoteric Buddhism.

On the other hand, the fuh6mon2 author's probable knowledge of the sanbu goju idea

makes it possible to give a rough period in which the fuh6mon2 was prepared in Japan. Since

Ennin is the person responsible for introducing the Japanese Tendai sect to the sanbu idea, it

seems safe to date the appearance of the fuhemon2 to sometime after 847, the year Ennin returned

to Japan.

Moreover, as noted above, Enchin mentions the fuh6mon2 in one of his treatises, the

Ketsuji sanshushicchi h6; which was completed around 873 57 • Therefore the appearance of the

fuh6mon2 could be tentatively dated between 847 and 873.

At this point it is necessary to discuss the relationship between the two "dharma-

transmission certificates" attributed to Shunxiao, the fuh6monl and the fuh6mon2, which are

represented by the Bishamond6 MS and Shitenn6ji text respectively. The two texts were written

in different sizes of characters (the characters in the Shitenn6ji text are larger than those in the

Bishamond6 MS). Furthermore, in comparison with the Bishamond6 MS, the Shitenn6ji text
 104

appears to have been written in deeper color. Nonetheless, Japanese scholars, who believe in the

authenticity of both documents, have assumed that the writings in the two manuscripts are of the

same style and are therefore from one and the same person, i.e., Shunxiao.

However, I find it insufficient to claim that two manuscripts were written by the same

author merely on the grounds that their writing styles are close. In ancient China and Japan, to

copy another writer's handwriting was one kind of basic training any calligraphy practitioner had

to undergo. This training enabled a qualified calligrapher to produce a copy of any original writing

which may look so close to its original that people other than calligraphy experts are unable to tell

them apart. There are countless examples to show how closely a copy made by a later calligrapher

could match the original writing. Since, as we have shown above, neither of these two documents

was authored by Shunxiao, we have no reason to cling to the conventional idea that they were

composed by the same hand, that of Shunxiao. Rather, we must explore the possibility that the

two documents were written by two Japanese authors.

Thefuhanonl (=Bishamond6 MS) had already been included in the Eizan Daishiden and

the Naishi5 Buppi5 si5jo kechimyakufu, in both of which the fuhi5mon2 (= Shitenn6ji text) was not

found. The fuhi5mon2 is only found in the Kenkairon engi, where it is incorporated as a part of

the FUHDMON. The absence of the FUHDMON2 in the Eizan Daishiden and the Naisho Buppo

si5ji5kechimyakufu implies that thefuhanon2 may have appeared later than thefuhi5monl. In other

words, thefuhanon2 appeared at such a late date that the author or editor of the Eizan Daishiden

and the editor of Saich6's Buppi5 kechimyaku (i.e., the author of the Naisho Buppi5 si5jo

kechimyakufu) , who did include the fuh6monl in the two works, had no chance to see the

juht5mon2 and were therefore unable to include it in the works under their redaction. This
 105

assumption is further corroborated by the relative lateness of the final formation of the Kenkairon

engl-60.

(D.II.ii) The Polemical Agenda Underlying the Fabrication of the Fuh6mon2

But, one problem remains: why, after the appearance of the fuh6mon 1, was the forging

of the Fuhemon2 necessary? Indeed, the agenda underlying the forgery of the fuh6mon2 appears

to have been very complicated. Here I can only make some brief comments. First of all, we have

shown that the fuhemonl was flawed by a serious mistake (i.e., Saich6 was wrongly addressed

as a monk coming from "this" [=Chinese] country), a mistake which may have been later noticed

by Tendai editors of the text, who corrected it by changing "this country" to "the Country Japan"

(or the "eastern country", which also means Japan). In view of this, we might assume that the

author of the fuhemon2 may have made the document because he was not satisfied with this defect

of the juh6monl and wanted to provide a better version of Saich6's "dharma-transmission

certificate" .

However, besides this somewhat practical reason, I would suggest that the fuh6mon2 may

have been forged for some deeper polemical agenda. As we know, the most important part of the

juh6mon2 appears to consist in identifying the core of the Shunxiao initiation as the threefold

dha~-attainment correlation. This new deftnition of the Shunxiao initiation seems to have aimed

at re-depicting the Shunxiao initiation as of "three traditions" (sanbu). Also, as shown in his 820

Kenkairon, Saich6, in his later years, tended to reinterpret the Shunxiao initiation as of a dual

transmission. It is very likely that this new interpretation of Saich6's may have been stimulated

by his association with and study under Kiikai, who may have awakened Saich6 to the (i)

importance of the Diamond-realm tradition and the (ii) ryCiJu goju idea. Since Shingon followers
 106

prized Kiikai s tradition as the sole orthodox esoteric lineage incorporating the dual transmission,
I

it would have been natural for the Tendai monks after Saich6 to try to outshine Shingon by

redefining Saich6's esoteric initiation as belonging to the three traditions (the two plus a third

represented by the Suxidijing/Soshicchi kyO).

Now that the Chinese origin of the juh6mon2 has been rejected, we will try to see if it is

possible to identify its true Japanese author. In answer to this question, one will be naturally

drawn to Enchin (814-91), whose Ketsuji sanshushicchi h6, according to my research to date,

represents the earliest textual source referring to the juh6mon2. Furthermore, this treatise of

Enchin was exclusively dedicated to the scriptural source of the "procedure of three ranks of

attainment", the core of thejuh6mon2. Enchin's close connection with thefuhi5mon2 leads one

to consider the possibility that he was the real author of the juh6mon2. However, one fact makes

this possibility unlikely. Enchin in 882 prepared some questions which he sent to his previous

teachers in Chang'an for answers. Among these questions is one regarding the threefold dharaJji-

attainment correlation which is found in the fuhi5mon2 61 • This means that the juhi5mon2 was, very

likely, not made by Enchin himself. Otherwise, it would be difficult to explain why he had asked

such a question so seriously.

With Enchin excluded as the likely author of the fuh6mon2, Ennin (794-864) (or a Tendai

monk in his line) immediately emerges as the most likely person who had composed the fuhOmon2

in the name of Shunxiao. We know that thefuhemon2 advocates, albeit implicitly, the sanbu goju

idea. It is Ennin who first introduced this idea into the Tendai school. The two decades between

847 and 873, to which I have dated the formation of the fuhi5mon2, was exactly the time when

Ennin, as the chief Tendai representative, was actively fighting with Shingon over the orthodoxy
 107

of their respective Esoteric traditions. Without doubt, the Tendai sect may have benefited greatly

from a "dharma-transmission certificate" like the juh6mon2, which not only supports the

orthodoxy of the Esoteric tradition Saich6 was said to have secured from China but also suggests

that Saich6' s Esoteric tradition was inherently superior to Kiikai' s since Saich6' s tradition was of

"three divisions" (sanbu) while Kiikai's was merely of "two divisions" (ryObu).

*****

Now, we can go back to the other four Kenkairon engi documents and see if they can tell

us anything new about the way Saich6's Esoteric tradition was legitimated. The second and third

documents (one about the establishment of the Vairocana mandala at the Taka6sanji Temple, the

other regarded as the "court certificate" issued to Saich6) are identical to those included in the

Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the Eizan Daishiden except that the term "Mui" (Subhakarasimha) in

the Denjutsu isshinkaimon and the Eizan Daishiden documents was changed into "Fuku" (Bukong)

in the Kenkairon engi documents. This change indicates that by the time the Kenkairon engi was

compiled Saich6' s followers were more eager to associate their master with Bukong than with

Subhakarasimha.

As for the third document, which is regarded as the "court certificate" issued to Saich6' s

main disciple Gishin, the head of the Tendai sect after Saich6, I have not found strong evidence

against its authenticity. Yet this document is remarkable for referring to the "procedure of

attainment for 'three divisions'" (sanbu shicchi hi5).

The fifth document, which concerns the transmission of the samayas for the "three
 108

divisions", must be regarded as spurious for its incorporation of the whole FUHOMON

(=juhemon1 + juhi5mon2), whose sources are dubious. Thejuhi5mon as reproduced in the fifth

document differs from the FUHOMONincluded as a separate Kenkairon engi document at several

points, the most remarkable of which is that the Shunxiao initiation is indicated in this document

to have occurred on the sixteenth day of the fourth month of Zhenyuan 21 (805), not the

eighteenth day of the same month and year as in the FUHOMON .

Some Concluding Remarks

In this chapter, we discussed the effort Saicho's followers had made to re-interpret and

legitimate the Esoteric transmissions ascribed to Saicho. In doing so, we investigated the following

four major Tendai works, the (i) Denjutsu isshinkaimon, (ii) Eizan Daishi den, (iii) Naisha Buppa

sOja kechimyakuju and (iv) Kenkairon engi.

The Denjutsu isshinkaimon contains a so-called "court certificate" which claims itself to

be an official document issued by the Kammu authority to certify Saicho' s religious attainment.

Though this "certificate" proves to be of dubious source, it was noteworthy for glorifying Saicho's
 109

main Chinese Esoteric mentor Shunxiao as an extremely prestigious monk who was a third

generation disciple of the great Indian Esoteric master Subhakarasimha.

We fInd in the Eizan Daishi den ajuhanon allegedly written by Shunxiao for Saicho. This

juhamon was also forged in Japan in order to incorporate Saicho into a celebrated lineage

supposedly initiated by Subhakarasimha and continued by (i) Yilin, a Korean monk who, this

juhamon says, had transmitted esoteric teachings to Shunxiao, (ii) Shunxiao himself and (iii)

Saicho. The appearance of this juhemon marks the formal formation of the Tendai idea of its

Esoteric lineage, which, according to this juhemon, could be traced back to Korea, China and

eventually India.

Further effort is seen in the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju to authenticate the esoteric

tradition attributed to Saicho. We fmd that the obscure Korean monk Yilin, the "dharama-grand-

father" of Saicho, was identifIed in this Tendai work as a co-disciple of Yixing, who was perhaps

Subhakarasimha's most renowned disciple in China. The author of the Naisha Buppa sOja

kechimyakuju also attemtped to connect Saicho with Bukong by affIliating Saicho with the

kongCkai esoteric lineage in which Bukong has been respected as a patriarch. Here, the Naisha

Buppa sOja Kechimyakuju author tried to equate Saicho's esoteric tradition with a dual

transmission that includes Bukong as well as Subhakarasimha. Saicho's esoteric tradition was thus

represented as comparable with the Shingon school created by KUkai, who is believed to have

secured the two esoteric transmisions from China.

Finally, we fInd a second version of Shunxiao'sjuhemon in the Kenkairon engi, another

work originally left by Saicho himself but seriously altered and expanded by later Tendai monks.

This version of juhemon proved to be essential for the formation of some central ideologies
 110

supporting early Tendai Buddhism. It re-interprets the esoteric transmission Saich6 received from

Shunxiao as the threefold dharaQI-attainment correlation, in which is implied the sanbu goju idea.

The esoteric tradition Saich6 received from Shunxiao was thus characterized as the integration of

three esoteric transmissions (i.e., the kongocai, taizocai and Soshitsu). Obviously, this ideology

was advocated for the purpose of outshining the Shingon tradition, which claimed itself to

represent the combination of two esoteric transmissions known as kongocai and taizawi.
 111

Notes,

1. In the twentieth day of the tenth month, Enryaku 21 (802), Saicha sent to the court a memorial in which he
suggested that Gishin be nominated as the interpreter who was to accompany him to China. This memorial is
currently preserved in the Kenkairon engi (DZ1: 267-8).

2. According to the Denjutsu isshinkaimon (DZ 1: 638), Saicha, sometime before he was sent to China, entrusted
Encha to perfonn an esoteric ceremony called gobuccho ho for Emperor Kammu.

3. Rankei ionshii, the KZ5: 383-85. Since in this letter from Encha Saicha was presented as having openly
admitted his deficiency in Esoteric Buddhism, some Tendai scholars suspected that it was probably forged for
sectarian purposes. However, there is sufficient evidence to show that this letter was authentic (cf., Groner 1984:
82; Abe 1995: 119).

4. ZD1: 639; cf., Groner 1984: 288.

5. Cf., Groner 1984: 298.

6. As a matter of fact, the parochiality of SaichO's study in China was used by the Nara monks as a major
proof to accuse him of receiving illegitimate transmissions from China (see section [D], chapter two).

7. Two passages in the Goyuigo (T2431) attributed to Kiikai refer to Shunxiao as a disciple of Bukong. But
it seems that this work was composed sometime after Kiikai's death (Sasaki 1939: 127-139). Sasaki has also
revealed the purpose of representing Shunxiao as one of Bukong' s disciples. On the one hand, it was made in
order to ease the tensions between the Shingon and Tendai schools. But more importantly, this reference was
made to blunt Tendai criticisms of use of alcoholic beverages by Shingon monks by recording that both Huiguo
and Shunxiao stated that drinking for medical purposes was acceptable (Groner 1984: 60).

8. Scholars have noticed the bitter intro-sectarian background against which this work was prepared. The
Tendai order was then facing a serious crisis caused by the death of its head Gishin. Though Gishin designated
his student Enshii as his successor, many Tendai monks supported Encha on the grounds that Encha was more
qualified than Enshii. One important aspect of the agenda underlying the preparation of Kaja's Denjutsu
isshinkaimon was precisely to advocate for Encha's right to the post of the second Tendai head (zasu) after
Gishin. Finally the successor dispute was resolved with the success of Encha. After that, Kaja seems to have
lost interest in the work; and no more efforts were made to write the remaining parts or polish the parts
drafted, leaving a poorly edited and a quite unreadable text (Groner 1984: 17-18).

9. Only a short but extremely obscure passage (of around 2,100 characters) at the end of this work is believed
to have been composed by Kaj6 himself. However, a Japanese scholar has revealed that this part was also
a kind of "scissors-and-paste" work, composed largely of quotations from a number of Chinese Buddhist texts
(Ishida 1963: 371-82). For an English summary of the main ideas in this passage, see Groner 1984: 293-95.

10. The tenn daishichideshi usually means the "seventh disciple". But here, it is obvious that the tenn could
not be understood in this way since Zhiyi and Daosui were separated by time too far to have been teacher and
student. Rather, the term here is read as "the seventh generation disciple", which means that Daosui is
regarded as the seventh generation [Tiantai] disciple after Zhiyi, strongly suggesting that Daosui was
considered the seventh Tendai patriarch after Zhiyi (Le., [1] Zhiyi -- > [2] Guangding -- > [3] Zhiwei -- >
[4] Huiwei --> [5] Xuanlang --> [6] Zhanran --> [7] Daosui).
 112

A similar expression in the same document, daisandeshi, is also to be read in the same way, meaning
that Shunxiao is counted as the third generation disciple after Subhiikarasimha (i.e., [1] Subhiikarasimha -- >
[2] ? --> [3] Shunxiao).

11. In this dissertation, I follow Forte in rendering the Chinese term sanzang (Jpn., sanzO) as Trepifaka
(Trepifakain feminine gender), rather than Tripifaka" which has been generally taken as the Sanskrit equivalent
of this Chinese term (Forte 1990: 247-8).

12. Full name, zhenhu guojia daochang. The idea of establishing temples for the purpose of protecting the
country was based on the Renwang jing (Jpn., Ninno kyo, T#245, 246), Jinguangming jing (Jpn., Konki5myi5
kyo; T#663) and the Shouhuguojie jing (Jpn., Shugo kokkai kyo, T#997).

13. Here the panguanlhangan (Administrative Assistant) may have been mis-written as panli/hanri, which has
been rarely used to refer to an official title.

14. In the Esshiiroku bibliography Lu Chun is represented as the Prefect, rather than an Administrative
Assistant, of Taizhou Prefecture.

15. Kojo, the author of the Denjutsu isshinkaimon, failed to specify the date when this "court certificate" was
issued. It is noted in Kojo' s collection that this certificate was issued to SaichO on the insistence of Emperor
Kammu (T2379.74.643cI2). Furthermore, this certificate indicates that Saicho was then forty years old.
According to the Denjutsu isshinkaimon, Saicho died in 822 at the age of 56, which implies that he was born
in 767 (cf., Groner 1984: 19). Therefore, SaichO reached forty in 806. In other words, this certificate, if
authentic, must have been issued in the year 806 (Enryaku 25).
Furthermore, Emperor Kammu died in the early 806. This also implies that this "court certificate",
if indeed granted to SaichO with Kammu's consent as the Denjutsu isshinkaimon claims, must not have been
later than 806.

16. Saicho returned to Japan in 805, very likely at the end of the sixth month of the year (cf, Groner 1984:
65).

17. Scholars have noticed the personality differences between SaichO and Kiikai. SaichO has been regarded
as a modest and virtuous person who concealed "loftiness and purity" in "virtue and humility" (Abe's
translation of Tsuji's comment; see Abe 1995: 134; Tsuji 1944: 283-84). By contrast, Kiikai has been depicted
by the historians of Japanese Buddhism as a "multi-talented operator", a politically minded strategist who
"particularly excelled in manipulating people" (Abe 1995: 134; Tsuji 1944: 311).

18. For SaichO's new understanding of Shunxiao's identity in his Kenkairon, see Section (D), chapter two.

19. I have found no other source mentioning this monk.

20. Otherwise unknown. Probably a student of Zhidu.

21. See, Fukui 1986-87. The most recent study of this biography is provided by Saeki 1992.

22. The "Naishisen" refers to a court official in charge of transmitting the imperial orders.
 113

23. The Chinese character zhuan (Jpn., ten; "turn") is close to chuan (Jpn., den; "transmit") in form. Since
the expression "to tum the dharma-wheel" is more natural than that "to transmit the dharma-wheel", I guess
that the character "zhuanlten" was mis-written here as "chuanlden " .

24. This manuscript is held as the "National Treasure" (kokuh6) by the Japanese government. It is photocopied
in the Dengya Daishi zenshu (The Complete Works of Dengyo Daishi [Saicho]).

25. The character han in the Bishamondo MS appears obscure and is hard to recognize. It seems that a certain
editor of the Bishamondo MS tried to rewrite the character hon as to ("eastern"); viz., to change the word
hankoku to ttiwku (the "Eastern Country"; i.e., Japan, which is located east of China) (Oyama 1974). I think
it unlikely that someone had changed tOkoku to honkoku, since the term tOkuku produces a correct context,
while the hankoku does a wrong one. Apparently, it is less likely that an editor may have been so reckless as
to change a correct context to a wrong one. The case must have been precisely to the opposite: honkoku was
changed to tOkuku. Therefore, it is the character hon, rather than to, that appeared in the original text.
There are more reasons for believing so. Firstly, the character in question, though appearing obscure
in the Bishamondo MS, looks closer to han than to to. Secondly, the Eizan Daishiden version of the fuhamon 1
is identical to the Bishamondo MS except that it does contain the character "ni" which is missing from the
Bishamondo MS. As noted above, the Eizan Daishiden version of the juh6monl was , most likely, copied from
the Bishamondo MS. The term fu?koku ("?" indicates the character which appears as to or hon) in the
Bishamondo MS corresponds to the fu'nihonkoku in the juh6monl as produced in the Eizan Daishiden. A
comparison of these two documents suggests that the obscure character appearing betweenfu ("transmit") and
koku ("country") in the Bishamondo MS must be hon (because obviously it could not be nz).

26. (1) in the Kaiyuan period of the "country of the Great Tang" (DatangguoIDaitOkoku); (2)
[Subhakarasimha] transmitted the dharma-wheel to the "country of the Great Tang" and (3) Disciple Monk
Shunxiao of the "Great Tang" (DatangIDaitO).

27. We must bear in mind that SaichO was very nationalistic. He is credited with the invention of the "national
title" (gokugo) of Japan, Dainihon (The Great Nippon) (c.f., Sakamoto 1973). Therefore, the saying of the
hankoku So Saicha, which means Monk Saicho of this country (China), may have been too objectionable for
Saicho to have been ignored by him.

28. In either case, it seems certain to conclude that the Bishamondo MS could not be accepted as the original
text left by Shunxiao. The status of this dubious MS needs reconsideration.

29. The efforts of the author of the Bishamondo MS to make it appear to be an original one could be read
in the following facts. For example, the text was stamped at the top, middle and bottom; no acknowledgement
was made to the effect that the document was copied from an original text.

30. Another fabricated Tendai document of similar nature provides circumstantial evidence for the
spuriousness of the fuhamonl. A manuscript called D6zui Osha fuhamon (a dharma-transmission certificate
from Master Daosui) claims to be afuhamon Saicho received from his Tiantai teacher Daosui. Though also
designated as "National Treasure" of Japan, this manuscript is of dubious provenance (cf., Nomoto 1991).
First of all, the existence of such a "dharma-transmission certificate" was first reported in the Tendai
Kahya, which was first compiled in 1771 and then expanded in 1867, both times with strong sectarian agenda.
It contains not a few documents of dubious sources.
Secondly, the document contains a legend that the Chinese Tiantai founder Zhiyi, as he himself
predicted before he breathed his last, was to be reborn in Japan two hundred years after his death in China.
 114

The legend that Zhiyi was reborn as Saicha was obviously modelled on another legend that Prince Shatoku
(Shatoku Taishi, 574-622) was the reincarnation of Huisi (Zhiyi's teacher). These legends could only have
originated in Japan. Daosui, as a Chinese monk, would have had little chance of knowing it. Furthermore,
this prediction concerning Saicha is not found in Chinese sources about Zhiyi, particularly the Sui Tiantai
Zhizhe dashi biezhuan (A Special Biography of Master Zhizhe [Le., Zhiyi] on Mt. Tiantai of the Sui Dynasty,
TI050), a biography written by Zhiyi's heir Guanding shortly after Zhiyi's death. This has made it more shaky
that by the time of Daosui this prediction had been so widely accepted in China that Daosui had come to regard
Saich6 as the reincarnate Zhiyi and had decided to write such a "dharma-transmission certificate" for Saicha.
Given the similar nature of the two fuhomons attributed to Saich6' s Tiantai and Esoteric teachers, the
suspiciousness of one casts doubt on the source of the other.

31. The two governors who signed these two certificate for Saich6 were Lu Chun and Zhen Shenze, who
respectively governed Taizhou and Mingzhou when Saich6 visited the two prefectures. The two certificates
are appended to the Taishiiroku and Esshiiroku respectively (cf., T55 .2159.1058a5-11, T55.2160.1060a2-12).

32. This phrase literally reads, "one trifurcate vajra [given by] the Shingon master as the proof of the dharma-
transmission" .

33. The term "injin" does not necessarily mean a written certificate. In some cases, it refers to a certification
anicle(s) instead. Another example is found in a passage from Kiikai's bibliography, in which Kiikai, after
listing eight kinds of Buddhist articles and esoteric instruments, like five-treasure, samaya vajra, etc., makes
the following remarks,

The eight articles as listed on the right were originally brought from Southern India by
Acarya Vajrabodhi. He transmitted them to Acarya Daguanzhi (i.e., Bukong), who, in turn,
transmitted them to Acarya Qinglong (Le., Huiguo). Master Qinglong transmitted them to me
Kii[kai]. These are the certification articles for the dharma transmission, and are what the
myriad sentient beings rely on and take refuge in (T55.2161.1064c20-1065a4).

34. In a casual talk with me, Prof. Forte raised an interesting assumption, according to which Saich6 had
chosen not to submit to the court his fuhomon (with the Bishamonda MS as its original) just in fear that a
copying error therein, which implies that Japan is a part of China, might infuriate the emperor. I cannot help
but admire the ingenuity with which Prof. Forte has proposed such an assumption. Were the Bishamond6 MS
authentic, this assumption would be, withou doubt, a perfectly sound explanation for Saich6's perplexing
silence on so important a document like thefuhomonl. Unfortunately, as we have just shown, it is hard to
accept the Bishamond6 MS as genuine.
In addition to the extremely unlikelihood that Shunxiao or Saicha had made or ignored such an
apparent and serious mistake in so important a document, the ways Saicha refers to Shunxiao in both the
Esshiiroku and the Kenkairon also argue against the assumption that Saich6 had ever received from Shunxiao
a document like the Bishamond6 MS. Whereas the copying error in the Bishamonda MS might have deterred
Saich6 from presenting it to the court, such a juhomon, albeit the serious flaw, would have sufficiently
convinced Saich6 of Shunxiao's unusual prestige. However, this assumption inevitably contradicts the
Esshiiroku and Kenkairon engi passages mentioning Shunxiao, which demonstrate that Saich6, both shortly
after returning from China and during his late years, did not regard Shunxiao as an extraordinarily prominent
monk.

35. It is said that Xuanchao transmitted the Matrix-womb line of esoteric teachings to Huiguo, Kiikai's teacher
(MD: 481-2). That may have been one of the reasons the Tendai monk who created this esoteric lineage for
 115

Saich6 decided to replace Xuanchao with a some Yilin.

36. See the next section of this chapter about Haiyun's Record.

37. Ushiba Shingen even goes so far as to claim that the true author of the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju
was the Kazen gokokuron author Eisai (1141-1215) who wrote it in order to prove that Zen practices had
already been incorporated in SaichO's teachings and practised by Tendai monks. Ushiba's conclusion is
apparently untenable since a 927 manuscript of the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju is still extant.

38. DZ5: 158. Gishin questioned if the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakufu was indeed written by SaichO himself.
He listed the text at the end of his bibliography (Groner 1984: 251).

39. A large space of Sasaki's huge monograph, Sange gakushoshiki shinshaku, is devoted to discussing the
authorship of the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju (pp. 46-60; 611-74).

40. Fukui 1986-87.

41. Tsuji 1944(1): 262-63; Fukui 1993.

42. For the content of the juhamon2, see my discussion in Section [D] of this chapter.

43. Cf., Section (B), chapter five.

44. Given the importance thejuhamon2 may have had for authenticating Saich6's esoteric tradition, here I
assume that had the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju author known this document, he would have included
it in his work. Therefore, the absence of the fuh6mon2 in the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju attesst to the
author's ignorance of this important document. This, in turns, suggests that the juh6mon2 had not yet appeared
in Japan by the time the Naish a Buppa sOja kechimyakuju was compiled.

45. In this section we have just discussed a passage from Yakusun's Tendai shanaga haja benshoki (cf., p.85).
According to this passage, K6j6 once made the following comment, "Our master's [text about] the
miscellaneous manala mentions the name of Acarya Weixiang". This text was, presumably, the Buppa
kechimyaku that SaichO mentions in his Ja Kenkairon hya. As noted above, the Naisha Buppa sOja
kechimyakuju available to us today is proved to be written on the expansion of Saich6's Buppa kechimyaku
either by Shinchii himself or a Tendai monk in his line. Moreover, Shinchii was apparently a senior of K6j6.
So, very likely, the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyaku appeared after K6j6. Therefore, the text K6j6 was talking
about here was Saich6's Buppa kechimyaku, rather than the Naish a Buppa sOja kechyimyakuju. This means
that the name of Weixiang had already appeared in Saich6's Buppa kechimyaku, in which he was associated
with Saicho's transmission of the "miscellaneous mandala" from China. This confirms that Saich6's
miscellaneous initiation from Weixiang is more believable.

46. Misaki 1988: 177.

47. Groner 1984: 61.

48. These slight differences between the two versions of Saich6's dharma-transmission certificate (juhamon)
include: firstly, in the Eizan Daishiden the certificate is referred to as the Jungy a Ajan' juhasho, while it is
indicated in the Naisha Buppa sOja kechimyakuju as the Jungya Ajari fuhOmon; secondly, whereas in the Eizan
 116

Daishiden version SaichO is addressed as "[My] disciple the monk SaichO, who is the 'monk serving at the
court chapel' and a 'Great Virtue' from Japan" (Nihonkoku kubu daitoku deshi So Saich6), Saicho was simply
called" [My] disciple the monk SaichO from Japan" (Nihonkoku deshi So Saich6) in the Naisho Buppo sOjo
kechimyakuju version.

49. Although the exact date of the presentation is not known, Groner suggests that it was probably submitted
to coincide with the anniversary of Kammu's death (Groner 1984: 157).

50. Cr., Kiuchi I 972(a).

51. Saicho's Esshiiroku bibliography includes four texts which, judged by their titles, are related to the "thirty-
seven deities" (sanjushichison) (cf., T2160.55.1058b23-24, 1058c9-1O).

52. Oyama 1974. Kiuchi 1984.

53. Oyama 1974.

54. These terms include "chinkokud6jo daitoku" (A "'Great Virtue' at a 'State-protecting' Temple") and
"naigubu" (A "monk serving at the court temple"), etc. As I argued elsewhere, SaichO had never associated
these terms with Shunxiao at least as late as 820 (see my relevant discussion in Section [E]).

55. On the twenty-fIfth day of the third month of 805, Saicho arrived at the port of Mingzhou just to be told
that their previously scheduled return trip would be delayed for about one and a half month. Saicho thus
decided to visit Longxinsi and Fahuasi in Yuezhou, where SaichO had heard that a large quantity of Buddhist
texts were stored (Weinstein 1974). Consequently, Saicho applied to the Mingzhou Prefect for a permit to
continue his travels. The permit, which is still preserved in the Kenkairon engi (DZ 1: 277-78), was issued
on the sixth day of the fourth month. This means that Saicho did not leave Mingzhou for Yuezhou before the
sixth day of the fourth month. Considering the time Saicho spent on the trip from Mingzhou to Yuezhou, we
have to admit that up to the ninteenth day of the fourth month of 805, to which the juhomon2 (allegedly issued
one day after the juh6mon1) dated, Saicho had stayed with Shunxiao for no more than several days.

56. Enchin discusses the source of these three fIve-syllable dharaQI in his Ketsuji sanshushicchi h6 (See my
relevant disc cuss ion in section [B], chapter fIve).

57. Though the notion of "the three ranks of attainment" (Chin., sanping xidi; Jpn., sanhon shicchz) was also
mentioned in other esoteric texts (e.g., the Darijing) , the most extensive and authoritative discussion of this
notion is found in the Suxidi jing, which devotes a whole chapter (Chapter Sixteen) to the notion
(T18.891.614a21-cl3; see also the relevant passages in 603c3-7).

58. Matsunaga 1969: 147-48. The date is based on a passage in Haiyun's Record (see above), which was
completed in 834.

59. See chapter fIve.

60. For the lateness of the Kenkairon engi, see my discussion at the beginning of this section.

61. See Section (B), chapter fIve.

 117

THE CONCLUSIONS OF PART ONE

In this part we have seen how Saich6' s immediate and second generation disciples had

repeatedly re-interpreted Saich6's esoteric traditions. By the time of Ennin, Saich6's esoteric

tradition had been interpreted as not merely belonging to a dual, but to a triple, esoteric

transmission. In this respect, the appearance of the fuhemon2 is remarkable since it represents the

first step in promulgating this position.

Thanks to the sustained efforts made by Saich6' s students like Ench6, K6j6, Shinchu, and

his second generation disciples (with Ennin as their brilliant representative), by the middle of the

ninth century Saich6's esoteric tradition had been gradually established. By this time the Esoteric

Buddhism had assumed such importance in the Tendai school that some of its leaders, like Enchin

and Annen, were ready to claim openly that the esoteric aspect of their school embodied a higher

form of Buddhism than did its exoteric side, i.e., the traditional doctrines of Chinese Tiantai.

However, the attack on the orthodoxy of Saich6's Esoteric Buddhism never ceased.

Shingon monks never stopped pressing their Tendai rivals for the scriptural support of the esoteric

transmission of Saich6 as represented in Tendai sources, the most basic of which was, needless

to say, Saich6' s "dharma-transmission certificates" like the fuhemon 1 and fuh anon2. As shown

in section (D) of chapter three, the core of the initiation Saich6 received from Shunxiao was

gradually fixed on the threefold correlation between the three five-syllabled dhar~s ~nd the three

ranks of attainment. Despite the enormous help the Tendai monks could have drawn from the

fuhemon2, they may have been always embarrassed that the threefold correlation stipulated in the
 118

"dharma-transmission certificate" had no scriptural support. It is exactly the urgent need of

supporting the threefold correlation (i.e., the core of the initiation Saicho is said to have received

from Shunxiao) that had directly prompted the forgery of a siddhi text (i.e., T907), which was

to be used as the scriptural support for the esoteric transmission which, according to the

fuhemon2, Saicho received from Shunxiao.

As I will show in part two, one primary source for the composition of T907 is the Ketsuji

sanshushicchi h6 by Enchin. It is also noted that Enchin wrote this treatise for clarifying the

scriptural source for the three groups of five-syllable dharrups and the threefold dhar~-attainment

correlation. At the beginning of this treatise, Enchin cited the threefold dhar~-attainment

correlation as recorded in Saicho's "dharma-transmission certificate" (i.e., thefuhemon2). After

that, Enchin quoted a number of sources related to the three five-syllable dhar~s, especially the

five-syllable dhanu;U, A-Vam-Ram-Ham-Kham, which is assigned in thefuhemon2 to the higher

rank of attainment. In the Ketsuji sanshushicchi h6, Enchin made the following statement

concerning the authenticity of the Tendai esoteric teachings as crystallized in the five-syllable

dhar~,

This fact is recorded in the "official certificate" (kanch6) [which authorized the
conferment of the title of] Acarya in the thirteenth year of the Jogan period (872).
Those who, out of their ignorance, slander my master will be guilty of a crime
punishable by death. Driven by a deep pity on them, I hereby offer the irrefutable
evidence [for the authenticity of the teachings related to the three dharaI}ls]. I hope
my purpose [of writing this treatise] can be understood by those who have a sense
of shame (BZ27.986a3-5).

This statement suggests that at the time Enchin wrote this treatise Saicho was accused of having

transmitted some esoteric teachings which lacked scriptural support, although according to the two

fuhanons attributed to Shunxiao, Saicho had received these teachings in person from a prestigious
 119

teacher. As Enchin himself confessed, the incentive which had prompted him to write this treatise

was precisely to convince those who slandered Saich6 that Saich6' s esoteric transmission is of

canonical support.

In another treatise (the KyOji ryiiJu hiy6gl) which is closely connected with the Ketsuji

sanshushicchi ho, Enchin also made efforts to justify the Taimitsu lineage as depicted in Saich6' s

juhi5mon,

SubhaIatrasimha from India transmitted it, Master Yilin in China gave it, Dharma-
master Shunxiao taught it to [Master] Eizan (i.e., Saich6). Thus, although the three
countries (India, China and Japan) are geographically separated, the essence of the
"One-vehicle" is nonetheless communicable. The sutras and teachings, transmitted
from masters to disciples, become illustrious. [The transmission of teachings] is
clearly recorded in the official certificates. But there are some persons who insist
that these syllables, not found in the KongiXho gyo, do not have scriptural support.
They are exactly like those who, regarding themselves as infallible while always
blaming others, end up by incurring losses to themselves. Why? The two sutras do
contain some paragraphs which unambiguously [support the authenticity of these
dhar~s]. Unable to reach the truth, one has no right to blame others
(BZ28.1087b3-8).

The lineage under discussion here is precisely identical with that as described in the juh6monl.

It is clear that the legitimacy of this Taimitsu lineage, along with the esoteric teachings of the three

dhar~s and the threefold dhar~-attainment correlation (both contained in the juh6mon2), had

been seriously attacked by some Japanese Buddhists. The main attackers were, I believe, Shingon

monks. They doubted the existence of any scriptural support for the esoteric teachings contained

in the juhi5mon2. Like the Ketsuji sanshushicchi ho, this treatise was also written by Enchin for

establishing the scriptural sources for Saich6's esoteric teachings and lineage. By doing that,

Enchin hoped that he could succeed in justifying the legitimacy of his patriarch's esoteric

tradition.
 120

Likewise, Annen, in announcing his "discovery" of T907 and quoting from the text, was

obviously concerned with the same issue about the scriptural source for Saich6' s esoteric lineage

and doctrines,

In addition, during Konpon Daishi from Mt. Hiei (Le., Saich6) stayed in the
Tang China, Acarya Jungy6/Shunxiao transmitted to him the procedure of
"three kinds of attainment", the seal and document of which are preserved in
the Kenkairon engi. [The "dharma-transmission certificate] says, Am- Vam-Ram-
Hum-Kham (the higher rank of attainment), A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham (the middle rank
of attainment), A-Ra-Ba-Sa-Na (the lower rank of attainment). The miidra for the
cultivation [of the procedure] is not included [in the certificate however].

Acarya Chin (i.e., Enchin) said, "The great Master transmitted [the procedure of
"three kinds of attainment"] to K6chi, who transmitted it to Tokuen; Tokuen
transmitted it to [me,] Enchin. " Enchin transmitted it to the Great Acarya, i.e., the
Gons6j6 (i.e., Henj6) , who often doubted the existence of the methods [for
securing the "three ranks of attainments"]. Recently, I discovered a copy of the
text called Sonsho hajigokuho (=T907) containing the three groups of dharru;us
for the three kinds of attainment, which are close to those taught by Acarya
Shunxiao (T2390.75.98b; my emphasis; cf., my relevant discussion in chapter
five).

This clearly demonstrates that it is the same concern (i.e., to legitimate the orthodoxy of Saich6' s

esoteric tradition) that had stimulated Annen to compose T907.

Therefore, the text on the basis of which T907 was written (very likely, by Annen) as well

as the occasion on which Annen declared his "discovery" of T907 were both closely connected

with the issues of whether Saich6' s esoteric teachings and lineage were canonically founded.

Consequently, we have reason to believe that the forgery of T907 was attempted and accomplished

in a context in which the Tendai monks were pre-occupied with defending Saich6's esoteric

tradition which they had repeatedly redefined and developed as it was severely criticized by

Japanese monks affiliated with Shingon and other sects.

In a word, our final conclusion is that the efforts of Saich6's followers to legitimate his
 121

esoteric tradition culminated in the composition of T907, which was prepared as a scriptural

support for the esoteric teachings and lineages contained in a series of documents, with the

fuhemon2 as the latest and most important one. These documents were either deliberately forged

by Saich6' s followers or formed by altering some texts originally left by Saich6 himself.
 PART TWO

CHINESE OR JAPANESE: THE PROVENANCE AND

DATES OF THREE SIDDHI TEXTS ATTRIBUTED
TO SUBHA.KARASIl\1HA (T#905, T#906 AND T#907)
 122

CHAPTER FOUR

THE THREE SIDDHI TEXTS: A GENERAL SURVEY

The Taisho Tripifaka contains three texts (T#90S-7) which, said to be translated by

Subhakarasimha 1 , bear similar titles:

(1) T90S.18.909b-912b: "Sanzhongxidi podiyu zhuanyezhang chusanjie mimi

tuoluoni fa" (Jpn., "Sanshushicchi haj igoku tengossho shutsusangai himitsu darani
ho"; The Esoteric dhara¢s Related to the Three Kinds of Attainment [Which Lead
to] Destroying Hell, Transfonning the Karma and Transcending the Three-realms";
hereafter T90S);

(2) T906.18.912b-914c: "Foding zunshengxin podiyu zhuanyezhang chusanjie

mimi sanshenfoguo sanzhongxidi zhenyan yigui" (Jpn., "Buccho sonshoshin
hajigoku tengossho shutsusangai himitsu sanjim bukka sanshushicchi shingon giki" ;
The Manual of Dhara¢s Related to the Three Ranks of Attainment [Which,
Belonging to] the Supreme Heart of the Tathagata-u~, [Lead to] Destroying
Hell, Transforming the Kanna and Transcending the Three-realms"; hereafter
T906);

(3) T907.18.914c-91Sc: "Foding zunshengxin podiyu zhuanyezhang chusanjie

mimi tuoluoni" (Jpn., "Buccho sonshoshin hajigoku tengossho shutsusangai himitsu
darani"; The Esoteric Dhanup:s [Which, Belonging to] the Tathagata-u~' s
Supreme Heart, [Lead to] Destroying Hell, Transfonning the Kanna and
Transcending the Three Realms"; hereafter T907).

As suggested by their titles, these three texts (hereafter referred to as the "three siddhi texts" for

all of them talk about the esoteric notion of siddhi [Chin., xidi; Jpn., shicchi; "perfection" or

"attainment"]) are interrelated with each other. In fact, T907 is wholly reproduced in both T90S

and T906. As for content, the three siddi texts have also much in common.

T907 begins with a detailed description of the various worldly benefits and efficacy which

the author believes the five Sanskrit syllables (A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham), if recited appropriately,
 123

will produce. Then, the five syllables are correlated with "five viscera", five kinds of natural and

social phenomena, five buddhas in the five directions, five sections associated with the five

elements (earth, water, fire, wind, and space). Subsequently, T907 classifies the Esoteric category

siddhi ("attainment") into three ranks (lower, middle and higher) before correlating the three

groups of five-syllable dharrup (A-Ra-Ba-Ca-Na; A-Vi-Ra-Ha-Kha; A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham)

with the three kinds of attainment (that of "emerging", that of "entering" and that of "mystery")

respectively. Finally, T907 ends with a twenty-two line giitha.

A major part of T905 consists in correlating further Buddhist and Esoteric fivefold

categories, among which is the five Sanskrit syllables, with a number of Chinese indigenous

fivefold categories that have been grouped together through the wuxing pattern in the Chinese

traditional thought.

T906, except for the parts which can also be found in T907, has the idea of

podiyulhajigoku (i.e., "destroying the hell ") as its key theme.

These three siddhi texts have been taken as fundamental scriptures for the Japanese Tendai

Buddhism, since they represent the only textual source for Esoteric teachings contained in a

"dharma-transmission" (juhi5mon) that was allegedly written for Saich6 by his Chinese Esoteric

master Shunxiao. As we know, the core of this fuhomOn resides in the unusual practice of

correlating the three ranks of siddhi with the three groups of five-syllable dharrups; and it is

precisely this threefold dharrup-attainment correlation that forms the central theme for all of our

three siddhi texts.

Because no text except for these three siddhi texts talks about the threefold dharrup-

attainment correlation, it appears that, in transmitting the Esoteric teachings to Saich6, Shunxiao
 124

would have had to base himself on these three siddhi texts. This is the conventional opinion held

by most Japanese scholars with regard to the textual source for the Esoteric dharma-transmission

conducted between Shunxiao and Saicha. But some scholars have also noted that the Esshiiroku

and Taishiiroku, Saicha's two bibliographies of the works he brought back from China, do not

mention any works on the themes of "destroying hell" (hajigoku) or "three kinds of attainment"

(sanshushicchi)2. This fact per se suggests that the content of Saicha's Esoteric initiation would

not have been based on the three siddhi texts or anyone of them. Otherwise, Saicha would have

managed to get a copy of such a text that is of particular importance for the main esoteric

initiation he received from China; and he would not have failed to record the text in his

bibliographies.

Now that Shunxiao, in initiating Saicha into his Esoteric tradition, was very unlikely to

have based himself on any of the three siddhi texts, some Japanese scholars point to another text

as the textual source for the contents of Saicha' s initiation. This text is entitled, "Qingjing fashen

Biluzhe'na xindi famen chengjiu yiqie tuoluoni sanzhongxidi" (Jpn., "Shaja hosshin Birushana

shinji hamon jaju issai darani sanshushicchi"; The [Sutra on] the Three Kinds of Attainment

[Representing] All the Dhanu;us, [Which Are] Attained through the Teachings of the "Mind-

ground" [Related to] Vairocana[-buddha] with Pure Dharma-body; T899.18.776c-781c; hereafter

T899)3. This text is noteworthy for being one of the only two (the other being T905) already

known esoteric texts said to have been translated in Chinese, whose titles include the term

san:z]zongxidilsanshu shicchi. Furthermore, in contrast to the absence of the three siddhi texts in

the bibliographies of works brought back by Saicha and other nitta hakke4 authors, T899 is

recorded in the bibliography compiled by Jagya (d. 866), one of the nitta hakke authors. Tajima
 125

Tokunon (BKD 9: 148), for example, argues that it is T899, rather than any of the three siddhi

texts, which was used when Shunxiao initiated Saicha into his Esoteric lineage.

Unfortunately, this view incurs some difficulties too. T899, though mainly devoted to the

theme of "threefold attainment" (sanzhongxidilsanshushicchi) , says nothing of the three groups

of the five-syllable dhiiraQ.ls, let alone the threefold dharru;li-attainment correlation. Nasu Seiryii

has presented other evidence highlighting the difficulties of believing T899' s tenable connection

with Saicha's initiation (Nasu 1973). While a number of elements as represented by T905 and the

other two related texts had been included in the initiatory ceremony, Nasu points out, none of

these elements, except for the threefold classification of siddhi, is contained in T899.

The difficulties that accompany these hypotheses about the scriptural source for Saicha's

Esoteric initiation underscore that we fall short of appropriately understanding the true

provenance, nature and historical transmission of the three siddhi texts. Much more research is

needed before we reach a more reliable understanding of these problems surrounding the three

siddhi texts.

First of all, since Japanese scholars have done a lot of work on the three siddhi texts, a

review of the relevant Japanese work is not only necessary but helpful.

Given their importance for the entire Tendai tradition, the three siddhi texts have attracted

a great deal of scholarly attention and been subjected to extensive critical examinations. A number

of Japanese scholars, including Omura Seigai (1918), Nasu Zenryii (1954), Kanbayashi Ryiija

(1931), Yoshioka Yoshitoyo (1964), Osabe Kazua (1971), Matsunaga Yuken (1929), Matsunaga

Yukei (1976), Misaki Ryashii (1988), Kiuchi Hiroshi (1987), and finally Mizukami Fumiyoshi

(1986), have made important contributions to our understanding of these three siddhi texts. Not
 126

only have Japanese scholars demonstrated sustained interest in the three siddhi texts, their relevant

studies are also multi-faceted, covering those problems regarding the provenance of the three

siddhi texts, their inter-relationship, their relationship with Saich6'sjUhanon, their connections

with the two genres of Esoteric texts (Le., podiyul hajigoku andjodinglbussho), their assimilation

of indigenous Chinese concepts like wuxing theory, Taoist ideas, especially those on the "art of

life-cultivation" (Chin., yangsheng; Jpn., YO}O), etc.

The fundamental issue facing a scholar interested in the three siddhi texts is, of course,

regarding their real provenance. Though the three siddhi texts have been conventionally taken as

translated by Subhakarasimha, all the Japanese scholars working on them reject this conventional

authorship-attribution. Their consensus on this problem is mainly based on the following three

considerations .

Firstly, since his arrival in China in 716 Subhakarasimha had immediately attracted

patronage from Emperor Xuanzong. Almost all of his translations, being officially sponsored,

were recorded in two major Chinese Buddhist bibliographies compiled in the middle and later

Tang periods5 • These three siddhi texts do not appear in either of these two bibliographies, which

casts doubt on the traditional view that associates them with the renowned Tantric master.

Secondly, the three siddhi texts appear too Chinese in style to have had a corresponding

Sanskrit texts. What is particularly remarkable is the appearance of such peculiarly indigenous

Chinese ideas as wuzang (Jpn., goza; "five viscera") in the three siddhi texts.

According to the indigenous Chinese thought (especially the Taoist-coloured medical

sciences), the "five viscera" (wuzang) inside the human body serve as the main internal organs for

"storing" (zang/zO) the vital energies essential to the human existence. In all of the three siddhi
 127

texts, the five Sanskrit syllables A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham are viewed as dominated (Chin., zhu;

Jpn., shU) by the "five viscera", a purely indigenous Chinese fivefold category. T905, in

particular, formulates an elaborate correlation between several other generally Buddhist and

particularly Buddhist Esoteric fivefold categories with fivefold categories which are

incontrovertibly Chinese in origin. These originally Chinese categories include the wuxing (the

"five-phases": metal, wood, water, fire, earth), the wuwei (the "five-tastes": sweet, sour, bitter,

pungent and salty), the wuji (the "five-seasons": the four seasons plus a fifth called jixia, "middle

summer") and wuqi (the "five qis": hun, po, wi, shen, yzY. These fivefold categories have been

so closely correlated with one another in the distinctively Chinese wuxing scheme that their

appearance in a text would immediately disapprove its claim of Indian origin.

Thirdly, the three siddhi texts are too synthetic in content and therefore too late in time to

have been translated by Subhakarasimha, who apparently had no knowledge of some synthetical

ideas contained in them. The three siddhi texts, for instance, define the wubu (Jpn., gobu; the

"five-sections of a Diamond-realm mandala") as (i) vajra-, (ii) lotus-, (iii) karma-, (iv) treasure-,

and (v) emptiness-sections. This kind of wubu/gobu7 classification is akin to the five-section notion

that became prevalent with the further development of some new-style esoteric teachings which

have been generally called the Diamond-realm (Chin., jingangjie; Jpn., KongCkai; Skt.,

vajradhatu) line of Esoteric Buddhism. Some initial forms of this Esoteric Buddhist tradition had

already been introduced to Tang China by Vajrabodhi. However, it is until the time of Bukong

that it began to get its full-fledged form8; and Bukong did not independently carry out his religious

activities until several decades after the death of Subhakarasimha. Consequently, it seems

anachronistic to connect Subhakarasimha with any complete and mature version of five-section
 128

idea. This makes it hard to credit Subhakarasimha with the translation of the three siddhi texts in

which the five-section idea looms so large.

In the same vein, the concept of the "five-buddhas" as found in the three siddhi texts also

renders problematic the ascription of the three siddhi texts to Subhakarasimha. In all the known

esoteric texts translated by Subhakarasimha, the "five buddhas" are generally listed as Vairocana,

Ratnaketu, Sarendraraja, Dundubhi-ghoSa and Amitabha. It is only with the rise of Bukong's new-

style Esoteric Buddhism that the five-buddhas were re-defined as Vairocana, Aksobhya,

Ratnasambhava, Amitabha and Amoghasiddhi (or Sakyamuni). The notion of five-buddhas in the

three siddhi texts (i.e, Vairocana, Aksobhya, Amitabha, Ratnasambhava, Amoghasiddhi) is

identical with this re-definition advanced in the Diamond-realm tradition. More surprisingly, T905

makes an effort to harmonize the two kinds of "five-buddhas" ideas by identifying three buddhas

in the "five-buddhas" notion proposed in Subhakarasimha's translations (i.e., Ratnaketu,

Sarendraraja and Dundubhighosa) with the three ones in Bukong's redefined notion of the five-

buddhas (i.e., Aksobhya, Ratnasambhava and Sakyamuni [=Amoghasiddhi]). In short, the "five-

buddhas" notion as manifested in the three siddhi texts demonstrates that they were composed

with, if not after, the formal establishment of the Diamond-realm line of Esoteric Buddhism in

China, which happened after the death of Subhakarasimha.

Furthermore, T905 tries to defend the oneness of Vairocana-buddha's two aspects which

are known as (i) the "dharmakaya-as-the-principle" (Chin., lifashen; Jpn., Rihosshin) and (ii)

"dharmakaya-as-the-wisdom" (Chin., zhifashen; Jpn., chihosshin)9 respectively. Such a

synthetical effort is hard to imagine before the rise of Diamond-realm line of Esoteric Buddhism,

which identified itself with one of the two aspects of Vairocana-buddha--wisdom, while
 129

associating the Matrix-realm Esoteric Buddhism introduced by Subhakarasimha with the other

aspect of Vairocana-buddha, i. e., principle.

For all these factors, Japanese scholars reject the conventional view that the three siddhi

texts were translated by Subhakarasimha. Instead, the strong indigenous Chinese colour of the

three siddhi texts convinces Japanese scholars of their Chinese origin.

The consensus among Japanese scholars, however, does not go beyond this point. They

disagree not only on the date of the three siddhi texts but also on their inter-relationship.

Omura, the fIrst modem Japanese scholar questioning the Indian origin of the three siddhi

texts, takes them as products of the Middle Tang DynastylO. Matsunaga Yuken with whom Nasu

agrees, tries to date the three siddhi texts at the time of Huiguo (746-806), Kiikai's Chinese

master. He argues that some learned priest at the time of Huiguo might have been responsible for

the composition of these three siddhi texts!!. Osabe, disagreeing with Omura, contends that the

three siddhi texts were written in the late period of Tang Dynasty!2. Matsunaga Yukei, on the

other hand, takes it most likely that the three siddhi texts were composed between 805 and 830

AD. Matsunaga Yukei arrives at this dating by the following two considerations. First, it is

unlikely that the three siddhi texts appeared in China prior to the beginning of the ninth century!3.

Second, the idea of "three kinds of attainment", appearing so prominent in the three siddhi texts,

was fIrst introduced in the Susidhikara SiJtra which, though already translated by Subhakarasimha,

until 830S 14 did not begin to achieve the same importance as that long attached to the

Darijing/Dainichi kyo and the lingangding jing/Kong8cho gyo.

Besides the dates of the three siddhi texts, their inter-relationship also becomes a central

point about which Japanese scholars working on the three texts have debated for long. It is widely
 130

accepted by Japanese scholars that T906, along with T905 which is a different version of T906,

is enlarged on the basis of T907 (see, for example, Osabe 1982: 124). Despite this commonly

agreed "congeniality" of the three texts, Japanese scholars, in figuring out the sequence in which

the three siddhi texts were made, contradict each other. Kanbayashi, for instance, maintains that

T907 is the basic text, which is the earliest in composition and on the basis of which were

composed T905 and T906. Furthermore, T905, in comparison with T906, was later in

composition, in the opinion of Kanbayashi, for "its more apparent Chinese tone" and "its more

undisguised manner of courting the ruling classes"lS. Osabe, however, believes that T906 was later

than T905 as well as T907 16 •

In conclusion, most of Japanese scholars working on the three siddhi texts believe that the

three texts, of which T907 is the basic text for the other two, were written in China sometime in

the middle or late period of the Tang Dynasty (766-906).

Although Japanese scholars made important observations, I am afraid that they may have

been misled by some misguided assumptions, which have, unfortunately, prevented them from

investigating the provenance of the three siddhi texts in a less prejudiced way.

Firstly, Japanese scholars seem to have been misled by the tacit assumption that all Chinese

texts were composed in China. Generally, it is well known that the Chinese language used to be

an "international language" (lingua franca) which remained for several centuries as an official

language in a number of East-Asian countries. Yet, in dealing with a specific Chinese text,

scholars tend to forget and/or ignore this simple fact.

Another tacit, but likewise unfounded, assumption misguiding Japanese scholars is that a

text strongly coloured by some ideas undoubtedly originating from China was necessarily written
 131

in China. Indeed, the wuxing idea, among others, originally grew from the indigenous Chinese

soil. Nonetheless, some indigenous Chinese ideas like wuxing had also been well accepted and

practised in other East Asian (including Korean and Japanese) societies. Consequently, the

incorporation of some indigenous Chinese ideas (with the wuxing as the example par excellence)

into a text does not necessarily mean that it was composed in China. The failure to realize this

apparently simple fact has prevented Japanese scholars from considering the possibility that these

three siddhi texts might have been composed somewhere in East Asia but aside of China.

In our opinion, the Japanese origin of the three siddhi text is not only probable, it is also

supported by a lot of textual evidence. Before formally examining the Japanese origin of the three

texts, it seems proper to prove one assumption that will form a departure point for our

reexamination of the three siddhi texts. This assumption is about the primacy of T907 over T905

and T906; viz., out of the three siddhi texts T907 is the oldest one which was wholly reproduced

in T905 and T906. The remaining part of this introductory chapter will be therefore devoted to

this problem.

As noted above, almost all Japanese scholars working on the three siddhi texts have

accepted the primacy of T907 over its two affiliated texts, though none of them has ever put

forward any persuasive argument for it l ?

The strategy I will employ for deciding T907' s primacy over T905 and T906 is to compare

the five giilhas that appear in the three siddhi texts, in order to ascertain whether the four giilhas

in T905 and T906 originated from the single giilha in T90i 8 •

Let us start with comparing the two giilhas in T905 with the single giilha in T907 (hereafter

referred to as G907). It is in G907 that the whole text of T907 ends. G907, composed of 22 lines,
 132

turns out to be the longest of the five giithas we are going to examine. The whole giitha runs as

follows,

(l)Prostrate myself before Vairocana-buddha

(2)whose pure eyes open like the lotus flowers.
(3)Controlling the "three realms", he is the teacher for the human and the celestial beings
as well.
(4)With great enlightened mind he is the saviour of this world.
(5)The profound and wonderful dhar~s [constituting] the empowering methods
(6)flow into the "gate of syllable A" [representing] the non-production.
(7)The white curl which is formless possesses the true and universal wisdom,
(S)perfect and permanent like the sun and the moon.
(9)~obhya and Ratnasambhava, as the saviour of the world,
(10)Amimbha, Amoghasiddhiraja,
(l1)all residing in the propitious wheel of attainment,
(12)transmit this wonderful dharma and proselytise all the sentient beings.
(l3)The compassionate and self-existent Trailokya-vijaya-raja 19
(14)and the Vajrasattva Aryaacalanatha,
(15)never breaking their vows, always come [to rescue the sentient beings] on time.
(16)After accomplishing the vajra-like feats, they return to the vajra-fields.
(17)1, relying on Vairocana-buddha,
(IS)open the "wisdom-mudra" of the mind and set up the goal.
(19)Universally embellished by the countless merits,
(20)[let us] enter together into the dhar~s [leading to] all the Sugatas.
(21)May those who have the opportunities to study and cultivate together [these Esoteric
teachings]
(22)peacefully dwell in the supreme, pure sea! (T907.1S.915c1-11)

G907 sounds like a standard gatha which is used to consummate a sutra: in its first part (lines 1-

12) the merits of the five-buddhas 20 are praised (of these twelve lines eight [lines I-S] are devoted

to Vairocana-buddha and the remaining four to the four other buddhas); then, in the second part

(lines 13-16) the two rajas, Trailokya-vijaya-raja and Aryacalanatha, are lauded; finally, in the

third part (lines 17-22) the author pronounces his vow that he would follow Mahavairocana-

buddha until he succeeds in getting his own mind enlightened and being reborn in the pure-land;

in the same part the wish is also made that all practitioners would peacefully reside in the
 133

paramount "Sea of Purity". So, G907 reads like a very self-consistent gatha from beginning to

end.

Now, let us tum to the two gathas in T905 and see how they are related to G907. In T905,

the first gatha (hereafter G905/ 1) is found near the beginning of the text (T905 .18. 909b26-c6):

[(1)]Prostrate myself before Vairocana-buddha

[(2)]whose pure eyes open like the lotus flowers.
[(3)]Controlling the "three realms", he is the teacher for the human and the celestial
beings as well.
[(4)]With great enlightened mind he is the saviour of this world.
[(5)]The profound and wonderful dhara¢s [constituting] the empowering methods
[(6)]flow into the "gate of syllable A" [representing] the non-production.
[(7)]The white curl which is formless possesses the true and universal wisdom,
[(S)]perfect and permanent like the sun and the moon.
[9]The body, mouth, and mind constitute the three mysteries
[lO]which form the transformation-body;
[11]Five wheels and five kinds of wisdom are of five parts
[12]which completely cover the wheel of dharma-field.
[13](9)~obhya and Ratnasambhava, as the saviour of the world,
[14] (10)Amitabha, Amoghasiddhi-raja,
[15](1l)aU residing in the propitious wheel of attainment,
[16](12)transmit this wonderful dharma and proselytise all the sentient beings.
[17](13)The compassionate and self-existent Trailokya-vijaya-raja
[1S](14)and the Vajrasattva Aryaacalanatha,
[19](15)never breaking their vows, always come [to rescue the sentient beings] on time.
[20](16)After accomplishing the vajra-like feats, they return to the vajra-fields. (The
numbers in the square and round brackets indicate the numerical orders of the lines in
G905/1 and G907 respectively)

Even a cursory comparison of G905/1 with G907 is sufficient to reveal that all the lines

ofG905/1, except for lines 9_1221, are identical with lines 1-16 ofG907 (T907.1S.915c1-S).

The second gatha in T905 (hereafter G90512), which was appended to the text proper

(T905.1S.912a2S-bl), is comparatively short. It is composed of merely six lines, which are

precisely identical with lines 17-22 (T907.1S.915c9-11) of G907:

[1](17)1, relying on Vairocana-buddha,

 134

[2](18)open the "wisdom-mudra" of the mind and set up the goal.

[3](19) Universally embellished by the countless merits,
[4](20) [let us] enter together into the dharaJ;11s [leading to] all the sugatas.
[5](21) May those who have the opportunities to study and cultivate together [these
Esoteric teachings]
[6](22) peacefully dwell in the supreme, pure sea! (The numbers in the square and round
brackets indicate the numerical orders of the lines in G90512 and G907 respectively)

In summary, with regard to the relationship between the two garhas in T905 and the garha in

T907, the following conclusion can be made: of the lines of which the two garhas in T905 are

composed, all, except for four lines in G90511, are exactly identical with the lines of G907.

With the close affinities between G905/1, G905/2 and G907 explained, let us look at the

ways they work in their corresponding contexts. As stated above, G907 is very consistent by

itself. Such a consistency is, however, missing in the two garhas in T905.

Let us tum to G905/1 first. As I have already pointed out, G905/1 is composed of three

groups of lines: between the two groups (both being of eight lines), which are found at the

beginning and end of G905/1 respectively, is a third group (of four lines) taken from an esoteric

tract attributed to Subhakarasimha (T1141). The two groups of eight lines (i.e., lines 1-8 [devoted

to Mahavairocana-buddha] and lines 13-20 [talking about the four Buddhas plus two rajas]) are

connected with each other very well (Mahavairocana-buddha plus the other four buddhas form the

famous "five buddhas", while the two rajas are usually represented as two companions of the five

buddhas, especially Vairocana). Yet these two groups of lines do not appear directly related to the

third group of four lines which is concerned with the "three mysteries" and "five wheels". So, in

G905/1, two thematically related parts are separated by a third one which is without relevance to

either of the former two. It is very unlikely that an author, while having written two groups of

lines thematically associated with each other so well, had also written in between them a third
 135

group of lines which are related to neither of them in meaning. Thus, the whole of G90S/I was

very unlikely composed by one and the same author. Rather, this giitha may have been constructed

through the following process: first, the two groups of eight lines were moved from a second

source to T905; then, the T90S author, falling short of understanding the connection between the

two groups of lines, inserted between them four lines totally irrelevant to either of them22 • Since

G907 reads so consistently, I suspect that T907 must be taken as the original text from which the

T90S author had taken the two groups of lines. This would suggest that the other parts of T905

that parallel T907 were also taken from T907, thence T907' s primacy over T905.

I have argued for the primacy of T907 over T90S through comparing G907 with the two

g iithas in T90S. By the same strategy, the same conclusion can be reached concerning the

relationship between G907 and the two g iithas in T906, as well as that between T907 and T906.

First of all, let us examine how the two giithas in T906 are connected with the sole giitha

in T907 (i.e., G907). The reader can not help but notice the close connection between G907 and

the two giithas in T906. In T906, the first giitha (hereafter G906/1) appears in the middle of the

text (T906.18.913c4-6), while the second (hereafter G906/2) is attached to the text

(T906.18.914b12-19). In contrast with T905 in which a longer giitha (G905/l) is followed by a

shorter one (G90512), T906 contains two giithas the longer of which (i.e., G906/2) is preceded

by the shorter one (i.e., G906/l). G906/1 is only composed of six lines:

[(1])Prostrate myself before Vairocana-buddha

[(2])whose pure eyes open like the lotus flowers.
[(3])Controlling the "three realms", he is the teacher for the human and the celestial
beings as well.
[(4])With great enlightened mind he is the saviour of this world.
[(5])The profound and wonderful dhara¢s [constituting] the empowering methods
[(6)]flow into the "gate of syllable A" [representing] the non-production (T906.18.913c4-
 136

6).

G90612 is relatively lengthy, composed of sixteen lines,

[1](7)The white curl which is formless possesses the true and universal wisdom,
[2](S)perfect and permanent like the sun and the moon.
[3](9)~obhya and Ratnasambhava, as the saviour of the world,
[4](1O)AmWibha, Amoghasiddhiraja,
[S](ll)all residing in the propitious wheel of attainment,
[6](12)transmit this wonderful dharma and proselytise all the sentient beings.
[7](13)The compassionate and self-existent Trailokya-vijaya-raja
[S](14)and the Vajrasattva Aryaacalanatha,
[9](lS)never breaking their vows, always come on time [to rescue the sentient beings].
[lO](16)After accomplishing the vajra-like feats, they return to the vajra-fields.
[11](17)1, relying on Vairocana-buddha,
[12](lS)open the "wisdom-mudra" of the mind and set up the goal.
[13](19)Universally embellished by the countless merits,
[14](20)[let us] enter together into the dhar~s [leading to] all the Sugatas.
[lS](21)May those who have the opportunities to study and cultivate together [these
Esoteric teachings]
[16](22)peacefully dwell in the supreme, pure sea! (T906.1S.91Sc4-11) (The numbers in
the square and round brackets indicate the numerical orders of the lines in G906/2 and
G907 respectively)

The six component lines of G906/1 parallel the six ones at the beginning of G907 (T907.1S.

91Sc1-3). As for G90612, its sixteen component lines are identical with lines 7-22 of G907

(91Sc4-11). In other words, of the 22 lines of G907, the six lines at its beginning (lines 1-6) and

its remaining 16 lines (lines 7-22) are precisely the same lines respectively forming the two garhas

in T906.

Through comparing the two gathas in T906 with G907, we are also able to establish the

primacy of G907 over the two garhas in T906. I pointed out above that the six and 16 lines, which

constitute G906/1 and G906/2 respectively, correspond with G907's lines 1-6 and lines 7-22. In

G907, lines l-S and lines 9-16 are devoted to (i) Vairocana-buddha and the (ii) other four of the

five-buddhas plus two rajas serving the five buddhas. Therefore, in G907 lines I-S form an
 137

inseparable whole, which is devoted to Vairocana-buddha. G90611 is composed of the first six

lines in G907. G90612 begins with the two lines23 in praise of several remarkable features

attributed to Vairocana-buddha. These two lines should have originally followed the six lines in

G90611, all of which are dedicated to Vairocana-buddha. So, the two giilhas in T906 could not

have been originally written as separate parts of T906, but was formed by wrongly breaking one

originally consistent giilha (i.e., G907) into two. This means that the two giilhas in T906, like

other parts in the same text which find their parallels in T907, were borrowed from T907, which

served as the basic text for T906 and T905 as well. It would also mean that T906 could not have

been based directly on T905.

 138

Notes,

1. Cf., T905.18. 909b16; T906.18.912b11; T907.18.914c25.

2. For the two Buddhist bibliographies attributed to Saich6, see chapter two.

3. T899 is also known for its three alternate titles, (i) "Biluzhe'na biexing jing" (Jpn., "Birushana betsugy6
ky6"; The Sutra Transmitted through Special Lines [from] Vairocana[-buddha]) , (ii) "Da Biluzhe'na
sanzhongxidi fa" (Jpn., Dai Birushana sanshushicchi h6"; The Procedures of the Three Kinds of Siddhis
[Preached by] Miihavairocana[-buddha]) and (iii) "Qingjing Biluzhe'na sanzhongxidi fa" (Jpn., "Sh6j6
Birushana sanshushicchi h6"; The Procedures of the Three Kinds of Attainments [Preached by] Pure
Vairocana[-buddha]).

4. The nitta hakke refers to the eight Japanese Esoteric monks who went to study in Tang China (cf., note
< 64 > in chapter five).
5. They are (i) the Kaiyuan shijiaolu (The Buddhist Bibliography [Compiled] in the Kaiyuan Period) completed
in 730 by Zhisheng and (ii) the Zhenyuan shijiao lu (The Buddhist Bibliography [Compiled] in the Zhenyuan
Period") in 799 by Yuanzhao.

6. For the "Chinese" traits of these fivefold categories and how they have been correlated with each other in
the traditional Chinese thought, see Needham 1985.

7. In the Diamond-realm Esoteric Buddhism a mandala is conceived in terms of the following five sections:
(i) vajra-, (ii) lotus-, (iii) buddha-, (iv) karma-, and (v) treasure-section.

8. It seems reasonable to believe that the notion of "five-sections" in the Diamond-realm Esoteric Buddhism
was in fact based on, and therefore temporally posterior to, the notion of "three sections" as propounded in
the esoteric teachings brought to China by Subhakarasimha, which was referred to as the Womb-realm line
of Esoteric Buddhism in contrast to the Diamond-realm line.

9. For how the East-Asian Esoteric Buddhism understood the inter-relationship between the two aspects of
Mahavairocana-buddha indicated by "principle" and "wisdom", see Matsunaga Yukei: 1977.

10. Omura 1918: 432-433.

11. Matsunaga Yuken: 1929.

12. Osabe 1971: 119-130.

13. Here Matsunaga follows Misaki who, from the absence of the three siddhi texts in the bibliographies of
Kiikai and Saich6, infers that the three siddhi texts had not yet appeared in China by the time of their return
to Japan from China, i.e., at the beginning of the ninth century since SaichO and Kiikai returned to Japan in
805 and 806 respectively (cf., Misaki 1984).

14. This date is based on a passage in Haiyun's Liangbu dafaxiangcheng shizifufaji (T2081.51. 786a).

15. Kanbayashi 1933.

 139

16. Osabe 1972.

17. The only evidence Japanese scholars use to argue for the primacy of T907 is its relatively short length.
This is obviously insufficient. While it is, indeed, more natural that a shorter version might be the basic text
for a more lengthy one, a shorter text, in some cases, may be an abbreviated version of and therefore later
than, a more lengthy one.

18. While both T905 and T906 contain two garhas separately, T907 has only a single one.

19. Trailokya-vijaya-raja (the "Deity-descending-from-the-three-worlds") and Aryaacalanatha (the "Immovable

Deity") are the renowned two rajas that accompany and serve Mahavairocana-buddha.

20. In this garha, the five buddhas are specified as Vairocana, A1q;okya, Ratnasambhava, Amitabha and
Amoghasiddhi, which exactly coincides with the Diamond-realm version of the wuJo/gobu notion.

21. Lines 9-12 in G905/1 turn out to be identical with four lines in a giitha at the begining of an esoteric tract
attributed to Subhakarasimha, the Cishipusa luexiu yujia niansongfa (Jpn., lishibosatsu ryakushu yuga nenjuh6,
"The Contemplation and Recitation Methods for A Simplified Form of Yoga-practice, as Preached by
Bodhisattva Maitreya", T1141). The four lines in this tract that also appear in T905 are found in
T1l41.20. 590a16-18.

22. Though irrelevant with the two groups of lines in G905/l, these four lines, about the "three mysteries"
and "five wheels" respectively, are connected with some paragraphs in T905. This might have been the main
reason why the author took the trouble of inserting these four lines between the two groups of lines taken from
G907.

23. Cf., "the white curl is formless, the true and universal wisdom/is as perfect and permanent as the sun
and the moon" (T906.18.914b12).
 140

CHAPTER FIVE

THE PROVENANCE AND DATE OF T907

With regard to the provenance of the three siddhi texts, I will begin with a re-examination

of T907. This decision is not made arbitrarily but in accordance with the understanding that T907

is the primary text on which the other two (T905 and T906) were based.

First of all, I will discuss in section (A) the fact that Anne, one of Ennin's main disciples,

is said to have mentioned in a bibliography attributed to him a text called "Sonsh6 hajigoku gild",

exactly one of the titles for which the three siddhi texts have been known in Japan.

After questioning the credibility of this bibliography attributed to Anne, I will turn to

Enchin, who in one of his treatises referred to a text that, at first glance, may be identified as one

of the three siddhi texts. I will discuss in detail in this section about Enchin (section [B]) whether

or not Enchin has indeed in this treatise displayed any knowledge of T907. My conclusion is

negative. In all likelihood, Enchin was ignorant of T907 by the time he wrote this treatise, which,

significantly, shares with T907 a number of textual parallels. This suggests that T907 was actually

written on the basis of this treatise of Enchin' s (before reaching this conclusion I will rule out the

possibility that the textual parallels between Enchin's treatise and T907 may have been due to a

third source). In other words, T907 was written in Japan, rather than in China as Japanese

scholars have had us believe.

N ow that neither Anne nor Enchin is the first person who had mentioned T907, one is

naturally attracted to Annen, who claimed to have "discovered" in his works a text which I will

identify as T907. Therefore, in Section (C), I will see how the "discovery" of T907 was
 141

announced in Annen's works. After analyzing Annen's connection with T907, I will come to the

conclusion that Annen is more than a pure "discoverer" of T907. He is, most likely, the real

author of T907.

Finally, in the last section of this chapter (Section [D]), I will investigate the textual

provenances of T907.

Section (A) Anne And T907

As argued in the last chapter, of the three siddhi texts T907 proves to be the earliest one

which was wholly reproduced in both T905 and T906. Therefore, a sound understanding of the

provenance of T907 will contribute to a successful solution of the problems related to the

provenance of its two derivative texts, i.e., T905 and T906.

As far as the provenance of T907 is concerned, one will naturally ask such a question,

"when and where was the text mentioned for the flrst time"? As stated above, so far no evidence

has ever emerged to show that any of the three siddhi texts was mentioned in any Chinese

Buddhist bibliography or in any other Buddhist source circulating in China. Furthermore, it seems

very unlikely that Saich6 himself had any knowledge of the three siddhi texts!. Then, in which

source was T907 mentioned for the first time?

 142

As regards this problem, one is immediately attracted to a bibliography, called Kenbo

mokuroku (A Bibliography Carefully Sealed) attributed to Anne (794-868). This bibliography is

included in an exegesis of the Biexing jing (Jpn., Betsugyo kyo, T899; most likely an Esoteric

Buddhist apocrypha composed in China)2, the Hi s6jashii (A Compilation [of the Sayings

Regarding] the Secret Transmission) compiled after 12173 by a certain Tendai monk belonging to

the lineage of Master lichin (i.e., lien, 1152-1225), who attached particular importance to the

Betsugyo kyiJ. According to the Hi s6jashii, this Kenbo mokuroku, prepared in 843, mentions a

text called Shosho hajigoku giki (Tendaishiiten hensankai 1990: 32), exactly one of the titles by

which the three siddhi texts, T906 and T907 in particular, have been known in lapan. If the

authenticity of this bibliography can be confinned, and if the Shosho hajigoku giki mentioned in

the bibliography can be identified as one of the three siddhi texts, then this bibliography must be

taken as the earliest source to have mentioned T9075 . Unfortunately, some evidence has presented

difficulties in either accepting this bibliography as left by Anne or identifying the Shosho hajigoku

giki mentioned in the bibliography as any of the three siddhi texts.

Anne is among the eight leading disciples of Ennin, who, as the most important Tendai

leader of the Post-Saich6 Tendai order, was responsible for introducing the "three-section" (sanbu)

notion into Tendai Esoteric BUddhism6 . He is also said to have received in 863 the extraordinary

honour of being chosen as one of the only two candidates to be initiated to the "Three Divisions"

of Esoteric Buddhism, those of the Diamond-realm, Womb-realm and the Soshicchi (i.e.,

susiddhi). In 864, i.e., one year after he was conferred the "Rank of the Great Adirya of the

Three-divisions" (sanbu daiajari i), he succeeded Ennin (who died in the first month of 864) as

the head (zasu) of the Tendai schoof. Is it possible to connect this so-called Kenbo mokuroku with
 143

such a prestigious Tendai patriarch?

Before trying to answer this question, let us first look at how this bibliography was compiled.

The following is a full translation of the text of the Kenbo mokuroku, which is very short.

The Kenbo Mokuroku:

(I) Rlkai(Chin., lijie): The Realm of Principle) -- The Division ofWomb-realm 8 :

(1) The Dainichikyo (Chin., Darijing, the Mah§vairocana-siitTEI, one

fascicle 9 ; T848);

(2) Sho daikanjo gild (Chin., She daguangding yigui, the Procedure for the
Great Consecration; i.e., She Dabiluzhe'na chengfo shenbianjiachijing ru
lianhuataizang haihui beishengmantuoluo guangda niansong yigui
gongyangfangbianhui [Jpn., Sho Daibirushana jobutsu jinben kajikyo
nyurenge taizokaie hisho mandara kodai nenju gild kuyohobenne]; tr. by
Subhakarasimha, T850);

(3) Sojo denbo shidai ki (Chin., Xiangcheng chuanfa cidi ji, The
Record of the Dharma Transmitted from Generation to Generation;
i.e., Liangbu dafaxiangcheng shizi fufaji [Jpn., Ryobu daiho sojo
shishi fuhola]; one fascicle lO ; by Haiyun, T2081)

Division (II): Chikai (Chin., zhijie, The Realm of Wisdom) -- The Division of
Diamond -realm11

(1) Kongobu rokaku yugikyo (Chin., Jingangfeng louge yuzhijing,

The Yogin Sutra [Preached in] the Mansion on the Vajra-peak; i. e.,
Jingangfeng louge yiqie yujia yuzhijing [Jpn., Kongobu rokaku issai
yuga yugiky6J; tr. by Bukong, T867)

(2) Issai jisho jobutsu gild (Chin., Yiqie shichu chengfo yigui, The
Procedure for Attaining the Buddhahood Anytime and Anywhere; i.e.,
Jingangdingjing yizidinglunwang yuga yiqieshichu niansong chengfo
yigui [Jpn., Kongochogyo ichijichodnno yuga isshaijisho nenju
jobutsu gila]; tr. by Bukong, T957);

(3) Gohimitsu gild (Chin., Wumimiyigui, The Procedure for the Five
Secrets; i.e., Jingangding yujia jingangshacui wumimi xiuxing
niansong yigui [Jpn., Kongocho yuga kongosatta gohimitsu shugyo
nenju gila]; in one fascicle; tr. by Bukong, Tl125);
 144

(4) Soja den (Chin., Xiangchuan zhuan; the Record of the

Generation-by-generation [Dharma-]transmission; one fascicle;
perhaps the Record by Haiyun, T2081 )12;

Division (III): Enmankai (Chin., Yuanmanjie, The Perfect Realm) -- The Division of
Soshicchi (Susidd.hl) 13

(I) Myojoju gild (Chin., Miaochengjiu yigui, the Procedure for the
Wonderful attainment [susidd.hl]; probably referring to the Suxldi
jieluo gongyangfa [Jpn., Soshicchi kara kuyoh6J; tf. by
Subhakarasimha, T894);

(2) Shojo Birushana Betsugyo kyo (Chin., Qingjing Biluzhe'na

biexingjing, The Sutra Transmitted through Special Lines, [Preached
by] the Pure Vairocana-buddha; i.e., Qingjingfashen Biluzhe'na xindi
famen chengjiu yiqie tuoluoni sanzhongxidi [Jpn., Shojohosshin
Birushana shinji homonjoju issai darani sanshushicchi, T899);

(3) Sonsho hajigoku gild (Chin., Zunsheng podiyu yigui, The

Procedure [Preached by the Ultimate Buddha] about Destroying the
Hell; one fascicle; seemingly referring to T906 or T907);

(4) SOja myoken ho (Chin., Xiangcheng miaojian fEl, The Generation-

to-generation Transmitted Procedure about Bodhisattva Miaojian
[Jpn., My6ken; Skt., Sudristih, Wonderful Sights]; one fascic1e)14.

Division (IV): Shakuke (Chin., ShijiEl, The Division about the General Buddhist
Teaching)

(1) Shoki(Chin., Chaoji, The Scribed Record; one fascicleys;

(2) Rishu shaku (Chin., Liqu shi, the Commentary on the Rishu [kyo),
i.e., Dale Jingang zhenshi sanmeiye jing boluomituo lichujing shi
[Jpn., Dairyaku kongo fukii shinjitsu sanmayakyo hannya haramita
rishushaku, tf. by Bukong, T1003) (Tendaishuten hensankai 1990: 32)

The way the Kenbo mokuroku was compiled makes it hard to associate the bibliography

with Anne. For example, it is striking to find that the Rishu shaku, i.e., the Rishukyo gishaku l6 ,

is included in this bibliography. It is well known that the relationship between Saich6 and Kiikai

rapidly deteriorated when Kukai wrote Saich6 an extremely acrid letter in which he not only
 145

squarely refused to lend Saich6 the Rishuky6 gishaku, but also chided Saich6 for having deviated

from, in the eyes of Kiikai, the true way of pursuing the Esoteric studies l7 • Since this accident,

which had apparently incurred a galling shame and humiliation in Saich6 and the whole Tendai

order headed by him, was precipitated by the loan of the Rishuky6 gishaku, this Esoteric text later

became extraordinarily unpopular among Tendai monks. This fact is attested by the scarcity of

sub-commentaries the Tendai scholars have written on it. Of the only three Tendai exegeses on

the Rishukyo gishaku, one is extant, one partly extant and the third totally lost l8 . This presents a

sharp contrast to the fervent attitude Shingon monks assumed toward the same Esoteric

commentary. Shingon monks had contributed over sixty sub-commentaries to the Rishuky6

gishaku l9 •

Given that the Kenbo mokuroku lists the troublesome (for Tendai followers) Rishuky6

gishaku as one of the twelve most important Esoteric texts, it is hard to ascribe this bibliography

to Anne who lived in a time when the wound caused by the Saich6-Kiikai strife had not yet healed

and Tendai was combating Shingon for the leadership of the Japanese Esoteric tradition.

Therefore, I am inclined to believe that this Kenbo mokuroku was out of the hand of a certain

Tendai monk later than Anne, who lived in a time when the Tendai practitioners became less

sensitive to the Saich6-Kiikai strife and meanwhile less cautious about the Rishuky6 gishaku than

Anne and his Tendai colleagues. It is probably inspired by the popularity the Rishuky6 gishaku had

achieved in Shingon circles that this Tendai author of the Kenbo mokuroku decided to include it

into the bibliography.

On the other hand, even if it were possible to attribute this Kenbo mokuroku to Anne, I still

fmd it difficult to identify the Sonsh6 hajigoku giki mentioned therein as any of the three siddhi
 146

texts. First of all, as I will demonstrate in Section (C), at least as late as 882 Enchin, another

major Tendai leaders after Saich6 and Ennin, was still ignorant of the existence of any of the three

siddhi texts. This fact per se makes it extremely unlikely that Anne could have known of any of

the three siddhi texts by the year 863 when Anne was said to have compiled a bibliography

including the Sonsho hajigoku giki. Let us try to establish this proposition by a reductio ad

absurdum.

We suppose that this bibliography had been indeed prepared by Anne in 863 and the

Sonsho hajigoku giki found therein had been indeed one of the three siddhi texts. This would mean

that Anne had already known of one of the three siddhi texts by 863. As we know now, any of

the three siddhi texts would serve as a good scriptural support for the Esoteric teachings which,

according to afuhanon document, was transmitted to Saich6 from his Chinese teacher Shunxiao.

Therefore, had Anne had access to such a text, he, as a major Tendai leader, would have known

very well the value of such a text for the religious community to which he belonged and therefore

he would not have hesitated to have the text circulated as widely as possible. Given that Anne was

elevated to the position of the Tendai head (zasu) in 864, we have reason to believe that he would

not have had any difficulty in circulating among the Tendai circle a text so important for his

school. In that case, this text called Sonsho hajigoku giki would have been circulated widely

among the Tendai circle for almost two decades by the year 882. During the two decades of

circulation, this text would have become well known to any Tendai monk who was interested in

it. Thus, such an eminent and erudite Tendai scholar like Enchin would certainly have been very

familiar with the text by 882.

On the other hand, in 882 Enchin wrote to Zhihuilun in China to ask for the scriptural
 147

source for the threefold dhararji-siddhi correlation. This fact strongly suggests that Enchin did not

know of any of the three siddhi texts at that time, since any of the three siddhi texts, as noted

above, would have served as a good scriptural support for the threefold dharrup.-siddhi correlation.

Thus, the supposition that the Sonsho hajigoku giki included in the 863 Kenbo mokuroku

was one of the three siddhi texts contradicts the conclusion that as late as 882 Enchin had been still

ignorant of any of the three siddhi texts.

As I will show in Section (C), this conclusion regarding Enchin's relationship with any of

the three siddhi texts is drawn from such relatively reliable textual sources as Kimon and Sho

Chierin sanzo sho, whose connection with Enchin has been firmly established by early

bibliographies20 . In contrast, the supposition regarding Anne's knowledge of a text which can be

identified as one of the three siddhi texts is based on a bibliography contained in a Japanese

exegesis that was relatively late in date (no earlier than 1217, three and half centuries after Anne's

death). Obviously, the conclusion has sounder grounds than the supposition does. Now that the

supposition contradicts this conclusion, it is the supposition, rather than the conclusion, that must

be rejected. In other words, the Sonsho hajigoku giki as mentioned in the Kenbo mokuroku can

not be taken as one of the three siddhi texts.

Besides this piece of evidence, we have another one to argue against the possibility that

the Kenbo mokuroku, if indeed prepared by Anne in 843, included a text which can be taken as

one of the three siddhi texts. As discussed in Section (D), Annen in one of his works, which was

probably completed after 902, claimed that he had "recently obtained" a text called "Sonsha

hajigoku ho". The tone in which Annen declared this "discovery", as well as other pieces of

evidence, suggest that Annen is the first person who "discovered" this text called Sonsho hajigoku
 148

ho which, as I will argue, turns out to be T907. If the bibliography attributed to Anne can be

regarded as reliable and the Sonshi5 hajigoku ho included therein refers to T907, this text would

have already been circulated among the Tendai circle for at least four decades before Annen

announced its "discovery" in around 902. It is almost unimaginable that such an important (at least

for the Tendai school) text as the Sonsho hajigoku ho, after four decades of circulation, had still

remained so rarely known that it had to be "recently discovered" by such a knowledgeable and

prestigious Tendai master as Annen.

On the basis of these two pieces of evidence, I conclude that even if the ascription of the

Kenbo mokuroku to Anne were tenable, the Sonsho hajigoku giki indicated in the bibliography

could not be identified as any of the three siddhi texts. To put it more clearly, the Kenbo

mokuroku does not indicate that any of the three siddhi texts was known to Anne.

Before finishing this section, let me make a brief speculation on how such a bibliography

was written in the name of Anne. A remark in the Hi sOji5shii tells us something about the true

agenda underlying the compilation of the Kenbo mokuroku.

Then, Sannoin (i ,e., Enchin) left no comment regarding the transmission of this
sutra (i.e., the Susiddhikiira -siitra). This fact required no further comment. As for
the important procedure for the transmission of the Susiddhikara-siitra, this sutra
must be transmitted secretly. Though Konpon Daishi (Saicho) received from
Shunxiao the dual division [of Esoteric Buddhism], he based his own teachings
mainly on the "Matrix-realm Division" (taizCkal). Furthermore, though Kobo
Daishi (Kukai) also got the transmission of the Dual Division, he took the
"Diamond-realm Division" (kongc1<:az) as principle. The transmission of the Womb-
realm [Division] is not so clear. Huiguo transmitted to Acarya Yichao the "secret
box" containing the Three Divisions. Acarya [Yichao] transmitted it to Farun.
Farun transmitted it to Faquan. Faquan transmitted it to Jikaku Daishi (Ennin). All
these transmissions were handed down in a direct line [from master to disciple).
No transmission to the branch line had ever been made. After [Ji]kaku Daishi
returned to Japan [from China], he applied [to the court] for the seals of the "Great
Acarya of Three Division" (sanbu dai Ajan) and got them. Out of the eight
 149

dhanna-transmission [disciples] he chose Anne and Ery6 (791-859) to receive the

"Rank of the Great Adirya of Three Divisions". The remaining six disciples only
received the [rank of] the Dual Division. The prosperity of Esoteric Buddhism in
the capital was totally due to the effort of Jikaku Daishi (Tendaishiiten hensankai
1990: 33).

According to this theory, both Saich6 and Kiikai merely obtained from China the dual division of

the Esoteric teaching, i.e., those of the Womb-realm and Diamond-realm. It is not until Ennin

came back from China that the Three Divisions were transmitted to Japan.

It is notable that in this passage the Three Divisions of the Esoteric teachings were said to

be kept by Huiguo in a "secret box". As noted in chapter two, it may be possible to associate the

notion of the dual division with Huiguo. The notion of "Three-divisions" (sanbu) would have

originated in China at a time considerably later than Huiguo. Furthermore, it is Ennin who must

be credited with introducing the sanbu idea into Japan. Accordingly, that Huiguo kept the "three

divisions" of Esoteric teachings in a "secret box" must be taken as a legend which, though possibly

traceable to the late Tang. was mainly fuelled by Tendai followers in Japan. In order to combat

and compete with Shingon which prizes the dual Esoteric transmission as its hallmark, the Tendai

leader Ennin advanced the ideology that the Tendai form of Esoteric Buddhism was of "three

divisions" (sanbu) and therefore superior to the Shingon form of Esoteric Buddhism, which was

only composed of "two divisions" (ryClJui i •

The title of the Kenbo mokuroku, which means the "bibliography to be carefully sealed

[and preserved?]", is strongly reminiscent of the legend that Huiguo got the "Three Divisions" of

Esoteric teachings stored in a "secret box" and transmitted them to his trusted disciple.

Furthermore, this bibliography categorizes twelve texts into four categories: the (i) Rikai (the

Realm of Principle; i.e., the Womb-realm Division); (ii) Chikai (the Realm of Wisdom; the
 150

Diamond-realm Division), (iii) Enmankai (the Perfect Realm; the Soshicchi Division), and finally

(iv) Shakuke (the division of the general Buddhist teachings). Therefore, both the title of this

Kenbo mokuroku and the way it categorizes the Esoteric texts echo the Tendai ideology that Tendai

represents the triple and, therefore the most advanced, form of the Esoteric Buddhism.

Finally, I suspect that the inclusion of the Sonsho hajigoku giki in the division of Perfect

Realm, which indicates the soshicchi division of the Three Divisions, may have been patterned

after Annen's renowned bibliography, the Hakke hiroku, which subjects the same text to the

Esoteric teachings represented by the Soshicchi kyo (i.e., Susiddhikara-sUtra), i.e., the soshicchi

Division22 •

Section (B) Enchin and T907

A short treatise attributed to Enchin, i.e., the Ketsuji sanshushicchi h8 (A Decisive

Explanation of the Procedure Related to the Three Kinds of Attainment, hereafter referred to as

KSSH; BZ27.985-86), seems to have been the first textual source referring to T907. KSSH is

Enchin's only work exclusively devoted to the "threefold attainment", exactly the same theme

dominating T907. Not only do a number of sentences and ideas in KSSH find their parallels in
 151

T907, Enchin seems to have also in the same treatise referred, at least thrice, to a text which, at

fIrst appearance, looks like T907. In the following pages, we must try to determine if this initial

impression of KSSH stands the test after we closely examine this treatise by Enchin.

However, before formally treating KSSH, let one point be made clear: Enchin would have

referred in KSSH to T907 had he known of T907 when he wrote KSSH. As Japanese scholars

have already pointed out, Enchin wrote wrote KSSH in order to remove the serious doubts--both

inside and outside the Tendai circle--on the scriptural support for the practice of correlating the

triple five-syllable dhar~s with the three ranks of attainmenf3. For this reason, I assume that

Enchin would not have set aside and failed to include in KSSH any important textual source about

the triple dhanujis, in particular their correlation with the three kinds! ranks of attainment. In the

light of this, T907 is exactly the textual source that Enchin would have referred to in KSSH had

he read it by the time, since T907 not merely contains the same triple five-syllable dharrups as

used in one of Saich6'sjUhanons, but also correlates the triple dharrups with the three kinds of

attainment (i.e., "emerging", "entering" and "accomplishment"). Furthermore, T907 was

attributed to the celebrated Esoteric patriarch--Subhakarasimha. Consequently, T907 stands as the

ideal scriptural source which would have served Enchin very well, who was then eagerly seeking

the scriptural source for the triple five-syllable dharrups and its correlation with the threefold

attainment. Thus, had Enchin known anything about T907 as an independent text by the time he

wrote KSSH he would not have failed in KSSH to refer his readers to it.

On the basis of this understanding, we assume that if Enchin failed to quote from or at least

refer to T907 in his KSSH, he did not know T907 while writing KSSH. Then, does Enchin refer

to the content of T907 in KSSH? In order to answer this question, we must closely read this short
 152

treatise paragraph by paragraph.

(B.I) A Paragraph-by-paragraph Reading of KSSH

For the sake of convenience, I will break KSSH into ten paragraphs in accordance with

the different themes.

Paragraph (1) (BZ27.985a1-8) refers to the celebrated Esoteric transmission Saich6 is said

to have received from his Chinese Esoteric master Shunxiao. In this initiatory ceremony, Shunxiao

had allegedly transmitted to Saich6 three groups of five-syllable dhar~s ([iJ A-Vam-Ram-Hum-

Kham, [iiJ A-Vi-Ra-Hum-kham, and [iii] A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na), which were taken as representing the

three ranks of attainment (higher, middle and lower). Though it is also recorded in the three siddhi

texts (either in the text proper or in the interlinear notes), in KSSH Enchin bases this threefold

dhara~.1-siddhi correlation on the fuh6mon document attributed to Saich6 and not on any of the

three siddhi texts.

Then, in the second paragraph (BZ27.985a9-12), Enchin reports that the same three five-

syllable dhara.J}Is, respectively representing the "three-bodies" of the buddha24 this time, were

carved on the pillars at the Shuinansi and Tiangongsi Temples25 in the "Eastern Capital of the

Tang Dynasty" (i.e., Luoyang). This story is of interest to us not merely for its mention of the

same triple five-syllable dhara.J}Is which looms so large in both Saich6' s fuh6mon and the three

siddhi texts, but also for the correlation it draws between the triple five-syllable dhara.J}Is and the

"three buddha-bodies" (i.e., dharma-, transformation- and retribution-body). T907 and its two

derivative texts, though correlating the "three bodies" with the three ranks of attainment, do not
 153

associate the "three bodies" with the triple five-syllable dharat;lis26. Like the previous paragraph,

this paragraph provides no evidence for suggesting that Enchin has referred here to any of the

three siddhi texts.

Paragraphs (3) (BZ27.985a13-18) traces back the triple five-syllable dhar~s to their

separate canonical sources, i.e., two chapters in the DarijinglDainichi kyo and one chapter in a

concise scripture which, as suggested by its title n lingangdingjing Manshushili wuzi xintuoluoni

pin" (Jpn., Kong ech i5gy 0 Manjushiri Bosatsu goji shindarani hon; the Chapter in the lingangding

jinglKongi5cho gyo about the Five-syllable Heart-dharat;li of MaiijtiSnl 27 , most likely belongs to

the genre of lingangding jing/Kongi5cho gyo. It is noteworthy that Enchin, in discussing the

textual sources of the three five-syllable dharat;lis, says nothing of T907. I will discuss later the

significance of Enchin's remarkable reticence on T907 in this occasion.

In paragraph (4) (BZ27.985b2-12), the longest paragraph in this short treatise, Enchin

reports some instructions he once received in Tang China from his Chinese teacher Faquan28 , who

was quoted to have made the following observations,

The five-syllable dharat;li, extracted by Brahmacarm Prabhiitaratna (Jpn., Tah6;

Chin., Duobao) from the Dainichi kyo and Kong6cho gyo, is capable of bringing
about immeasurable merits if they were recited appropriately.

In T907 as well as its two derivative texts we find a sentence which, except for its failure to

mention Prabhiitaratna' s role in extracting the five-syllable dharat;li from the two siitras, matches

the above-quoted sentence closely29.

Then, Faquan, as related by Enchin, went on to identify this powerful five-syllable dharat;li

as A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham. The merit of reciting this five-syllable dharat;li once is said to be

comparable with that of reciting the whole tripitaka a million times. Such a comment regarding
 154

the amazing merits implied in this five-syllable dhar~ is also found in T907 and its two

derivative texts30 .

After this comment, the five syllables of this five-syllable dhar~ are taken as seeds for

the "five buddhas situated in the five directions" (Jpn., gohObutsu; Chin., wujangfo). The same

correlation is also attempted in T907 and its two derivative texts, in which the five syllables (A,

Yam, Ram, Kum, Kham) are associated with the five buddhas in the five directions in the

following way3! ,

BUDDHAS A~OBHYA AMITABHA RATNASAMBHAVA AMOGHASIDDID VAIROCANA

DIRECTIONS EAST WESI' SOUTH NORTH CENTRE
SYLLABLES A VAM RAM HUM KHAM

This fivefold correlation is followed by another one which is made between the five

syllables and five kinds of natural and social phenomena. Such a correlation is also made in T907

and its two affiliated texts32 .

Subsequently, Faquan was also reported to have identified the five syllables as the "dhar~

for the dharma-body" (Jpn., h6shin shingon; Chin., jashen zhenyan). In T907 and its two

affiliated texts, the five syllables are also identified as "dhar~ for the dharma-body,133.

Finally, Faquan, according to Enchin, observed that he chose not to say anything about

other "two buddhas", i.e., the two buddhas assuming the bodies of "retribution" and "transforma-

tion,,34, since they, Faquan believed, had been fully discussed in the siitras belonging to the "Two

Divisions" (Jpn., ryrou; Chin., liangbu)35. The readers can, Faquan assumed, consult these

relevant sutras for further information about the two buddhas in the retribution- and

transformation-body respectively.

In summary, in this paragraph Faquan is said to have made the following six points to his
 155

Japanese disciple Enchin: (i) the source of the five-syllable dharrup, (ii) the five component

syllables of this five-syllable dharrup and their inconceivable merits, (iii) the correlation between

the five syllables and the five cardinal directions and five buddhas, (iv) the correlation between

the five syllables and five kinds of natural/social phenomena, (v) the identification of this five-

syllable dharaIji as the dharaIji for the dharma-body, (vi) the reason of not talking about the

dharrups for the buddhas of retribution- and transformation-body. Of all these six points, five

(from [iJ to [v]) can be found in T907 and its two affiliated texts. Coincidences between T907 and

Enchin's report of the instruction from Faquan are so numerous that one may be led to suspect

if Paquan and/or Enchin had consulted T907 before making/reporting these points.

Enchin begins paragraph (5) (BZ27. 985b 13-17) with a piece of important information:

Ninchii (?-824 AD), one of Saich6's best trusted disciples, secretly kept a "Collection of

Essentials" (y6sh6). According to Enchin, this y6sh6 collection contains a couple of sentences

virtually identical with two sentences in paragraph (4) about the source of the five-syllable

dharaIjis. These two sentences in paragraph (4), in tum, find their parallels in T907 and its two

afftliated texts. What warrants particular attention is that in this couple of sentences as appearing

in this paragraph no mention is made about Prabhiitaratna either, which coincides with T907 and

its two affiliated texts. According to Enchin, the same y6sh6 collection also talks about (i) three

kinds of attainment: "emerging", "entering" and "accomplishment", and (ii) the dharaIjis for the

"three bodies", which most likely indicate the threefold correlation between the triple five-syllable

dharat).1s and the "three bodies" of the buddha (transformation-, retribution- and dharma-body).

All these suggest that this collection treasured by Ninchii seems to be T907, or one of its two

affiliated texts (T905 and T906), because apart from the couple of sentences mentioned above, the
 156

classification of siddhi in tenns of "emerging", "entering" and "accomplishment" is also attempted

in the three siddhi texts 36 •

Paragraphs (6) (BZ27.986a1-5) does not speak of anything which can be considered

related, either directly or indirectly, to T907 and its two derivative texts. This paragraph is,

however, noteworthy for the strong polemical sentiment with which Enchin defended the existence

of the scriptural support for the threefold dharruji-siddhi correlation. As demonstrated elsewhere

in this dissertation37 , the strong polemical tones expressed in this treatise provide an important clue

for us to unravel the polemical agenda underlying the composition of T907.

Paragraph (7) (986a6-7) presents itself as another piece of evidence for determining

whether or not Enchin had referred to T907 (and/or its two derivative texts) in his KSSH. This

paragraph warrants serious attention for its unambiguous reference to a text entitled "Sanshu

shicchi ho" (the "Procedure for the Three kinds of Attainment"). According to Enchin, this text

is in one fascicle and its translator is unidentified. Enchin also acknowledges that the teachings

as preached in this tract are different from that he spelt out in the present treatise. Nevertheless,

he was reluctant to devalue this tract for the reason and warned Buddhist practitioners not to do

so either. T905 is also known for the same title (i.e., "Sanshu shicchi holt). Furthennore, T907

and T906 as well were also referred to by the same title in some cases 38 • All this leads one to

suppose that this tract Enchin here mentions by the name of "Sanshu shicchi ho" might be either

T907 or one of its two derivative texts.

Paragraph (8) (BZ27.986a7-8) is actually the last paragraph of KSSH, since KSSH seems

to have originally ended with this paragraph, whereas Paragraphs (9) and (10) were actually added

by some editor(s) of KSSH 39 • In this paragraph, Enchin concluded his treatise by explaining why
 157

he had taken the trouble to prepare such an outline of the procedure for the threefold attainment.

He confessed that he did this since he was afraid that all the scriptures related to the procedure of

threefold attainment, being scattered here and there, might be ignored by the later practitioners.

Paragraph (9) (BZ27.987alO-ll) talks about the "transforma-tion body" and its relationship

with the Buddhist "three treasures". It is believed that the "transformation-body" is exactly the

source from which all the "Twelve Divisions of the Mahayana Canons" (Jpn., junibuky6; Chin.,

Shierbujing) as well as the Buddha, dharma and sangha, the so-called "three treasures" of

Buddhism, were established. This paragraph may have been added to Enchin's original text by a

later editor, who felt such a note about the "transformation-body" relevant to the present treatise

in which the three "buddha-bodies" are correlated with the triple five-syllable dhar~s.

In comparison with the preceding paragraph (i.e., [9]), Paragraph (10) (987a12-b2) turns

out to be more interesting in that it contains some quotations from an Esoteric scripture, which

are also found in one of T907' s two derivative texts--T905. As indicated in this paragraph, the

Esoteric scripture from which these quotations were made is the Kongi5cho[gyo] Manjushiri gozi

[shin]darani hon (Chin., lingangding Manshushiri wuzi [xin]tuoluoni pin), exactly the same

Esoteric scripture (i.e., Tl173) to which Enchin had attributed the source of the third group of

the triple five-syllable dhar~s (i.e., A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na).

(B.Il) A Further Analysis of KSSH: Did Enchin Know of T907 When Writing KSSH?

It is very unlikely that a reader of KSSH fails to be impressed by the frequency the

passages and ideas in T907 seem to have echoed throughout Enchin's KSSH. In this concise
 158

treatise, which is of no more than one thousand characters, Enchin appears to have directly

referred to, or indirectly hinted, T907 many times.

First of all, in his report of the instruction he received from Faquan, Enchin wrote six

points, five of which find their parallels in T907:

(i) a couple of sentences describing Prabhiitaratna's role in selecting from the

Dainichi kyo and KongiXho gyo five Sanskrit syllables, are believed to be capable
of bringing about immeasurable, indescribable merits (BZ27.985b2-5; T907.
915a17-20);

(ii) a sentence to the effect that reciting the five syllables (A, Yam, Ram, Hum,
Kham) once equals reciting the whole tripiJaka million times (BZ27.985b6-7;
T907.915b24);

(iii) a correlation between the same five syllables with the five buddhas in the five
directions (BZ27.985b7; T907.915a12-15);

(iv) a correlation between the same five syllables with five kinds of social/natural
phenomena (BZ27.985b7-1O; T907.915a8-12);

(v) the identification of the five syllables as the "dhar~ for dhanna-body"
(BZ27.985bl1; T907.915c29-bl);

Therefore the main points of Enchin's report of Faquan's instructions fmd their parallels

in T907. This fact leads the reader to assume that Faquan, in giving these instructions to Enchin,

may have based himself on some textual source which is either T907 itself or extremely close to

it.

The second occasion in which Enchin seems to have referred to T907 in KSSH is found

in his description of a yi5sho collection possessed by Ninchii. Enchin's description strongly

suggests that this yi5sho collection in question may have been T907 or one of its two derivative

texts. According to Enchin, this collection not only contains a couple of sentences virtually

identical with those found in T907, it also defines the Indian notion of "attainment" (siddhl) in
 159

tenns of "emerging", "entering" and "accomplishment", which coincides with T907.

Finally, in the same KSSH Enchin defInitely referred to a text called "Sanshu shicchi ho".

Since the three siddhi texts (in particular T905) are sometime known by the same name, i.e.,

"Sanshu shicchi ho", one is tempted to take this text as T907 or one of its two derivative texts

(especially T905).

However, after further analysis, I have to concede that in none of these three occasions had

Enchin actually referred to T907 or its two derivative texts. Let us begin with Enchin's report of

the instruction he received from Faquan. As stated above, the coincidences found between some

T907 passages and fIve of the six instructions Faquan gave to Enchin produce the impression that

T907 or a text close to it may have been taken as the textual basis for the instructions attributed

to Faquan. But this impression turns out to be ill-founded. It seems much more likely that Faquan

did not have such a text in his mind when offering Enchin these fIve points of instruction;

otherwise, he would have referred Enchin to such a text, just as he did when he talked about the

"two buddhas", which fonn the subject of the sixth point of his instruction40 • Furthermore,

according to Enchin's own understanding, these points must be attributed to Faquan, rather than

to any textual source. Otherwise, he would have directly referred the readers to the textual source,

instead of observing that these points were heard by himself (from Faquan) (cf., BZ27. 985b12).

As for the second occasion in which Enchin mentioned a yash6 collection treasured by

Ninchii, one point defIes the effortto identify this yash6 as T907 or either of its two derivative

texts. According to Enchin, Ninchii's collection also includes the dhara¢s corresponding to the

"three-bodies". This probably refers to the threefold correlation between the "three buddha-

bodies" and the three five-syllable dhar~Is, a kind of threefold correlation Enchin once found
 160

carved on a pillar of a temple in Luoyang (cf., paragraph [2]). But, as noted above, T907 and its

two derivative texts just do not correlate the "three buddha-bodies" with the triple five-syllable

dhara¢s41. For this reason, I have to conclude that this y6sha collection allegedly in the possession

of Ninchii should not be identified as T907 nor as either of its two derivative texts.

Finally, the text Enchin mentioned in KSSH as "sanshu shicchi ho" is, very probably,

T899, rather than T907 or either of T90Ts derivative texts. This conclusion is made on the basis

of the following considerations. First of all, T90S, like T906 and T907, has been unambiguously

attributed to Subhakarasimha while the text mentioned in KSSH is said to have been translated by

an anonymous person. Secondly, as Enchin himself confessed, the teaching of this tract does not

agree with his ideas of "threefold attainment" that he has expounded in KSSH. But a comparison

of KSSH with T90S, T906 and T907 reveals general agreement. Therefore, I am convinced that

the tract in question could not be taken as any of the three siddhi texts.

Instead, I suggest that this text in question is T899. As it is preserved in the Taisha

Tripi/aka, T899 is also in one fascicle and its translator is unidentified too. More importantly,

"Sanshu shicchi ho" is also one alternate name under which T899 has been known42 . Furthermore,

it is true that except for its threefold classification of the notion "attainment", T899 almost bears

nothing in common with the three siddhi texts and KSSH as well. Finally, T899 is contained in

the bibliography attributed to Jogyo (?-866), one of the eight nitta hakke pilgrims (cf.,

T2163.SS.1D70a3). This text could easily have been accessible to Enchin when he wrote KSSH,

which was written no earlier than 871 43 •

In summary, KSSH does contain several elements which are also found in T907. However,

after further analysis, all these elements were attributed by Enchin himself to (i) an occasion in
 161

which one of his Chinese teachers gave some oral instructions to him and to (ii) a yasho collection

treasured by Ninchii, which apparently can not be identified as T907. As for the text which Enchin

mentions in KSSH by the title "Sanshu shicchi h6", it turns out to be T899 rather than T907 or

either of its two derivative texts. None of these three sources can be taken as referring to T907

and therefore as a token of Enchin' s possible knowledge of T907.

On the contrary, KSSH provides some evidence in proof of Enchin' s ignorance of T907

when he wrote KSSH. In KSSH Enchin tried to identify the canonical sources for the triple five-

syllable dh~ corresponding to the three ranks of attainment (BZ27.985a13-18). Enchin traced

back the first two groups of the triple dhara¢s (correlated with, respectively, higher and middle

ranks of attainment) to two chapters in the Dainichikyo/Darijing, the third to a chapter in the

Kong6cho gyo/Jingangding jing, referred to as the lingandingjing Manshushili wuzi xintuoluoni

pin (Tl173) in KSSH. Here, in speaking of the canonical sources for the three dharrups, Enchin

remained remarkably silent on T907, which appears to be a much better canonical source for the

three dharaJ}Is than the two chapters in the Dainichi kyo/Darijing and one chapter in the Kong6cho

gyOllingangding jing as well.

T907, reputedly translated by Subhakarasimha, stands almost as authoritative as the

Darijing/Dainichi kyo and lingangding jing/Kong6cho gyo, which Enchin did cite in KSSH as

canonical sources for the three dhara¢s. Either of the latter two siitras only contains one or two

of the three groups of five-syllable dhara¢s, while all the three dhara¢s are included in T907. In

this sense, T907, in comparison with both Dainichi kyo/Darijing and Kong6cho gyo/Jingangding

jing, appears to be a "better" canonical source for the three dharrups and their correlations with

the three kinds of attainment. For every reason, Enchin would have referred in KSSH to T907 had
 162

he really known this text allegedly translated by Subhakarasimha. Thus, we conclude that his

failure to mention T907 in the treatise implies his ignorance of T907 at the time.

Furthermore, Enchin's ignorance of T907 at the time of writing KSSH is corroborated not

only by an analysis of the text of KSSH itself but also by evidence outside the text. On the one

hand, it is very likely that Enchin wrote KSSH sometime around 873 in order to resolve Henjo' s

question about the canonical source for the "procedure of the threefold attainment". On the other,

there is evidence to show that at least as late as 882 (nine years before his death and nine years

after his KSSH was probably written) Enchin had not yet seen any of the three siddhi texts. On

the basis of these two points, it can be ascertained that by the time he wrote KSSH Enchin had not

had a chance to read, let alone to quote from, T907.

Since these two points prove to be very important for furthering the argument that by the

time he wrote KSSH Enchin had known nothing of T907, I will discuss them in more details in

the following two sub-sections (i.e., [B.IlI] and [B.IV]).

(B.I1I) The Dating of KSSH

Though Enchin himself failed to date KSSH, it is very likely that it was written in or a bit

later than 873. According to the Yoho hennen zatsushii (BZ28.1290-1352; A Miscellany of the

"Remaining Flowers": Compiled in Temporal Order), Enchin submitted a petition to the court on

the fourteen day of the second month, Jogan 15 (873), proposing that the title of ajari (Skt.,

Acarya) be awarded to Henjo (817-890)44. His petition was soon approved. Moreover, according

to the Chisho Daishi nenpu (The Chronicle of Chisho Daishi [Enchin], hereafter referred to as the
 163

"Enchin Chronicle"t5 , on the ceremony of awarding the title of Acarya on Henjo, which was held

on the ninth day of the ninth month in Jogan 15 (873), Enchin also transmitted to Henjo the

"procedure for three kinds of attainment" (sanshu shicchi h6)46.

Annen also reported that Henjo, after receiving from Enchin the "procedure for the

threefold attainment", kept questioning the existence of any scriptural source for the procedure47 •

For this reason, some Japanese scholars suggest that KSSH may have been written by Enchin in

response to Henjo's request concerning the scriptural source for the practice of three ranks of

attainment (c. f., BKD3: 136). If this speculation is not far from the truth, as I believe, the

composition of KSSH can be dated around 873, the year Henj6 received his ajari title and was

initiated to the "procedure for the threefold attainment".

(B.IV) Enchin's Association with Zhihuilun: His Ignorance of T907 until 882

According to Enchin's Chronicle as well a letter48 which is said to have been written by

Enchin to Zhihuilun (Jpn., Chierin; Skt., Prajnacakra)49, one of his Esoteric teachers in Tang

China, in the seventh month of Genkei 6 (882) Enchin wrote to Zhihuilun for his advice on the

problems that had long perplexed him. Along with this letter, Enchin sent to Zhihuilun a separate

collection (the Kishii ["A Collection of Questions"] as he called it in the letter) into which he had

collected his questions. The Kishii is identified as a collection called "Kimon" (Questions)

preserved in the Chish8 Daishi zenshii. Another collection, under the title "Sasa gimon" ([A

Collection ot] A Variety of Questions), has also been ascribed to Enchin. The Kimon, though

almost identical with the Sasa gimon in content, appears more refined in form than the Sasa
 164

gimon. For this reason, it seems that the Kimon is a revised version of the Sasa gimon.

Among the questions which, collected in these two documents, were addressed to

Zhihuilun, one is of particular relevance to our investigation of Enchin's relationship with the"

three siddhi texts" This question is about the scriptural support for the practice of correlating the

three five-syllable dharaQIs with the "three ranks of attainment" or "three bodies" of the buddha.

The question per se implies that when preparing these two documents Enchin was still wondering

about the existence of any scriptural support for this kind of threefold correlation. Let us first tum

to the Kimon to see how the question was posed there,

A Vi Ra Hum Kham (the body of dharma5<)

A Vam Ram Hum Kham (the body of retribution5!)
A Ra Pa Ca Na (the body of transformation52)

On the wall of the Tiangongsi Temple in the Eastern Capital [of China] was carved
[the statement to the effect that these three groups of five-syllable dhar3.\lls] are the
dhar3.\lls for the [buddha's] "three bodies" (trikaya). On which scripture is this
saying based? It is also said that [these three groups of] dharru;lis correspond to the
three ranks of attainment. Is that of any [canonical] support? If there is any
unmistakable [scriptural] support, please show its source in detail and take the
trouble to teach me (BZ27.1033a5-8; my emphasis)53.

Enchin himself and his followers as well kept silent on the result of this letter addressed

to Zhihuilun. As I believe, no answer had come back to Enchin from Zhihuilun, who may have

already been dead for almost a decade by the time Enchin had this letter delivered in 882 54 •

However, here we are not so much interested in whether Enchin got an answer from Zhihuilun

as in the question he asked Zhihuilun and the time this question was asked. Since this question is

centred around the threefold dharaQI-body (or dhararji-siddhz) correlation and Enchin himself dated

the letter to 882, it can be ascertained that by 882 Enchin was still all at sea as to the scriptural

support for the threefold correlation between the three dhar3.\lls and attainments/bodies. This
 165

means that at least by 882 Enchin had not read T907 and its two derivative texts. Otherwise, he

would not have taken the trouble to include in his "question collection" the problem regarding the

scriptural source for the three five-syllable dhar~s and their correlation with the three kinds of

siddhi, since any of the three siddhi texts covers the three dharaJ,11s and siddhis and therefore can

be taken as the very scriptural source Enchin was then searching for.

On the basis of the evidence at our disposal, we are able to conclude that Enchin was very

unlikely to have known of T907 when writing his KSSH. This unlikelihood becomes strengthened

when the following two points are taken into account: (i) KSSH was, in all likelihood, written

around 873 and (ii) at least until 882 Enchin had still been ignorant of T907.

(B. V) Did Enchin ever Read T907?

Furthermore, there is evidence to show that Enchin had known nothing of T905 not only

as late as 882 but even at his death in 891.

As is discussed in the next section, Annen declared in one of his works (TDT) that he

"recently" discovered a copy of a text, which I will identify as T907 55 • This means that T907 was

discovered by Annen shortly before he wrote the work, which was completed not too long after

90256 . On the other hand, Annen here seems to hint that so far as he knew he was the first person

to "discover" T907. In other words, T907 was FIRST discovered by Annen around 902, more

than ten years after Enchin s death.

I

The manner Annen declared his "discovery" of T907 strongly suggests that Enchin had no

knowledge of T907 throughout his lifetime. If Enchin had read T907 before his death in 891, then
 166

given the extreme importance this text had for the dharma-transmission ascribed to Saich6, he

would have had it widely circulated within Tendai circles before his death in 891. In the case,

T907 would have circulated within the Taimitsu circle for at least one decade when Annen

declared its "discovery" in his TDT which was completed after 902. By the time, T907 would

have been well known within Tendai circles for long. This contradicts Annen's claim that T907

was "recently discovered" by him.

For the reason, I am inclined to believe that T907 had not been known to Enchin before

his death in 891.

(B. VI) Enchin and the T907 Author: Who Is the Borrower?

Now that Enchin had not had the chance to read, let alone quote from, T907 by the time

of writing KSSH (or even before his death in 891), how should we interpret the textual parallels

between his KSSH and T907? This requires a new understanding of the inter-relationship between

Enchin's KSSH and T907. The evidence raised here forces us to question the assumption that

T907, as a translation attributed to Subhakarasimha or a text produced in China earlier than the

time of Enchin, must be taken as the text to which Enchin was indebted for all the textual parallels

between his KSSH and T907. Rather, we must seriously explore the possibility that the textual

parallels between KSSH and T907 resulted from the borrowing from KSSH by the T907 author

and not the contrary.

As a rule, the textual parallels between two texts can only be explained by two hypotheses:

first, both texts borrow from a third source; second, one text borrows from the other. Obviously,
 167

the textual parallels between T907 and KSSH can not be explained by the first hypothesis. As

noted above, a majority of the textual parallels between T907 and KSSH is found in Enchin's

report of Faquan's oral instructions, which were, most likely, made by Faquan himself

independently, without consulting a scripture or other kind of source. Therefore, the textual

parallels between T907 and KSSH should be explained by the second hypothesis only; viz., one

of them borrowed from the other.

Then, the problem is between Enchin and the T907 author who is the textual borrower?

Since it has been excluded that Enchin had obtained a chance to read T907 by the time he wrote

KSSH, all the sentences and ideas in his KSSH which find their parallels in T907 can not be

regarded as borrowed from T907. On the contrary, these sentences and ideas were taken from

KSSH to T907. In other words, those T907 parts which fmd their parallels in KSSH were

composed on the basis of KSSH. Furthermore, there is no evidence to suggest that Enchin' s KSSH

was ever transmitted to a country outside Japan where Chinese was also used (like China and

Korea). It can be established that T907 was written in Japan on the basis of Enchin's KSSH.

Here, I would like to draw into consideration one more proof for the Japanese origin of

T907. As will be noted in Section CD) of this chapter, T907 contains several sentences, which are

identical with several lines in the Nenchi shingon rikan keibyakumon attributed to Kiikai. As we

know, it is very unlikely that both Saicho and Kiikai knew anything of T907 throughout their

lives57 . Therefore, the appearance in T907 of these sentences, which are so close to the several

lines in one of Kukai' s text, strongly suggests that these T907 sentences were made on the basis

of Kukai' s text. In other words, T907 was written in Japan.

Now that T907 was written in Japan rather than in China, it could be composed by (i)
 168

either Enchin himself or (ii) somebody else who had not only felt the incentive to create a text like

T907 but also had the chance to read Enchin' s KSSH. Given that Enchin did not know of T907

at his life time, the later assumption must be accepted as true.

Here, further evidence must be considered for supporting the view that Enchin was not

likely the author of T907.

As a matter of fact, Enchin' s innocence of the forgery of T907 can also be corroborated

by the following consideration. Indeed, Enchin was once in great need of a text like T907 which

can be used as a decisive rebuttal to the challenge that the procedure for the "three ranks of

attainment" as depicted in one of Saich6's fuhamon documents was canonically unfounded.

However, this assumption concerning Enchin's supposed forgery of T905 is irreconcilable with

the existence of his KSSH and therefore must be rejected. Let us put the reasoning in the

following way. Had T907 been written by Enchin, then he would have written it either before or

after the composition of KSSH. Suppose the text had been finished before KSSH, it would have

no longer been necessary for Enchin to write such a piece of work like KSSH, now that T907 had

already presented a kind of scriptural support for the threefold dharaJft.-siddhi correlation. Had he

created T905 after the composition of KSSH, he would not have done so unless and until he had

succeeded in keeping KSSH from circulation (the best way is, of course, to get it destroyed), since

it was to his tremendous disadvantage that he left behind him such a work so close to a text forged

by himself in the name of Subhakarasimha. Therefore, the very existence of KSSH tends to deny

Enchin of any role in the forgery of T907.

 169

Section (C) Annen And the "Discovery" of T907

I have suggested in the last section that T907 was composed by some Japanese monk after

Enchin's death in 891, which implies that Enchin was not the person responsible for the forgery

of T907. Then, in the decade from 891 and 902, who is the most likely candidate for the

authorship of T907? At this point, one naturally turns attention to Annen (841-?), who was born

approximately 30 years after Enchin. It is thanks to him that a text which can be identified as

T907 was "discovered" and made known to the world for the first time.

However, before fonnally treating Annen's "discovery" of T907, let us briefly discuss the

(i) date of Annen's death, (ii) authorship of a preface found in a bibliography compiled by Annen,

and (iii) date of one of Annen's major works, TaizCkai daihi5 taijuki (T2390, "A Record of the

Face-to-face Transmission of the Garbhadhatu Great Procedures", hereafter TDT). All of these

three problems are, to a certain extent, interlinked together; and our dating of T907 will rest, in

part, on them.

(C.o Annen's Death, His Taiz(${ai Daihi5 Taijuki and A Preface in His Hakke Hiroku
Bibliography
 170

Annen is considered one of the most creative Japanese Buddhist scholars, whose influences

have not been limited to Tendai school, but have reached to other cultural forms in Medieval

Japan. Despite his pre-eminence in the history of Japanese Buddhism, some aspects of Annen's

life still remain obscure. He is generally believed to have been born in 841, but scholars debate

on the place of his birth. His blood relationship with Saich6 has been suggested but never proved.

Though first studying with Ennin, Annen seems to have been initiated to the Tendai school by

Henj6, succeeding whom he became the head of Genkeji Temple in 880. No reliable source tells

us when and under what circumstances Annen died.

The date of Annen's death is a problem that has been extensively discussed by Japanese

Tendai scholars. Yet, so far no consensus has ever emerged about this controversial problem. At

least four different dating have been suggested for his death: (i) before 889, (ii) between 889 and

897, (iii) after 902 and (iv) 915.

The first dating, proposed by Japanese scholars like Oyama (1979: 505), is based on the

fact that virtually nothing is known about Annen after 889, which, given the fame and importance

Annen had achieved by the time, suggests that he may have died not long after the time.

According to this dating, Annen was forty-nine years old when he died (the date of his birth is

generally set in 841). Such a life-span appears too short to be associated with so productive and

mature author like Annen58 . Furthermore, there is evidence to suggest that Annen may have lived

longer9.

One theory has been raised for explaining the sudden disappearance of Annen's name from

record since 889. Terada (1936: 176-78) suggests that this may have been due to the death of

Annen's chief teacher and patron Henj6 in 890 and the dramatic rise of Annen's fellow student
 171

Yuishu after Henj6's death. The particular attention and favouritism Annen won from Henj660 may

have aroused jealousy from Yuishu who was appointed to be the head of Onjoji and then as zasu

on Mount Hiei. The triumph of Yuishu may have forced Annen into religious retreat until his

death. This assumption, however, has never been proved by any solid evidence.

The fourth dating is based on later legendary sources61 , which advocate the tradition that

Annen in 915 entered a cave to meditate indefinitely, which means that he died in the year. This

legend was obviously modelled on similar stories about Kiikai, according to which Kiikai entered

a cave to meditate until Maitreya' s appearance on earth62 • The credibility of this dating can be

easily rejected due to the legendary nature and the lateness of the sources it is based.

The second dating seems to have met with the widest acceptance. Unfortunately, it is not

unassailable either. This dating was proposed by Hashimoto Shinkichi, perhaps the scholar who

has contributed the most to our present understanding of Annen's life63 • Hashimoto's dating is

mainly based on the following saying. It is said that one of Annen's student Genj6 was once

conferred the denbo ajan title from Annen; unfortunately, due to Annen's unexpected death he

failed to receive from him a formal certificate Unjin) for the title. Through investigating the

various documents concerning initiations Genj6 had ever received, Hashimoto concludes that he

must have received the denbo ajan title by 897; viz., Annen must have died before the year.

This dating is problematic for the following two reasons. First of all, the authenticity of

this lineage of Genj6 is questionable. Though not categorically impossible, it is extremely unlikely

that one was able to get such an important initiation as that of the denbo ajan without receiving

an official injin from his guru. The history of Chinese Buddhism (the Chan tradition in particular)

abounds in the examples that some monks claimed to have been initiated by a prestigious master
 172

though he regretted that his initiation did not, for one reason or another, get officially certified.

The claims made by those monks must be examined careful-ly (more often than not, they tum out

to be ill-founded). This may also holds for Japanese monks with similar claims.

Secondly, my study of a preface in Annen's Hakke hiroku bibliography64 indicates that

Annen was still alive in 902.

First of all, let us try to date this preface, to which two different dates have been given:

(i) the eleventh day of the fifth month, Engi 2 (i.e., 902) as given by the edition the Taisho editors

of the Hakke hiroku used as the master copy (T2176.55. 114a16); (ii) the third day of the third

month, Ninna 1 (885) on the basis of another edition of the Hakke hiroku (footnote [1],

T2176.55.1114). I accept the first date as the more likely one.

The "reign title" (Jpn., nengo; Chin., nianhao) Genkei ended on the twenty-first day of

the second month, Genkei 9, when a new reign title Ninna was adopted65 • Thus, between the

twentieth day of the first month of Genkei 9 (the day Annen finished the initial version of his

bibliography [T2176.55.1113c]) and the third day of the third month of Ninna 1 (the second

dating of the preface), there is only a time-span of barely four months. In other words, according

to the second date, Annen would have finished a revised version of his bibliography merely four

months after it was initially compiled. The size of this bibliography convinces me that the whole

work of revision would have cost Annen at least a couple of months, which means that Annen

would have begun to revise his bibliography merely two months after the initial version was

completed. Given the importance Annen has attached to the Hakke hiroku, this bibliography might

have resulted from a long period of elaborate preparations. It is therefore quite unlikely that

Annen, less than two months after the completion of the first version of his bibliography, had
 173

become so unsatisfied with it that he deemed a revised version indispensable.

Furthermore, the bibliography refers to a text, the Sonsho hajigoku darani giki, which I

will identify as T907 in the next sub-section. But as I argue in the section dealing with Enchin's

relationship with T907, T907 was very likely composed after 891. Therefore, when Annen's

bibliography was initially compiled in 885, T907 had not yet appeared in Japan and therefore

could not be included in the bibliography. Rather, T907 was included in the revised version of

bibliography, which might have been prepared later than 891. Consequently, I believe that the

first dating (902) is more acceptable than the second one (885).

Therefore, if this preface can be taken as written by Annen, Annen actually lived at least

until 902. Since this 902 preface contradicts the Genj6 lineage according to which Annen died

before 897, Hashimoto maintains that it was not necessarily written by Annen himself. Rather,

the preface was, he believes, written by an editor of the bibliography. Hashimoto does not sounds

so persuasive on this point. A close analysis of the content and the style of this preface suggests

that this preface was very likely written by Annen himself.

This preface begins with a comment on the way each of the "Eight Esoteric Bibliographies"

attributed to the eight Japanese masters of Esoteric Buddhism was formed. All of them, the

preface says, were compiled by selecting the [Esoteric] siitras and manuals newly included in the

Zhenyuan lu (Jpn., J6gen roku, completed in 800). This work formed the textual basis for each

of the [eight] Esoteric traditions (T2176.55.1113c17-18). According to the author, the way in

which the "Eight Esoteric Bibliographies" were prepared has decided their common defects: "They

omit all the dharruft manuals belonging to the 'old translations', leaving the dharaJ}I practitioners

ignorant of the sources from which the Esoteric texts were selected. Thus, [the eight
 174

bibliographies] fail to live up to the standard that [a bibliography] must make the reader informed

as much as possible" (T2176.5S.1113c18-20).

After this criticism, the author explains the method by which the present bibliography is

prepared:

On the basis of the "Eight Esoteric Bibliographies", this bibliography classifies [the
Esoteric texts] into twenty categories, each of which is further divided into
different classes of [Esoteric] manuals. Under every class are also included the
Esoteric texts belonging to the "old translations,,66. The vows and histories related
to the texts, though some of which may not be dharrup-texts, are also to be
provided. Furthermore, in the [Eight Esoteric] Bibliographies, some texts, in
accordance with the bibliographies they originally appear, are quoted with their
abbreviated titles; in contrast, some Esoteric masters give in their bibliograph -ies
the full titles for their favourite texts. This has prevented the readers of later
generations from seeing the true identities of the texts. Now, in this bibliogra-phy
I will record the original as well as derivative titles of the Esoteric texts, the
differences between the full and abbreviated titles are also observed. In addition,
the eight masters, for the sake of secrecy, [sometimes] chose not to include in their
bibliographies some Esoteric texts. I have, however, included in my bibliography
these texts insofar as they came to my attention (T2176.55.11 13c20-25).

Subsequently, the author enumerates in his preface the (i) "Eight Esoteric Bibliographies" on

which the bibliography is based; and the (ii) twenty categories into which the Esoteric texts are

classified in the bibliography (T2176.55.1113c26-1114a12). Finally, the preface talks about how

the Esoteric texts which were newly transmitted to Japan are dealt with in the bibliography,

As for the sutras and manuals which have been newly transmitted [to Japan], I will
indicate the names of the persons responsible for transmitting them to Japan. Only
one character in the name [of each of the eight masters] is noted so that the present
text would not run too long. As for the [sutras related to the] Esoteric teachings
transmitted in different times, the names of the temples in which these siitras were
copied will also be noted. If these texts were not copied in any temple in Japan, no
such information is possible (T2176.55.113c17-1l4a13).

Therefore, this preface was written to explain the peculiar methods the author of this new

bibliography has adopted in compiling his work. The tone of this preface suggests that the author
 175

of this preface is very likely the author of this new bibliography. It is remarkable that the name

of Annen is not mentioned in the preface. This seems to confirm the view that it is Annen himself

who has written this preface. What is most telling in this preface is, however, the manner in which

the preface speaks of the general method used in this new bibliography to classify all the Esoteric

texts into twenty categories. As we know, in the first version of Annen's bibliography, the

Esoteric texts were assorted into sixteen categories. The classification in terms of "twenty

categories" is a new one that expanded the classification of "sixteen categories ,,67. This also reveals

the identity of the author of this preface, since the author of the preface, if not Annen himself,

would have acknowledged that the new classification was based on an old one that was used in

Annen's manuscript and so on.

Finally, Annen is credited with two other bibliographies, the Jagen shinnyu mokuroku

shingonkyo narabini shingon ichiko (The Esoteric Teachings and One Dhara\lI Newly Included

in the Jagen roku Bibliography) and the Jagenroku zen yaku daraniho churoku (A Selected

Bibliography of the Dha~ Manuals Translated before the J i5genroku)68. These two bibliographies

are not extant now. But judging from their titles, we can still know that Annen was indeed once

engaged in studying the Ji5gen roku (Chin., Zhenyuan lu) in order to (i) specify the Esoteric texts

and dha~ newly included in the bibliography and (ii) select from the bibliography the dhar~

manuals translated prior to the compilation of the Zhenyuan lu. Presumably, these two

bibliographies reflect the two kinds of work done by Annen. All this corroborates the statement

in this 902 preface, according to which the Hakke hiroku bibliography included under every

category the Esoteric texts belonging to the "old translations" (i.e., translated before the Zhenyuan

lu).
 176

From all these considerations, I am inclined to believe that the 902 preface was composed

by Annen himself. In other words, Annen was still alive until 902.

Thus, the third dating (i.e., after 902)69 is left as the most likely one for the date of

Annen's death. For the validity of this dating, we have some further evidence. In his TDT Annen

mentions a text which I will also identify below as T907 70 • As I believe, T907 was written on the

basis of Enchin's KSSH, but after the death of Enchin in 891. Therefore, Annen must have lived

long enough to "discover", if not "forge", T907. In other words, Annen must have outlived

Enchin, who died in 89171. Furthennore, Annen's Hakke hiroku bibliography, which was initially

compiled in 885, contains the title of T907 which was composed, most likely, after 891. This

suggests that Annen's bibliography was revised after 891 and it was in the revised version that

T907 was included in it.

It is, however, the dating of the TDT that leads me to conclude that Annen must have lived

several years beyond 902. As for the dating of the TDT, it was most probably composed after 891

since it quotes T907, which was composed after Enchin's death (891).

Secondly, in his renowned bibliography Annen recorded some of his own major works in

addition to those Esoteric sutras, commentaries and manuals brought back to Japan by the eight

nitta hakke pilgrims. Annen did not, needless to say, include every work of his in the

bibliography. However, since the TDT is, by any standard, among the most important works

Annen has ever written, we have reason to believe that he would have included it into the

bibliography had it been finished either when the bibliography was initially compiled in 885 or

when the bibliography was revised in 90272 • The current Taisha edition represents the revised

version of the bibliography in which TDT is not found. The absence of the TDT in the
 177

bibliography suggests that TDT was finished after 902.

Since TDT appeared to have been finished after 902 and since the composition of such a

voluminous book (TDT is in seven fascicles) may have cost him several years, I am of the opinion

that Annen died some time after 902.

{C.m The Identity of the Text Annen Called "Sonsh6 Hajigoku Ha" or "Sonsha Hajigoku
Giki"

Recorded in Annen's Hakke hiroku bibliography is a text called "Sonsha hajigoku darani

giki" (Chin., "Zunsheng podiyu tuoluoni yigui", "The Procedure of the Utmost Wonderful

Dhara:Q.ls for Destroying the Hell"). As presented by Annen's bibliography, this text is in one

fascicle and belongs to the soshicchi bu ("Division of Susiddhi"), which is one of the Three

Divisions of the Esoteric teachings. Furthermore, according to an interlinear note, this text is also

called Sanshu shicchi h6 (Chin., Sanzhongxidi fa, the "Procedure of the Threefold Attainments ")

(T2176.55.1117a17). Finally, what warrants particular attention is that in Annen's bibliography

this Sonsh6 hajigoku darani giki is followed by another one-fascicle text entitled "Sanshu shicchi

fuha" (The Dharma-transmission of the Threefold Attainment; see, T2176.55. 1117a18), which

is identified in the interlinear note as the dharma-transmission document (juhanon) attributed to

Saicha, recorded in the third fascicle of the Kenkairon engF3 (T2176.55. 1117a18).

This bibliography by Annen is the first textual source that mentions a text that can be

identified as T907, though not as T905 nor T90674 •

Why should this text, recorded in Annen's bibliography, be taken as T907, rather than

T905 or T906? This is indeed a debatable issue75 • First of all, what we can say with some certainty
 178

is that this text in Annen's bibliography is unlikely to be T905, since of the three siddhi texts T905

is the only one whose title does not contain the tenn "Sonsho" (vikln;.o$1Jl;n), one of the two core

components of the title by which Annen refers to his text. Secondly, T906 and T907 are both

alternatively known as "Buccho Sonsha;hin hajigokuho' (Chin., "Foding zunshengxin podiyu

fa"f6 , which is close to Annen's "Sonsho hajigoku ho" (Chin., "Zunsheng podiyufa"). In contrast,

the alternative title for T905 is "Sanshushicchi himitsu shingon ho" (Chin., "Sanzhong xidi mimi

zhenyanfa"), which is totally different from "Sonsho hajigoku ho".

Consequently, this hajigoku text as recorded in Annen's bibliography may be T906 or

T907. T906 appears a more likely candidate than T907 for the following two reasons. Firstly,

T906 bears a title closer to that of the text listed in Annen's bibliography77. Secondly, it is only

in T906 that the theme of hajigoku ("destroying the hell") gets fully treated. Nevertheless, this

first impression, after further analysis, is proved to be misleading.

In his bibliography Annen merely gives the title of the text called "Sonsho hajigoku darani

giki", without a single word concerning the content of the text proper. Indeed, without any

infonnation regarding the general purport of this text, it is difficult to reach a definite decision on

its true identity. Fortunately, not only did Annen record the title of this text in his bibliography,

he, in his other works, also made references to a text which turns out to be the text he recorded

as Sonsho hajigoku darani giki in the bibliography.

In the sixth fascicle of his seven-fascicle TDT, Annen referred to a text with the title of

"Sonsho hajigoku ho":

In addition, during the time Konpon Daishi from Mt. Hiei (i.e., Saicho) stayed in
Tang China, Adirya Jungyo (Chin., Shunxiao) transmitted to him the procedure
of "three kinds of attainment", the seal and document of which are preserved in the
 179

Kenkairon engi. [The document] says, Am-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham (the higher rank

of attainment)78, A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham (the middle rank of attainment)19, A-Ra-Pa-
Sa-Na (the lower rank of attainment)8o. The miidra for the cultivation [of the
procedure] is not included [in the document nonetheless]. Adirya Chin (i.e.,
Enchin) said, "The great Master transmitted [the procedure] to K6chi, who
transmitted [it] to Tokuen; Tokuen transmitted [it] to [me,] Enchin." Enchin
transmitted it to the Great Acarya, i.e., the Gons6j681 , who often doubted the
existence of the methods [for securing the "three ranks of attainment"]. Recently,
I discovered a copy of the text cal1e~ Sonsh6 hajigoku h6 containing the three
groups of dhara¢ corresponding to the three kinds of attainment, which are close
to those taught by Acarya Jungy6.

The textreads, "A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na (which is called the "attainment of Emerging ")82,

A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham (which is called the "attainment of Entering ,,)83 , A-Vam-
Ram-Hum-Kham (which is called the "attainment of Mystery", also called "the
attainment of accomplishment" and "wonderful attainment" [Skt., susiddhl])84. A-
Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham, which are illustrated as the five sections, five buddhas, five
wheels, the contemplations of earth, lotus, sun, moon and space, are also called the
"dhara¢ for the dharma-body" (T2390.75.98bl-12).

This Sonsh6 hajigoku h6 appears to be very likely the same text as that recorded in Annen's

bibliography as the Sonsh6 hajigoku darani h6. As noted above, judged by its title, this Sonsh6

hajigoku h6 (i.e., Sonsh6 hajigoku darani h6) is either T906 or T907, and very unlikely to be

T90S. The quotation Annen here made from this text provides us evidence for believing that the

text in question is none other than T907.

According to the quotation Annen made here, in this Sonsh6 hajigoku h6 the five Sanskrit

syllables are correlated with the "five sections", "five buddhas", "five wheels" and the five

contemplations centring on the earth, lotus, sun, moon and space; besides, the "five syllables" are

also named the "dhara¢s for the dharma-body". In T907 the "five syllables" are first correlated

with the "five buddhas" (91Sa12-1S), and then aligned with the "five sections/wheels,,85 and "five

contemplations" (c.f., 912a23-26). In T906, the "five syllables" are correlated not only with the

"five Buddhas" (912b21-24), "five sections", "five wheels", and "five contemplations" (912c17-
 180

21), but also with "five shapes,,86 (square, full-moon-like [=round], triangular, half-moon-like

[i.e., semi-circular], full-moon) and "five colours" (yellow, white, red, black, and colour of all

colours [=greenD (912cI7-21).

Furthermore, as reported by Annen, in the Sonsh6 hajigoku h6 the five syllables were

further identified as the "dhara.I)l for the dharma-body" after they had been correlated with the

"five sections", "five wheels" and "five contemplations". This is completely consistent with T907

but not T906. In T907, it is only after those fivefold correlations are made that the five syllables

are further identified as the "dharalJi for dharma-body" (912a29-bl). In the case of T906, the

identification of the "five syllables" as the "dhara.I)l for dharma-body" is made, however, some

ten lines before those correlations are introduced (912c7-8).

On the basis of these two reasons, I argue that the text reported by Annen as the Sonsh6

hajigoku ho in the TDT or Sonsh6 hajigoku darani giki in his bibliography refers to T907, not

T906 nor T905.

(C.III) Discoverer or Author: Annen and T907

To recapitulate, it was during the revision of the Bakke hiroku bibliography in 902, rather

than its initial compilation in 885, that the title of the Sonsh6 hajigoku darani giki (= T907) was

included in the bibliography. On the other hand, Annen announced his "discovery" of T907 in his

TDT, which, though undated, was very probably written after 902. So, in comparison with TDT,

the Bakke hiroku bibliography represents the earlier textual source to have mentioned T907.

Therefore, it can be affirmed that Annen knew of T907 no later than 902. Consequently, T907
 181

was written in Japan between 891 and 902.

In this decade between 891 and 902, who wrote this Japanese Esoteric Buddhist

apocryphon? At this juncture, I am inclined to believe that the author of T907 was Annen. We

know that Annen is the first person to have reported the existence of T907. More importantly,

Annen was the most prominent Taimitsu representative after Enchin and Henj6. He, like Enchin,

may have been motivated to substantiate the threefold dhara¢-attainment correlation with some

authoritative textual sources. Therefore, he obviously had the motive to forge such a text like

T907, which provides the scriptural support for the practice of correlating the triple five-syllable

dhara¢s with the three kinds/ranks of attainment. Finally, Annen had the chance to gain access

to Enchin's KSSH, which includes the oral instructions from Faquan to Enchin. It would have

been quite easy for him to write a text which contains the main points of Faquan' s instruction and

then make public the "discovery" of the text.

Therefore, it seems reasonable to assume that T907 was, most probably, written by Annen

between 891 and 902 on the basis of, besides other sources, Enchin's KSSH.

Section (D) The Textual Provenance of T907

We are now left with the last task in this chapter, i.e., to investigate the textual provenance
 182

of T907. Besides Enchin' s KSSH, what kinds of textual sources were used in T907?

The Dainichi kyo/Darijing and Yixing's commentary on the sutra are, first and foremost,

two important textual sources on the basis of which some basic ideas in T905 were formed and

some T907 passages were written. From the chapter of "Xidi" (Skt., siddhi; Jpn., shicchi;

"attainment) in the Dainichi kyo the T907 author directly quoted one passage. This Dainichikyo

passage identifies the five syllables of A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham as the "vajra-syllables" (Jpn., kongo

jiku; Chin., jinggang ziju) which are believed to be capable of subduing the four kinds of Maras,

freeing sentient beings from the "six realms of reincarnation" (Skt., :nd-gati; Chin., liuqu; Jpn.,

nokushu), making the "wisdom of 'all wisdoms' (Skt., sarvajna)" complete87 . In addition, two

lines in a gatha of the Dainichikyo, "Prostrate myself before Vairocana-buddhalwhose pure eyes

open like the lotus flowers,,88, were also quoted in T907 and used as the first two lines of the

gatha in which T907 ends.

In comparison to the Dainichi kyo, Yixing's commentary on the sutra was more extensively

used in T907. One whole paragraph in T907 can be traced back to the third fascicle of Yixing's

commentary. In this passage, the Buddha who conceals the Esoteric teachings from the ordinary

people is likened to a king who hides the precious swords from his most beloved son for fear that

his son, not knowing how to use the swords, might get hu~. More importantly, there is evidence

to believe that one central idea pronounced in T907 is also indebed to Yixing's commentary. This

idea underlies the correlation between several Esoteric and indigenous Chinese fivefold categories

in general 90 , and that between the five syllables (A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham) and the "five

divisions" in particula~l.

Besides Enchin's KSSH, the Dainichi kyo and Yixing's commentary, the fourth textual
 183

source which was crucial for the formation of T907 is an Esoteric scripture, Foding zunsheng

tuoluonijing (Jpn., Bucch6Sonsh6darani kyO; Skt., Tathagata-u~f11:n-vikima-dhfirarll-siiJra; The

Sutra of the Dhar~s of the Buddha's Head which Is the Utmost Honourable"). This sutra has

been fervently worshipped not merely in China but also in Japan, not only by Esoteric

practitioners but also by Buddhist followers affIliated with some non-Esoteric sects (like Chan/Zen

schools)92. The importance as well as popularity of this Esoteric scripture is attested by the fact

that at least thirteen different Chinese translations of the same scripture are still extent and

preserved in Chinese Buddhist TripiJaka (T#968-T#974[e]). T907 is indebted to this Esoteric

scripture not merely for its title93 but also for the structure of its first paragraph and the main idea

underlying it.

T907 begins with the promise that this sutra will lead to the destroying of hell, the

eradication of the "sevenfold misfortune,,94. It is also promised that the fIve Sanskrit syllables,

whether carried by the rulers or the governors, or painted on the flags and carved on the drums

and bugles, will bring about a variety of merits and miracles. This also strongly reminds one of

the relevant passage in the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing about the merits that are expected of the

reciting and copying of this sutra. Prince Suppatinha, the subject of the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni

jing, is also mentioned at the beginning of T907. All these can be understood as the impact from

the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jing95 •

Finally, what may appear ironical is that several lines from a text attributed to Kiikai were

incorporated into T907, an Esoteric Buddhist apocryphon of Tendai origin which was written for

the interest of the Tendai school, a school antagonistic against that established by Kiikai. The

Nenchi shingon rikan keibyakumon (An Explanation of the Principle and Contemplation of the
 184

Dhar~I-reciting) by KUkai contains the following eight lines,

All of the Tathagatas

[possess] the wisdom-water like the sweet dew;
All the Buddhas of the "three times"
[have] the wonderful medicines like the fmest cream.
With one syllable entering into the [five] viscera,
one becomes immune to every kind of illness.
[He can also] immediately attain
the empty and tranquil buddha-body (KZ5: 95).

It is striking to fmd that these eight lines from KUkai's text were re-written into T907 in this prose

form,

The dharru;lis for the five-section as listed in the right are the pearl-liquid made of
the sweet dew of non-production (Jpn., jush6; Chin., busheng; Skt., anutpiidatva)
which comes from all the Tathagatas, the wonderful medicines of the finest cream
of the buddha-nature. With one syllable entering into the five viscera, [the
practitioner] will become immune to any kind of illness (T907.18.915a26-28; the
underlines corresponding to the lines in KUkai' s text).

As shown above, T907 was aimed at defending the interest of Taimitsu, an Esoteric tradition

opposed to that initiated by KUkai. Considering the polemic and sectarian propaganda underlying

the composition of T907 and the intensity of the Tendai-Shingon conflict at the time T907 was

composed, the utilization of one of KUkai' s works in such a polemic-oriented text like T907 is

very interesting and deserves serious attention.

Some Concluding Remarks

 185

After investigating a variety of evidence related to T907, I suggest that T907 was written

in Japan on the basis of a treatise attributed to Enchin. My study of Annen's connection with T907

leads to a tentative conclusion about the authorship of this Japanese Esoteric Buddhist apocryphon:

Annen was, in all likelihood, more than a discoverer of T907; rather, as the present state of our

knowledge stands, he is the most likely candidate for the authorship of T907.

In this chapter, I have also examined the textual sources on the basis of which T907 was

composed. They include (i) a short treatise by Enchin (KSSH), (ii) the DarijinglDainichi kyo

(T848), (iii) Darijing shulDainichi kyosho (A Commentary on the Mahiivairocana-siitra; T1796)

by Yixing, (iv) the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni jinglBuccho Sonsho darani kyo (T967) and finally

(v) a text attributed to Kiikai, Nenchi shingon rikan keibyakumon.

 186

Notes,

1. See chapter four.

2. For this sutra and its Chinese origin, see my discussion in chapter four.

3. This Hi s6jashii includes a statement of a monk called Koyo (about whom nothing else is known) in the fifth
year of Kenbo period (1217) (Tendaishiiten hensankai 1990: 33). Therefore, we assume that this text was
composed after 1217.

4. lien wrote a commentary on the Betsugyo kyo, which is entitled Birushana betsugyi5kyo shiki (A Private
Record Concerning the Birushana betsugyi5ky6). Another commentary on the same sutra is attributed to a
monk from his lineage (cf., Misaki 1993: 283).

5. Since T907 was almost word by word reproduced in T905 and T906, the discovery of either of T905 and
T906 amounts to that of T907 itself.

6. Cf., section (D) of chapter three.

7. Misaki 1993: 286.

8. The "Realm of Principle" refers to the Division of the Womb-realm which, along with the Division of the
Diamond-realm (known as the "Realm of Wisdom"), forms the two divisions into which the Esoteric teachings
were generally divided in East-Asian Esoteric Buddhist traditions.

9. The Darijing was originally translated by Subhiikarasirnha and Yixing as a six-fascicle sutra. After the
Gongyang cidi was attached to it as the seventh fascicle, the Darijing began to circulate in seven fascicles.
The Kenbo mokuroku author was wrong here in observing that the Dainichi kyo/Darijing is in one fascicle.

10. The Haiyun Record is composed of two fascicles. Here the Kenbo mokuroku author may have referred to
its second fascicle, which is regarding the transmission of the Womb-realm Esoteric Buddhism.

11. Cf, Note (13).

12. This may have referred to the first fascicle of the Haiyun Record, which relates the transmission of the
Diamond-realm Esoteric teachings.

13. Misaki identifies this Enmankai Division as the SoshicchiDivision, the third of the Three Divisions (sanbu)
into which the Tendai school, most likely beginning from Ennin, divided the Esoteric teachings (Misaki 1993:
287).

14. I fail to identify this text.

15. Ibid.

16. The Rishuky6 gishaku is a commentary on the Rishuky6 which, though said to have been translated by
Bukong, was very likely to be written by himself. For this influential esoteric commentary and how this text
became related to the Saicho-Kiikai strife, see section (D), chapter two.
 187

17. See chapter two.

18. Nomoto 1988.

19. Nomoto 1988.

20. Cf., BZ28: 1400b, 1402b, 1406b, etc.

21. Cf., chapter three.

22. Cf., Section (C) of this chapter.

23. I will return to this problem when dealing with the dating of KSSH.

24. The trikiiya (Chin., sanshen; Jpn., sanshin) denotes the three kinds of body (substance) a buddha is
believed to assume under different circumstances: (i) the body of dharma (Skt., dharmakiiya; Chin., fashen;
Jpn., hoshin), (ii) that of retribution (Skt., sambhogakiiya; Chin., baoshen; Jpn., hoshin), and (iii) that of
transformation (Skt., nirmapakiiya; Chin., huashen; Jpn., keshin).

25. In Zhenguan 5 [631] Emperor Taizong ordered that one of his old residences in Luoyang be donated to
the monastic order and be used as a temple, which was called the Tiangongsi. For its royal connection, the
Tiangongsi Temple had become famous in the Tang dynasty, particularly for its close ties with some eminent
Esoteric monks. In Chanshou 2 (693), the Tantric master MaQ.icintana (Chinese name Baosiwei, ?-721; see
Forte 1984) from Kashmir was ordered to take residence at this temple. It is at this temple that he translated
several important Esoteric texts. Under the reign of Emperor Xuanzong, Daoyin from the Qinglongsi Temple,
the Esoteric headquarters in Tang China, also lived at this temple and translated into Chinese the JingyezJzang
jing (Jpn., Jogosshokyo; The Karma-purifying Sutra; T1494) (cf., BD4: 3782).
Thus, for its Tantric background, it is not surprising to read Enchin's report that the three groups of
five-syllable dharaQIs, in correlation with the three buddha-bodies, were carved on the pillars of this temples.
I am grateful to Prof. Antonino Forte of the Italian School of East Asian Studies in Kyoto for referring
me to the importance of the Tiangongsi Temple in the history of Chinese Esoteric Buddhism and its connection
with MaQ.icintana in particular.

26. The threefold dharaQ.l-body correlation is, however, derivable from the combination of the dharaQ.l-
attainment correlation and body-attainment correlation, both of which are made in the three siddhi texts. For
this reason, the threefold body-dhliraQI correlation can be regarded as implied in the three siddhi texts, though
not clearly established there.

27. This sutra is now collected in the Taisho TripiJaka (T#1173). Claiming to be one fascicle in the
Jingangding jing/Kong6cha gyo, it is devoted to a five-syllable dharaQ.l ascribed to MaiijuSrl, viz, a dharaQ.l
composed of the five syllables, A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na (i.e., the third of the three groups of five-syllable dharaQ.ls
which are correlated with the three ranks of attainment in Saicho'sfuhi5mon as well as the three siddhi texts).

28. Faquan (Jpn., Hosen, or Hassen, ?-?) is said to be the author of two Esoteric manuals which are currently
preserved in the Taisho Tripifaka under the numbers 852 and 853 respectively. For Enchin's association with
and study under Faquan, see BZ28.13lObI3-1311bl. Ennin also used to study with this Chinese Esoteric
master.
 188

29. Cf., T905.18.91Ob28-c2, T906.18.912b27-cl, T907.18.915a17-20.

30. Cf., T905.18.911a21, T906.18.913c23-24, T907.18.915b24.

31. Cf., T905.18.91Ob22-25, T906.18.912b21-24, T907.18.915a12-15.

32. Cf., T905.18.91Ob18-22, T906.18.911b21-17, T907.18.915a8-12.

33. T905 .18. 91Oc20-21, T906.18. 912c7 -8, T907 . 18.915c29-b 1.

34. The two buddhas mentioned here by Faquan may have referred to two of the "three buddha-bodies". Now
that the dharma-body had already been treated by Faquan himself (he identified the five syllables as the
"dhara¢ for the dharma-body"), the "two-buddhas" may have referred to the hoshinbutsu (Chin., baoshenjo)
andkeshinbutsu (Chin., huashenjo), i.e., two kinds ofbuddhas manifested in the bodies of "retribution-body"
(sambhoga-kiiya) and "transformation-body" (nirmapa-kiiya) respectively.

35. The term ryObu (Chin., Uangbu) here refers to the Esoteric traditions attributed to the Darijing/Dainichi
kyo and linganding jing/Kong6cho gyo, two fundamental texts for various East Asian Esoteric traditions.

36. For the threefold classification of the category of siddhi (attainment) in terms of "emerging", "entering"
and "mystery", see T905 (911a5-17), T906 (913clO-18), T907 (91512-21).

37. Cf., the conclusion of part one.

38. See chapter seven.

39. It seems that KSSH originally ended at the two-character term, yuner (lpn., unjl), which is a standard term
with which an article written in classic Chinese usually ends. If this is true, the interlinear note and two
paragraphs ([9] and [lOD that follow the term unji were not written by Enchin himself but added by a certain
KSSH editor.

40. With regard to the "two buddhas", Faquan is said to have told Enchin,

As for the two buddhas, they are completely discussed in the various sutras belonging to the
"Two Divisions". For the reason, I would say nothing about them. You can understand them
by yourself (BZ27. 985b11-12).

Here, Faquan did not speak of anything about the "two buddhas", as he assumed that if one needs to know
anything about the "two buddhas" he can consult various siitras belonging to the "Two Divisions" (referring
to the Esoteric texts affiliated with the Darijing/Dainichi kyo and the lingangding jing/Kong6cho gy6), in
which the "two buddhas" are, as Faquan believed, fully treated.

41. I discussed this question when discussing paragraph (2).

42. T899 has a full title which is as long as "Qingjing fashen Biluzhe'na xindi famen chengjiu yiqie tuoluoni
sanzhongxidi" (lpn., "Shojoh6sshin Birushana shinjihomonjoju issai darani sanshu shicchi). It is also known
for three other titles: (i) "Biluzhe'na biexingjing" (lpn., "Birushana Betsugyo kyo"), (ii) "Da Biluzhe'na
sanzhongxidi fa" (Daibirushana sanshushicchi ho"), and (iii) "Qingjing Biluzhe'na sanzhongxidi fa" (lpn.,
 189

"ShOjo Birushana sanshushicchi hO") (cf., T899.18.781b), two of which are close to the title "Sanzhongxidi
fa" (Jpn., "Sanshushicchi hO").

43. We know this since in KSSH Enchin mentioned an official document which was dated to Jogan 13 (871)
(BZ27.986a3).

44. BZ28.1326b4-1327a3.

45. The ChishoDaishi nenpu was compiled by Sontsu in 1467 (BKD8: 8).

46. BZ28.1291aI3-14; c.f., BZ28.1327c.

47. For Annen's report of Henjo's attitude toward the threefold attainment, see the next section in this chapter.

48. This letter is now preserved in the Chisho Doom zensho (BZ28.1336-9) under the title" ShO Chierin sanzo
sho" ("A letter to Trepilaka Prajiiacakra"). The same letter is also found in BZI13. 297-300. For a detailed
study and a Japanese translation of this letter, see Ono 1978.

49. Zhihuilun's brief biography is found in the Song gaosengzhuan (Biographies of Eminent Monks [Compiled
in] the Song Dynasty, T2061.50.723a4-12). He is praised for his gift for languages and his full mastery of
dharaIJ.l. He is said to have written a work called "Shijiao zhigui" ("A guide to the teachings"). Though his
specific date is unknown, his death preceded, most likely, the year 873 since his biography reports that his
disciple Shaoming erected a stele in commemoration of him during the Xiantong period (860-873). Enchin was
introduced to Zhihuilun in Daizhong 9 (855) (cf., BZ28.1311b2-4).

50. This word appears in the text as an interlinear note.

51. Ibid.

52. Ibid.

53. A similar, but briefer question is collected in the Sasa gimon, which represents, as noted above, a different
version of the kimon:

A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham -- the higher rank [of attainment],

A-Vi-Ra-Hum-Kham -- the middle rank [of attainment],
A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na -- the lower rank [of attainment].

From which scripture does this [correlation] come? I used to see this [correlation] carved on
many doors of temples in Luoyang. What is its main purport? (BZ27. 1039b 11-13)

54. As noted above, according to his biography in the Song gaoseng zhuan, Zhihuilun died no later than 873,
i. e., almost a decade before Enchin delivered his letter in 882. Considering the transportational difficulties
existing between China and Japan at the time, it seems understandable that Enchin remained oblivious to
Zhihuilun's death around one decade after it happened. As acknowledged by Enchin himself, the latest reply
he got from Zhihuilun was that dated to the fifth day of the eleventh month of Xiantong 2 (861), i.e., twenty-
one years before he was preparing in 882 to renew his association with his former teacher. Enchin in the same
letter also said that on the fourth day of the eighth month, 863, he asked a person called Zhan Jingchuan (who
 190

was probably a Chinese merchant trading between China and Japan) to send a letter to Zhihuilun. Zhan
returned to Japan a year later to report that the road to Chang'an was blocked and he was unable to visit
Zhihuilun there.
The envoy for Enchin in 882 was a person called Li Da (Jpn., Ri Da), who survived a wreckage
which, occurring in 865, killed Zhan and a Japanese monk called Ensai who had been notorious for his
misconduct in Tang China (cf., BZ28.1336aI5-b7).

55. My reason for making such an identification will be discussed in the next section.

56. For the dating of this important work of Annen, see my relevant discussion in the next section.

57. Cf., chapter four. Neither Saich6 nor Kilkai mentions T907 in his bibliographies of the texts brought back
to Japan from China.

58. Over one hundred books, most of which works on Esoteric Buddhism, have been attributed to Annen.
Some of these books may have been actually wrongly attributed to Annen, while others may have been quite
short. Nonetheless, Annen still stands as an impressively prolific author (Hashimoto 1912, 4/11: 13; Etani
1976: 313; Groner 1987: 150).

59. The evidence includes (i) a preface dated 902 found in the bibliography attributed to Annen and (ii) a
lineage claiming that Annen conferred the denbo ajari title on a student around 897 (see hereinbelow).

60. Henj6 conferred special initiations on Annen without giving them to Yuishu (Kong6kai daiho taijuki, ND
82: 251-52).

61. Tendai kakyo, which was compiled in 1771 and expanded in 1867; BZ41: 380c-381a.

62. Cf., Hakeda 1972: 60.

63. Hashimoto 1918.

64. Better known as Hakke hiroku (The Bibliography Compiled on the Basis of the Eight Bibliographies by
the Eight Esoteric Masters), this bibliography by Annen has a full title called "Sh6 Ajari shingon mikky6 burui
soroku" ("A Complete Bibliography of Various Sorts of Dhiirav.i Esoteric [Works Brought Back from China
by] the [Japanese] Acaryas"; T2176). This bibliography was widely circulated in later Esoteric circles in
Japan, both Shingon and Tendai as well (exclusively to the Hakke hiroku Misaki has contributed a paper, which
remains the only available exhaustive study of this important bibliography by Annen [Misaki 1968]).
The Hakke hiroku was initially compiled in 885. The "eight esoteric bibliographies" which Annen was
based in compiling his own bibliography were left by the following eight Japanese Esoteric masters who went
to study in Tang China (known as the nitto hakke):

(i) Saich6 (766-822), stay in China: 804-805;

(ii) Kilkai (774-835), stay in China: 804-806;
(iii) J6gy6 (?-864), stay in China: 838-839;
(iv) Engy6 (799-852), stay in China: 838-839;
(v) Ennin (794-864), stay in China: 838-847;
(vi) Eun (798-869), stay in China: 842-847;
(vii) Enchin (814-891), stay in China: 853-858;
 191

(viii) Shiiei (809-884), stay in China: 862-865.

Whereas the 885 version of Annen's bibliography classified the Esoteric texts into sixteen categories,
the 902 revised version used a new method in accordance with which the Esoteric texts were classified into
twenty, rather than sixteen, categories.

65. Cf., NRDJ7: 582.

66. The jiufan (lpn., kyrlhon), or jiuyi (lpn., kyUbyaku), literally "old translations", refers to the Chinese
translations of the Buddhist texts made before the Tang Dynasty.

67. For the names of these "sixteen categories", cf., T2176.55.1113cl-6.

68. See, for instances, the Mitsujo senjutsu mokuroku (A Bibliography of the Esoteric Writings) (BZ2.253blO-
11); the Enyrakuji mitsujo ryaku mokuroku (A Brief Bibliography of[the Works Belonging to] the Esoteric
Vehicle [Compiled at] the Enryakuji Temple) (BZl.I45a4-5); the Honcho taiso senjutsu mikkyo shomoku (A
Bibliography of the Esoteric Works Composed by the Tendai Patriarchs of this Country) (BZ2.205a13-14),
etc.

69. For this dating, see Kiuchi 1986: 360. Kiuchi says nothing about how he reached such a dating.

70. See (C.II) in this section.

71. This affIrms once more that the first dating, which sets the death of Annen in 889, is unacceptable.

72. Cf., BKD7: 182-3.

73. The current edition of the Kenkairon engi is in two fascicles. The author of this interliner note (either
Annen himself or a Hakke hiroku editor), if not here referring to an edition other than the current one, may
have mistaken the Kenkairon, which is in three fascicles, as the Kenkairon engi.

74. Anne is said to have prepared a bibliography which includes a text called "Sonsho hajigoku goo", exactly
one of the names for which the three siddhi texts (T906 and T907 in particular) have been known in Japan.
Nonetheless, the authenticity of this bibliography is questionable; and we have evidence to doubt that any of
the three siddhi texts was known to Anne (see section [AJ).
On the other hand, Enchin's KSSH mentions two texts, one in the possession of Ninchii and the other
known under the name "Sanshu shicchi h6". Either of these two texts is likely to be taken as one of the three
siddhi texts. But actually, as I just argued, neither of them can be identified as any of the three siddhi texts.

75. Although a colophon attached to T905 by an editor of T907 identified T907 as the Sonsho hajigoku darani
giki in Annen's bibliography (see, T907.18.915c21-23), Omura identifies this hajigoku text recorded by Annen
as T906 (Omura 1918: junoku 34).

76. See T906.18.914b20, T907.18.915cI2.

77. The title of the tract in Annen's text is of four components: (1) Sonsho, (2) hajigoku, (3) darani, and (4)
[gi]ki. Three of them ([1], [2] and [4]) can be found in T906's title, which also has a term ("srungon") identical
in meaning with the fourth component ([3] daram) not found in T906's title. In comparison, three components
 192

([1], [2], [3]) are found in T90Ts title which does not, however, contain a term corresponding to the fourth
component ([gi]kl).

78. The statement bracketed here appears in the text as an interlinear note.

79. Ibid.

80. Ibid.

81. The gons6j6, a high-rank monastic post secondary to the sOj6 (the highest monastic official supervising
the Buddhist order), here refers to Henj6, who was promoted to the position in 868.

82. The sentence bracketed appears in the text as an interlinear note.

83. Ibid.

84. Ibid.

85. Five wheels are mentioned in neither T906 nor T907. But both of them mention the "five elements" (earth,
water, fire, wind, space) which are also named as "five wheels" in some well known Esoteric texts, such as
Yixing's commentary on the DarijinglDainichi ky6.

86. Actually only four shapes are used in the text, since the shape of "full moon" is associated with Syllables
A and Kham as well.

87. In the Dainichi ky6lDarijing, this passage is found in T848.18.20a17-19, while its quotation in T907 is
found in T907.18.915b14-16.

88. In the Dainichi ky6lDarijing, these two lines of gathas are found in T848.18.45a8. For the corresponding
quotation of these two lines in T907, see T907.18.915bI8.

89. In Yixing's commentary, this passage is found in T1796.39.609c8-9. The corresponding passage in T907
is found in T907.18.915b7-8.

90. In his Darijing commentary Yixing has used some indigenous Chinese thinking patterns, like wuxing and
jiugong, to re-interpret some Esoteric teachings and practices as expounded in the Darijing. In particular,
Yixing has tried to correlate a number of Esoteric fivefold categories together on the basis of wuxing pattern.

91. The "five divisions" which are correlated in T907 with the five Sanskrit syllables A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham
are the (1) division of vajra-earth, (2) that of vajra-water, (3) that of vajra-frre, (4) that of vajra-wind, and (5)
that of vajra-space. This correlation between five syllables and five divisions of "five elements" is traceable
to Yixing's commentary too, where the same five Sanskrit syllables are correlated with the "five elements"
(cf., T1796.39.586bll-13; 727c8-23).

92. Cf., Liu 1995.

93. The title of T907, which reads, "BucchO Sonsh6shin hajigoku tengosshO shutsu sangai himitsu darani" ,
is apparently copied from that of the Foding zunsheng tuoluonijing (Jpn., Bucch6 Sonsh6 darani kyO).
 193

94. The tenn "sevenfold misfortune" comes from the Foding zunsheng tuoluonijing (cf., T967. 19.350a-b).

95. Cf., T967.19.351b9-18.

 194

CHAPTER SIX

THE PROVENANCE AND DATES OF T#90S AND T#906

In the last chapter we argued for the Japanese origin of T907. Therefore, T905 and T906,

both written on the basis of T907, must also be taken as composed in Japan. In this chapter we

will show that even without resorting to this conclusion we reached on the provenance of T907,

there is still sufficient evidence to show that T905 was also composed in Japan, with several works

by Enchin used as its sources (some passages and ideas in Enchin's KSSH were, as shown in the

last chapter, incorporated into T907). In this chapter I will also discuss the provenance and date

of T906. Furthermore, some hypotheses will be proposed on the polemical agenda underlying the

composition of T905 after the appearance of T907.

Section (A) A Textual Analysis of T905

T905 begins with a section (909b17-25) which is also found in T907; we can assume that

this section was taken from T907 1• This section is followed by a gatha which, as noted in chapter

four, consists in the first sixteen lines of the gatha in T907 in addition to four lines from agatha

in an Esoteric text (T1141) attributed to Subhakarasimha.

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Then, we find a long part (T905.18.909c7-91ObI8) which, though based on a section in

T907 (T907.18.915a6-15), was perhaps mainly written by the author of T905 himsele. This part

of T905 correlates the five Sanskrit syllables (A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham) with a variety of fivefold

categories, both Buddhist Esoteric and indigenous Chinese. Five sentences in this section identify

the five Sanskrit syllables as the seeds for the five elements (panca-mahii-bhiita, i.e., "earth",

"water", "fire", "wind", "emptiness" or "space") respectively:

(i) Syllable A, identical with the "dharmakaya-as-the-principle" of Mahavairocana

-Tathagata, .. , , is the seed of the wheel of the vajra-ground (T905.18.909c7-9);

(ii) Syllable Yam, ... , is the seed of the wheel of water in the wisdom-sea of
Mahavairocana-tathagata (T905.18.909c24-27);

(iii) Syllable Ram, ... , is the seed of fire [planted] in the "mind-ground" of
Mahavairocana-tathagata (T905.18.91Oa8-9);

(iv) Syllable Hum, ... , is the seed of wind, [which indicates] the permanent life of
Mahavairocana-tathagata (T905.18.91OaI9-21);

(v) Syllable Kham, ... , is the "invisible protuberance" (Skt., uwJ;n-siraskata;

Jpn., muken ch6s6; Chin., wujian dingxiang) on the top of the head of
Mahavairocana-tathagata, [the seed in] the place for the wisdom of the "great
emptiness" (Jpn., daikiichi sho; Chin., dakongzhi chu), to which the five Buddhas
are enlightened (T905. 18.91 Ob6).

These five sentences find their parallels in a treatise attributed to Enchin, the KyOji ryCiJu hiy6gi

(An Explanation of the Esoteric, Fundamental Teachings Related to the Dual Division, hereafter

KRHG; BZ28.1087-8):

(i) Syllable A is the seed of the vajra-wheel of Mahavairocana[ -tathagata], s

dhannakiiya (BZ28.1087a8-9);

(ii) Syllable Yam is the perfect seed of the wheel of water in the wisdom-sea of
Maha vairocana-tathagata (BZ28.1 087 al 0-11);

(iii) Syllable Ram is the seed of fire [planted] III the "mind-ground" of
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Mahavairocana-tathagata (BZ28.1087a12);

(iv) Syllable Hum is the seed of wind, [which indicates] the permanent life of
Mahavairocana-tathagata (BZ28 .1087a13-14);

(v) Syllable Kham is the "invisible protuberance" on the top of the head of
Mahavairocana-tathagata, [the seed in] the place for the wisdom of the "great
emptiness", to which the five Buddhas are enlightened (BZ28.1087a13-14).

Following this major part in T905 which was not directly copied from T907 but mainly

written by the author himself, we find a big section (T905.18.91Ob26-911a27), which was, as a

whole, based on T907. However, this section also includes some sentences and paragraphs that

can not be traced back to T907. First of all, two sentences in this part fmd their parallels in the

same KRHG3 • Besides these two sentences, three paragraphs from textual sources other than T907

(i.e., the Susiddhikara-siitra and two other Esoteric scriptures [T#1172 and T#1173]) were also

included in this section of T905 mainly based on T9074 •

Finally, we come to the concluding section of T905 (T911a27-912a27) which is the other

major part in T905 that is not found in T907. This long section, except for one paragraph (in

91lb4-6i, can be divided into two classes of paragraphs: one is related to Yixing's commentary

and the other to Enchin' s works. We will first discuss the five paragraphs in this section which

are connected with three works attributed to Enchin: (i) KRHG, the (ii) Zashiki (The

Miscellaneous, Personal Notes; hereafter ZSK; BZ27.977-984), the (iii) DaibirusharajfxiCkyo

shinmoku (The Heart and Eyes of the Mahavairocana-siitra; hereafter DKSM; BZ26.648-655).

Such a T905 paragraph is found in T905.18.911a27-b1:

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Right now, the eight gates comprehensively cover ten thousand dharmas. These
three groups of five-syllables, forming fifteen syllables [in total], are fifteen kinds
of Vajra-samadhi. One syllable is fifteen syllables and fifteen syllables are one
syllable. One syllable is five syllables and five syllables are one syllable. [The
syllables,] which are turned either by or against the syllable sequence, are not
different from beginning to end.

This T905 paragraph in the concluding section is closely paralleled by a KRHG paragraph:

These three groups of five-syllables, forming fifteen syllables [in total], are fifteen
kinds of Vajra-samadhi. One syllable is fifteen syllables and fifteen syllables are
one syllable. One syllable is five syllables and five syllables are one syllable. [The
syllables,] which are turned either by or against the syllable sequence, are not
different from beginning to end. Right now, the eight gates comprehensively cover
ten thousand dharmas6 (BZ28.1087a17-b2).

The second paragraph in the concluding section of T905 with parallel in Enchin s works is found
I

in 911c26-912a3:

Consequently, "Mahavairocana-buddha as the central deity" is the dharmakiiya; the

mystery-lord who holds the miidra of vajra-wisdom is Prajiia; A valokitesvara who
holds the miidra of lotus is the delivery. So, the "mystery of body" is the virtue of
dhannakiiya; the "mystery of mouth" the virtue of prajflii; the "mystery of mind"
the virtue of delivery. By means of prajiia the delivery is attained: the delivery is
based on the prajiiii. Both of them depend on the substance of dharmakiiya. [Three
of them] are neither identical nor different; without anyone of the three, the other
two would not work. They are like the three dots in the Sanskrit syllable I (/().
The "bodhi-mind" is the Vajra-section; the "great Compassion (mahakaruna) " the
lotus section; the upiiya this "transformation-body" (ninnapa-kiiya).

Its parallel is found in Enchin's work ZSK:

The Central Deity in the garbhadhatu-[mandala] is the dhannakiiya; the Vajrasattva

is prajiia; A valokiteSvara is the delivery. By means of prajiia the delivery is
attained: the delivery is based on the prajiiii. Both of them depend on the substance
of dhannakiiya. [Three of them] are neither identical nor different; without anyone
of the three, the other two would not work. The "bodhi-mind" is the Vajra-section;
the "great Compassion (mahakaruna) " the lotus section; the upiiya this
"transformation-body" (ninnapa-kiiya) (BZ27.980alO-13).

Then, the three component sentences of a paragraph in T905.18.911a3-5 are all found in Enchin's
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DKSM. This paragraph in T905 reads,

So, syllable A, denoting the "internal womb" (Jpn., naitaz), represents the rank
prior to the "equal enlightenment" (sambodhi). Syllable Sa, denoting the "external
womb" (Jpn., gaitai) , represents the "wonderful enlightenment". Syllable Ba
denotes the function. All dhanna-wheel depend on this gate, which freely pervades
all over the fields of "two transfonnations" and is capable of delivering all the
sentient beings in the "ten realms" (T905.18.912a3-5).

The three sentences in DKSM corresponding to the three sentences in this T905 paragraph are:

(1) So, Syllable A, denoting the "internal womb" (Jpn., naitai), represents the rank
prior to the "equal enlightemnent" (sambodhz) (BZ26.652b8);

(2) Syllable Sa, denoting the "external womb" (gaitaz), represents the "wonderful
enlightenment" (BZ26.653a4);

(3) Syllable Ba denotes the function. All dharma-wheels depend on this gate, which
freely pervades all over the fields of "two transformations" and is capable of
delivering all the sentient beings in the "ten realms" (BZ26.653a8).

The fourth paragraph in the concluding section of T905 which is connected with Enchin' s work

is found in 912a18-21:

But as for Vairocana[-buddha]'s body and field, his "secondary retribution" and
"principal retribution'" are inter-penetrating, the nature and appearance are
identical. The Thusness pervades the "Great I" in the dharma-field; the "body",
"words" and "thoughts" are equal and resemble the great, empty space. Take
the empty space as one's truth-plot (Jpn., dCffa; Chin., daochang; Skt., bodhi-
mandala), the dharma-field as one's bed.

These two sentences (as produced in bold type in the quotation) in this T905 paragraph also fmd

their parallels in Enchin's DKSM:

(1) The Buddha's three "mysteries" [body, mouth and mind] embrace the saintly
and lay as well, and by smelting the [distinctions between] the "secondary
retribution" and the "principal retribution", making both of them inter-penetrate
each other (BZ26.652a15).

(2) The body, words and thoughts, i.e., the "three mysteries", [which constitute]
the Tathagata's body of equality, are equal and resemble the empty space (BZ26.
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650a5-6).

The fifth paragraph in the concluding section of T905, paralleled in KRHG, is found in 912a21.5-

26:

Mahavairocana-Tathagata, in order to reveal this Way, manifests himself through

the two bodies. The "Buddha-as-the-dharmakaya-of-the-wisdom" (Jpn.,
chih6shinbutsu; Chin., zJzi/ashenjo), residing in the principle of reality, reveals the
"Thirty-seven deities" (Jpn., sanjushichison; Chin., sanshiqizun) for the sake of
enjoying himself. By doing that he succeeds in making all [the sentient beings]
enter into the Way of the non-duality. The "Buddha-as-the-dhannakaya-of-the-
principle" (Jpn., rih6shinbutsu; Chin., li/ashenjo) , residing in the "extinct
illumination" of thusness, exists to perpetuity along with the dharma. [Originally]
motionless, he becomes activated and thereby manifests himself on the eight petals.
In order to enjoy himself and others, he reveals the three-layered mandala, making
[the sentient beings] in the "ten realms" enlightened to the "Great Emptiness"
(Jpn., daikii; Chin., dakong). Although divided into principle and wisdom and
different from each other with regard to fullness and incompleteness, [these two
aspects of the dharmakaya] originally belong to one and the same dharma and [in
the final analysis] no difference exists between them. Ten thousand dharmas are
included in the single syllable A and the "five sections" belong to one and the same
Vairocana[-buddha].

The KRHG parallel for this paragraph is found in BZ28.1087b8-1088a4,

Mahavairocana-Tathagata, in order to reveal this Way to all [the sentient beings],

manifests himself through the two bodies; i.e., the "Buddha-as-the-dhannakaya-of-
the-wisdom" and the "Buddha-as-the-dhannakaya-of-the-principle". The "Buddha-
as-the-dhannakaya-of-the-wisdom", residing in the principle of reality, reveals the
"Thirty-seven deities" for the sake of enjoying himself and others 8 • By doing that
he succeeds in making all [the sentient beings] enter into the Way of the non-
duality. The "Buddha-as-the-dhannakaya-of-the-principle", residing in the "extinct
illumination" of thusness, exists to perpetuity along with the dharma. [Originally]
motionless, he becomes activated and thereby manifests himself on the eight petals.
In order to enjoy himself, he reveals the three-layered mandala, making [the
sentient beings] in the "ten realms" enlightened to the principle of the "Great
Emptiness". The principle and wisdom, like two opening gates which are
seemingly different, are actually not different from each other. They originally
belong to one and the same dharma and [in the final analysis] no difference exists
between them ... Now let the following judgment be made: they are merely
divided into principle and wisdom and become different from each other [only]
with regard to fullness and incompleteness. It must be understood that originally
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no appearance of oneness and difference exists.

Having shown how T90S' s concluding section is connected with these works by Enchin,

we are now in a position to examine the relationship between the same T90S section with Yixing' s

commentary. We find that, except for the five paragraphs whose parallels are found in Enchin's

several works and the single paragraph included in T907 as an interlinear note, all of the

remaining paragraphs in the concluding section are paralleled in Yixing' s commentary.

As observed in chapter four, all of the three siddhi texts contain a number of Esoteric ideas

which had not become popular for a long time after the death of Subhakarasimha and Yixing lO •

Furthermore, it is unlikely that the fourteen paragraphs shared by Yixing's commentary and T90S

could have been taken from a third sourcel1. For these two reasons, I assume that the textual

parallels between T90S and Yixing's commentary imply that these paragraphs were moved to

T90S from Yixing's commentary.

In accordance with the ways they are related to Yixing's commentary, those T90S

paragraphs based on Yixing's commentary can be divided into the following four groups:

(i) seven paragraphs (found in [1] 911bl-4, [2] 911b7-11, [3] 911bI4-18, [4]
9 Ub20-22 , [S] 911b22-23, [6] 911cS-6, [7] 912a8-18), which were directly taken
from the following seven paragraphs in Yixing's commentary respectively: (1)
TI796.39.6S6aI7-20, (2) 623a6-1O, (3) 6S3bl-6, (4) 70Sc27-29, (S) 706b13-1S,
(6) 706a7-11, and (7) 647b2-14;

(ii) two paragraphs (911bI8-21, 911c24-26) which are almost directly quoted from
Yixing's commentary except for some slight adaptations (cf., 7S0alS-18; 788a12-
IS);

(iii) four paragraphs which resulted from the combination of two or more
paragraphs/sentences in Yixing's commentary: (1) the T90S paragraph in 911blO-
13 was based on two paragraphs in the commentary (cf., 746a4 and 666bI6-19);
(2) the T90S paragraph in 911b23-cS was based on the following three paragraphs
in the commentary: 666bI9-2S, 631b2-S and 789a27-b3; (3) the T90S paragraph
 201

in 911clO-24 was written on the basis of the following two long paragraphs in
Yixing's commentary: 788a25-b14 and 788b14-23; (4) the T905 paragraph in
912a5-7 was based on the following five sentences from the commentary: 586b21,
586c23, 587b7, 586c18-19, and 586b15-16.

(iv) one paragraph (911c6-10) which can be regarded a summary of a long

paragraph in Yixing's commentary (cf., 787c25-788a12).

The following conclusions can be drawn on the basis of this textual analysis of T905. First

of all, besides T907 several other textual sources were also used in the composition of T905.

These textual sources include three Esoteric sutras (T 1141, T 1172, T 1173) attributed to

Subhakarasimha and Bukong, the Susiddhikara-siJtra and Yixing's commentary.

Secondly, as for the two major parts in T905 which are not found in T907, this textual

analysis reveals that the first one, though expanded on the basis of one section in T907, was

probably written by the T905 author independently, and that the second part consists of two kinds

of paragraphs: (i) those either directly taken from or written on the basis of Yixing' s commentary;

(ii) those whose parallels are found in Enchin's works.

Finally, with regard to T905' s relationship with Enchin, it can be said that T905 has in

total five paragraphs, seven sentences which find their parallels in the following three works by

Enchin: (i) KRHG (two paragraphs, seven sentences), (ii) DKSM (two paragraphs) and (iii) ZSK

(one paragraph).

Section (B) T90S and Enchin

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We have attributed all the textual parallels found between T905 and other textual sources,

except for those between T905 and Enchin's works, to the possibility that T905 has borrowed

some paragraphs/sentences from those textual sources. This possibility can be corroborated since

we know that T905 was written long after these textual sources began to circulate in China and

Japan. Can we say the same thing for a certainty about the textual parallels between T905 and

Enchin's works?

In the last chapter, we have argued for the Japanese origin of T907 which was composed

in Japan on the basis of Enchin's KSSH and probably after Enchin's death. In the light of this

argument and of the assumption that T905 was written on the basis of T907, it is possible to

conclude that all the T905 paragraphs with parallels in Enchin's works must have been quotations

from Enchin's works. But, without resorting to the conclusion we reached on the provenance of

1'907, is it still possible for us independently to determine the nature of T905' s relationship with

the three works by Enchin?

It is clear that there are two (and only two) possible explanations for the textual parallels

between T905 and Enchin's works: either both Enchin and the T905 author used a third source,

or one of them copied from the other. Therefore, T905 will not be proved to have borrowed from

Enchin's texts unless and until the following two possibilities are excluded: (i) both Enchin and

T905 borrowed these paragraphs/sentences from a third source, and (ii) Enchin took these

paragraphs/ sentences from T905.

We can rule out the first possibility relatively easily. The T905 author, in writing/

compiling the concluding section, has made frequent references to Yixing's commentary.
 203

Consequently, had he quoted these five paragraphs from a third source, the most likely candidate

might also have been Yixing's commentary. But as a matter of fact, these five paragraphs are not

included in Yixing's commentaryl2. Furthennore, neither Enchin nor T905 acknowledged that

these paragraphs/sentences were taken from a third source. However, it is the following fact that

makes extremely unlikely the existence of such a third source for these paragraphs/ sentences:

T905 and KRHG share two paragraphs, seven sentences. In view of the small size l3 of both T905

and KRHG, it is very unlikely that the two texts, without one consulting the other, happened to

quote from a third source so many virtually identical paragraphs/sentences I4 • The only reasonable

explanation must be that one of them copied these paragraphs/sentences from the other. In the

same vein, the remaining three paragraphs shared by T905 and Enchin' s works must also be

explained by this hypothesis. Thus, the problem is, who borrowed from whom, Enchin or the

author of T905?

As demonstrated in the last section, a majority of T905' s concluding section is composed

of paragraphs either directly taken from, or re-written on the basis of, Yixing's commentary. This

fact may encourage one to view the five paragraphs in the same section, whose parallels are found

in Enchin's works, as of the same nature: they were, too, either directly quoted from, or rewritten

on the basis of, some other source; viz, Enchin's works (now that a third source for these

paragraphs has been excluded). Is this impression well founded? Some evidence lends support for

this impression.

(B.I) The Dates of KRHG, DKSM And ZSK

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The textual parallels between T90S and Enchin's works must be interpreted by one of the

following two possibilities: either Enchin quoted from T90S or the T90S author used Enchin's

works. Thus, we can detennine their true relationship if we can rule out the possibility that Enchin

knew anything of T90S when he wrote the three works in which several paragraphs/sentences, also

found in T90S, appear. Since we have evidence to show that as late as 882 Enchin had known

nothing of the three siddhi texts (among which is T90S), one strategy we can use in order to

detennine if Enchin had quoted from T90S is to date the three works. If the three works (or even

one of them) can be shown to have been composed before 882, then we can conclude that Enchin

could not have used T90S in writing the works in question.

The ZSK paragraph whose parallel is found in T90S bears the date given by Enchin himself

of the twenty-fourth day of the twelfth month, Jogan 14 (872) (BZ27.981a7). In other words, this

ZSK paragraph was written precisely one decade before 882.

The dating of DKSM turns out to be more complicated. DKSM is also known as the

Dainichiky6 ryakushaku (A Short Explanation of the Mahiivairocana-siitra). According to the

Enchin Chronicle, Enchin wrote this work on the twenty-fourth day of the fifth month, Jinjii 1

(8S1) (EZ28.138Sa1S-17). The postscript at the end of DKSM, however, puts its composition at

a time when he stayed at the Monastery of Shitennoji on Mt. Jozan in the Prefecture of Chinzai,

after his visit to Mt. Tiantai.

According to the Enryakuji zasu Enchin den (A Biography of the Head of the Enryakuji

Temple, Enchin; composed in 902 by Miyoshi Kiyoyuki [847-918]), Enchin made his first visit

to Mt. Tiantai in China on the first day of the twelfth month of 8S3, around four months after he

arrived in the prefecture of Fuzhou, China, in the eighth month of the year. Enchin's first visit
 205

to Mt. Tiantai, which lasted for over half a year, kept him there until the seventh day of the ninth

month of the next year (BZ28. 1367a-1368a). Obviously, the postscript does not refer to this visit

Enchin paid to Mt. Tiantai (because instead of immediately returning to Japan after this visit to

Mt. Tiantai he went ahead to Chang'an), but to another one he made between the fourth day of

the sixth month of 856 and second month of 858, on the eve of his return to Japan. Enchin left

China for Japan on the eighth day of the sixth month of 858. Fourteen days later, he reached the

prefecture of Taizai (i.e., Chinzai). This short work was flnished after he reached Taizai and

before he got an imperial edict on the fourteen day of the eighth month, which asked him to go

to the capital.

This postscript reads, "Sram~a Enchin, who is the Dharrup practitioner, Court Chaplain

(naigubu) from the Enryakuji Temple on Mt. Hieizan in the Upper Capital (i.e., Kyoto), Japan,

made the above comments on the basis of the fundamental sutra (i.e., the Dainichi kyO) at the

Shitenn6in Monastery on Mt. J6zan in the Prefecture of Chinzai after his travel to Mt. Tiantai [in

China]" (Nihonkoku lao Hieizan Enryakuji Shingon shago naigubu Shamon Enchin yu Tendaiji,

kai 0 Chinzaiju 16z.an Shitennoin, an honkyo sanjutsu shi; BZ26.654-5). It sounds like it was

written by Enchin himself. On the other hand, the Enchin Chronicle was fInished by Sontsu (1427-

1516) as late as 1467. Because of the tone of this postscript and the lateness of the Enchin

Chronicle, the postscript appears to be more reliable than the Enchin Chronicle in dating DKSM.

I am therefore inclined to believe that DKSM was composed in 858, rather than 851 as the Enchin

Chronicle claims (cf., BKD 3: 445). Thus, DKSM was composed almost a quarter of century

before 882.

As for KRHG which Enchin himself failed to date, we have no reliable evidence to date
 206

it. Nonetheless, this treatise is closely related to one of Enchin's other treatises, KSSH. It seems

that it was also written around the time KSSH was done (i.e., around 873)15.

Thus, at least two of Enchin's works, ZSK and DKSM, were composed before 882.

Therefore, we can say with confidence that the three paragraphs in T905 whose parallels were

found in these two works by Enchin were either directly taken from, or re-written on the basis of,

these two works by Enchin.

(B.II) Two Pieces of Evidence for Supporting KRHG as the Original Text for the Textual
Parallels between T90S and KRHG

Of the three works by Enchin which share some paragraphs/sentences with T905, KRHG

is the only one undated. Nevertheless, even though it is difficult, if not impossible, to date

KRHG, there are still two pieces of evidence to support the view that in comparison with T905,

KRHG is more likely to be the original source for the two paragraphs shared by it and T905.

The first piece of evidence is provided by the fact that the T905 paragraph 912a21-27,

which parallels the KRHG paragraph BZ28. 1087b8-1088a4, was also included in one of the other

works by Enchin--the Zakki ("The Miscellany", BZ28.1113-6), which was probably edited by

Enchin's disciples after his death. Presumably, this Zakki includes Enchin's occasional remarks,

lectures, comments. In this short collection, the paragraph was marked as Enchin's (who was

called sanna, the "mountain-king,,16). This means that at least at the time of editing this

posthumous work of Enchin, his disciples were still oblivious to T905. Otherwise, they may have

hesitated to collect in their master's Zakki a paragraph which could also be found in a siitra
 207

putatively translated by Subhakarasimha. At least, they would have noted that this paragraph is

also found in T905.

This is another piece of evidence to support the view that Enchin had not read T905 before

his death in 89117. Otherwise, for the importance of this text, it is extremely unlikely that Enchin

would have failed to refer his students to it.

The second piece of evidence is elicited from a comparative reading of a sentence

appearing in T905 and KRHG. At the end of the paragraph immediately preceding T905 IS

concluding section, the following paragraph is found,

Among these three kinds of attainments, the attainment of "emerging" is the

achievement of the transfonnation-body, the attainment of "entering" that of
retribution-body, the attainment of "mystery" that of dhanna-body. They are
indeed three kinds of "pennanent bodies", the store of true dhanna. [They are}
indeed the complete substance of the Vairocana-buddha-as-the-dhamwkaya, the
true source for the ''five-sections'' and "three-sections!" Therefore, prostrate
oneself and make obeisance to the Vairocana-buddha .,. (my emphasis,
T905.18.911a23-25)

The eulogy (italicized in the quotation) does not appear in the corresponding paragraph in T907

(915b26-29), nor in T906 (913c1-3). The whole paragraph in T905, except for this eulogy, is

found in T907. As noted in chapter four, of the three siddhi texts T907 is the earliest one. It was

reproduced almost wholly and word for word in both T905 and T906. From these two reasons,

I believe that this eulogy was added by the T905 author. Then, this eulogy was either composed,

or copied from a third source, by the T905 author. If this eulogy had been originally written into

T905 by the T905 author, its parallel in KRHG might have come from T905. If it was copied

from another source, then this source might well have been KRHG. I have shown above that T905

owes KRHG the paragraph 912a21-27. This leads one to assume that this eulogy shared by T905
 208

and KRHG might also have been quoted from KRHG to T905. A comparative reading of the T905

and KRHG contexts for this eulogy lends support for this assumption. This eulogy, while causing

contextual inconsistency in T905, helps form a considerably consistent context in KRHG I8 •

In T905, this eulogy identifies the three kinds of attainment as the "complete substance of

the Vairocana-buddha-as-the dharmakaya". This conflicts with the general idea of this T905

paragraph in which this eulogy appears. According to this T905 paragraph, the three kinds of

attainment correspond with the three buddha-bodies respectively, rather than exclusively with the

dharmakiiya. In contrast to the T905 paragraph where this contradition appears, the KRHG

paragraph in which the same eulogy is found reads more naturally and consistently.

In the light of these considerations, I tend to believe that KRHG, rather than T905, was

the original source for this eulogy. In the same vein, the other paragraph and seven sentences in

KRHG which are also found in T905 were originally written by Enchin and then incorporated into

T905 19 • Thus, we can conclude that all the textual parallels between T905 and the three works by

Enchin were borrowed by the author of T905 from Enchin's works. In other words, just like the

T907 author who has relied on Enchin's KSSH as one basic textual source for writing T907, the

T905 author has used three other works by Enchin in writing his text.

(B.III) The Contextual Inconsistencies of the Five Paragraphs in T905

Finaly, through comparing the different contexts in T905 and Enchin's treatises, where the

textual parallels are found, we can also arrive at the same conclusion regarding the relationship

between T905 and Enchin's three treatises.

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As noted above, between T905 and Enchin's three treatises we find five paragraphs in

common. Through comparing the ways these five paragraphs work in their respective contexts,

we fmd that the five paragraphs fit in with their contexts in Enchin's treatises much betteer than

they do in with their T905 contexts. As far as some textual paralells are concerned, the textual

sources providing more consistent contexts for these textual parallels are more likely to be the

primary sources in which these textual parallels originally appeared. In the light of this, it can be

said that Enchin's treatises, in comparison with T905, are more likely the originial sources into

which the five paragraph were written.

(a) The T90S Paragraph 911a27-bl

The T905 paragraph 911a27-b1 parallels the KRHG paragraph BZ28.1087a17-b2, which

discusses the "non-duality" (Jpn. fu'ni; Chin., buer) of (i) the "one-syllable" and "fifteen-

syllables" on the one hand, and (ii) the "one-syllable" and "five-syllables" on the other. This

KRHG paragraph is followed by an eulogy:

[They (i.e., the three groups of five-syllables) are] indeed the complete substance
of "Vairocana as the dharmakiiya", and the true source for the "five-sections" and
"three-section" (BZ28.1087b2-3).

This eulogy appears quite natural in this KRHG paragraph, since the "three-sections" and "five-

sections" in this eulogy echo the "three groups of jive-syllables " , exactly the topic of this KRHG

paragraph.

In comparison, the T905 parallel of this KRHG paragraph, paragraph 911a27-b1, looks

quite unnatural in its context. In T905, this paragraph is followed by a paragraph (911 b 1-4),

which, directly taken from Yixing's commentary, talks about the inter-relationship between "one-

syllable" and "all-syllables" in terms of four categories: (i) sho (Chin, she; "attract"), (ii) shaku
 210

(Chin., shi; "interpret"), (iii) sei (Chin., cheng; "accomplish") and (iv) ha (Chin., po; "destroy").

These two T905 paragraphs 911a27-b1 and bl-4 do not appear to bear any relationship.

It is noteworthy that the T905 paragraph 91la27-bl, while without significant connection

with the paragraph next to it (i.e., 911bl-4), appears closely related to the paragraph 911b4-620 ,

which treats the five different ways of "turning" (Jpn., ten; Chin., zhuan) the syllables. Both

paragraphs 911a27-b1 and bl-6 concern themselves with the problem of the two-way syllable-

turnings. The five-syllables in paragraph 911a27-b1 can be interpreted as resulting from the

fivefold syllable-turnings that are treated in paragraph 911b4-6. Therefore, with regard to these

three T905 paragraphs, we find that two thematically related paragraphs ( i.e., 911a27-b1 and

91lb4-6) are separated by a third one (i.e., 911bl-4) which seems to have no connection with

either of the former two.

(b) The T90S Paragraph 912a21-27

Similarly, T905 paragraph 912a21-27 is also conspicuously unnatural as appearing in its

context. This T905 paragraph is focused on the unity between the "two dharmakiiyas" of

Vairocana-buddha, i.e., the "dhannkiiya-as-the-wisdom" and "dhamzakiiya-as-the-principle". The

T905 paragraph preceding it (i.e., 912a18-21) is devoted, in contrast, to two subjects: (i) the

absolute "non-duality" ofVairocana's "personality" and "field", (ii) the omnipresence of the same

buddha's three mysteries. No necessary connection can be read between these two T905

paragraphs.

In contrast, the KRHG paragraph found in BZ28.1087b8-12, which parallels the T905

paragraph 912a21-27 appears more natural in its context. This KRHG paragraph is supplemented

by a paragraph (BZ28 .1087b 12-1088a4) which is concentrated on the same topic--the "non-
 211

duality" of Vairocana-buddha's two aspects; i.e., the two dharmakiiyas denoted by principle and

wisdom. Furthermore, the KRHG paragraph BZ2S.1087bS-12 fits natual into the general theme

of the whole treatise, which is, as indicated by the title, about the "mysterious teaching of the two

sections (aspects) [of Vairocana-buddha]." This again suggests that KRHG may have been the text

into which this paragraph was originally written.

(c) The Three T905 Paragraphs 911c26-912a3, 912a3-5 and 912a18-21

The three component sentences of the T905 paragraph 912a3-5, along with two of the three

component sentences of the T905 paragraph 912a18-21, are all found in Enchin's DKSM. The

T905 paragraph 911c26-912a3, which finds its parallel in Enchin's another work--ZSK, is

followed by the T905 paragraph 911a3-5. For these two reasons, these three T905 paragraphs are

to be examined here side by side.

First, we will examine how the parallels for these three T905 paragraphs work in two of

Enchin's treatises. As for the ZSK parallel for the T905 paragraph 911c26-912a3, found in

BZ27.980alO-13, appears in a collection of notes left by Enchin as a separate and independent

entry. DKSM contains five sentences, three of which are included in the T905 paragraph 912a3-5,

while the remaining two included in the T905 paragraph 912a18-21. DKSM is a self-consistent

work in which Enchin follows one and the same interpreting pattern in terms of three Sanskrit

syllables (i.e., A-Sa-Va). In DKSM, these five sentences are quite natural.

Whereas in Enchin's two treatises the paragraphs/sentences paralleling the three T905

paragraphs are natural, the three T905 paragraphs are quite unnatural in T905. In discussing the

T905 paragraph 912a21-27, I noted the incompatibility between this paragraph and that 912a1S-

21, one of the three T905 paragraphs discussed here. As for the relationship between the T905
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paragraph 912a1S-21 and paragraph preceding it (i.e., 912aS-1S, quoted from Yixing's

commentary), they appear quite disconnected in meaning. The T905 paragraph 912aS-1S, talking

about the reason why sentient beings should worship a person who has mastered the bodhi-mudra

as reverently as they worship a stiipa , seems to have nothing to do with the T905 paragraph

912a1S-21 which is about the e-shin21 unity and the universal presence of Vairocana-buddha's

"three mysteries" .

The remaining two T905 paragraphs (i.e., 911c26-912a3 and 912a3-5), next to each other

in T905, appear consistent with each other. A series of threefold correlation are proposed in

paragraph 912a3-5: the three syllables A, Va, Ra are identified with, respectively, the "equal

enlightenment", "wonderful enlightenment" and "function". In this sense, this paragraph

harmonizes with paragraph in 911c26-912a3, in which several groups of threefold correlation are

also proffered forward 22 • But one problem emerges as soon as we tum to the T905 paragraph

immediately following 912a3-5. One focus of this T905 paragraph in 912a5-7 exactly consists in

the "three clauses", which are drawn into correlation with the three sections at the end of

paragraph 91lc26-912a3. Therefore, in fact, the two T905 paragraphs 91lc26-912a3 and 912a5-7

are connected with each other more closely than with the paragraph placed between them, i.e.,

paragraph 912a3-5.

*****
In conclusion, these five T905 paragraphs appear unnatural and inconsistent with their

respective contexts. In contrast, their parallels in Enchin's texts are much more natural as they

appear in their respective contexts. This also suggests that T905 is probably not the original source

of the five paragraphs in question23 • In other words, the five paragraphs originally appeared in
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Enchin's works before they were moved to T90S, thence the Japanese origin ofT90S.

Section (C) The Date of T90S and the Polemical Agenda Underlying the Composition of
T90S after T907

Before formally treating these two problems, we will underscore two distinctive features

of T905 in comparison with its two affiliated texts.

(C.I) Two Distinctive Features of T90S

The first feature is obviuos. It becomes evident even by a hasty comparison of the titles

of the three siddhi texts: of the three siddhi texts, only the title of T905 is headed by the term

"three ranks of attainment" (Jpn., shanshushicchi; Chin., sanzhongxidzy4.

The second feature is more complicated; it is about T905's direct reference to the "three

ranks of attainment". As we know, the dharma-transmission document (fuhamon) attributed to

Saicho correlates the three groups of five-syllable dhar~s with the "three ranks of attainment"

(higher, middle and lower), rather than with "three kinds of attainment" ("merging", "entering"

and "mystery"). In T905 the three dhar~s are correlated with three ranks (and not merely with
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three kinds) of attainment in the text proper. However, in its two affiliated texts, T906 and T907,

the saying of "three ranks of attainment" is merely put forward (either partly or wholly) in the

form of interlinear notes.

In T906, the discussion of "three ranks of attainment" is not complete. Only two ranks of

attainment (i.e., lower and middle) are included in the text proper while the termjOhon shicchi

(the "higher rank of attainment") merely appears in an interlinear note.

The text of T907 proper merely includes the discussion of "three kinds of attainment", and

does not mention the "three ranks of attainment". This concept is only found in T90Ts three

interlinear notes. These interlinear notes might have been interpolated into T907 by its editor on

the basis of T905. This assumption is confIrmed by Annen's quotation of T907 in his TDT. As

quoted by Annen, the Sonsh6 hajigoku h6 (=T907) correlated the three fIve-syllable dharrup:s with

the three kinds ("emerging", "entering" and "mystery"), but not the three ranks (lower, middle

and higher), of attainment.

Besides, another comparatively early edition of T907 cited in a Taimitsu work attests to

the absence of the saying of the "three ranks of attainment" in the text of T907 proper. This

Taimitsu work is the one-hundred-fascicle Gy6rin sh6 (T2409), which was completed in 1154 by

Shinnen (?_?)25. In fascicle seven, Shinnen made a lengthy quotation from a text called "Buccho

Sonshonshin hajigoku dengossho shutsusangai himitsu darani" by Subhakarasimha (T2409.76.

73c26-74a18). Judged by both the title 26 and the quotation27 , the text referred to by Shinnen here

is none other than T90728 •

What is particularly remarkable in this quotation is that none of the three interlinear notes,

that appear in the Taish6 edition of T907 mentioning the three ranks of attainment, is found in
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Shinnen's quotation. Did Shinnen fail to quote the interlinear notes, which were actually present

in the text he was quoting from? Or does the version of T907 Shinnen used here simply lack the

interlinear notes? The second assumption appears to be closer to the truth, as verified by Shinnen's

own comment following this quotation,

My personal comment: there exists a different version [of this text], whose general
purport is identical with that in the text [as quoted] above. The length of this
different version is a bit larger. It takes syllables A, Vam, etc., as the higher rank
of attainment; it takes syllables A, Vi, etc., as the middle rank of attainment,
which is called the "vajra-words" capable of subduing the four kinds of Maras and
six realms, of satisfying the wisdom of "all-wisdoms"; it takes syllables A, Ra,
etc., as the lower rank of attainment ... (T2409.76.74aI9-23).

In his comment, Shinnen especially emphasizes that this different version of T907 (most likely

T905) associates the three five-syllable dhar~s with the three ranks of attainment. From this it

is clear that this correlation of three dhar~s with the three ranks of attainment must have

conspicuously distinguished this text (= T905) from Shinnen' s version of T907. Otherwise,

Shinnen would not have felt the necessity of commenting on it. From this we can also infer that

this threefold correlation between three dhar~s and three ranks of attainment was not included

in the text Shinnenjust quoted (i.e., T907), neither as a part of the text proper nor as interlinear

notes. So, I conclude that originally T907 did not contain (i) the classification of attainment in

terms of three ranks and (ii) the correlation between the three dharaQis and three ranks of

attainment.

This feature of T905, along with the fact that of the three siddhi texts T905 is the only one

with a title headed by the term sanshushicchi, will be proved crucial for determining the date of

T905 and deciphering the polemical agenda underlying its formation after T907.
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(C.II) The Date of T90S

Let us fIrst discuss the date of T905. It is remarkable that Annen did not mention T905 in

his Hakke hiroku bibliography and TDT, although he did mention in both of them a text which

I have identified as T90729 • As we know, when Annen in TDT referred to and quoted from T907,

he used this text as the canonical support for the "procedure of the threefold attainment"

(sanshushicchi h6) in Saicho'sjUhanon. On the other hand, the two distinctive features of T905

as stressed above present T905, in comparison with its two affIliated texts (T906 and T907), as

a better scriptural source not only for the "procedure of the threefold attainment" but also for the

threefold dhara¢-attainment correlation--the core of Saicho'sjUhanon. Therefore, as far as the

canonical source for the legitimacy of Saicho's dharma-transmission is concerned, Annen would

not have failed to quote (or at least to mention) T905 had he read the text by that time. However,

the fact is that Annen did not include T905 in his Hakke hiroku bibliography which was revised

in 902. This suggests that as late as 902 Annen had not yet had a chance to see T905.

Considering Annen's rarely paralleled erudition and the likelihood that he would have

warmly welcomed T905 had it come to his attention, Annen's ignorance of T905 by the year 902

suggests that T905 did not exist at the time. For this reason, the year 902 can be set as the

terminus post quem for the composition of T905. At this point in my research I set the terminus

ante quem for T905 in 1047, when a Tendai master called K6gei was reported to have made

reference to a text which can be identified as T905.

K6gei (977-1049) is a Tendai leader who opened a major Taimitsu branch, i.e., the taniryii

branch, in opposition to the gawaryiibranch. The taniryiibranch was once prosperous. A number
 217

of Taimitsu sects influential in Medieval Japan were derived from it. In his later years, K6gei

dedicated himself to lecturing and commenting on Esoteric sutras. Some of his lectures and

comments were recorded by his student Choen (1016-1081) in a book called "Shijiij6 ketsu"

(T2408, "Forty chapters of Instructions").

In the Shijiij6ketsu, Choen reported that on the twenty-third day of the seventh month of

the year 1047 K6gei mentioned in his lecture a different version of the Sonsh6 hajigoku h6,

A different version of the Sonsh6 hajigoku says, "The dhannakaya-as-the-wisdom

I I

is also called the body of retribution" (so on and so on). This passage is consistent
[with what I said here]. It calls the "dharmakaya-as-the-wisdom" as the "principal
[retribution]" (Jpn., sho{ho); Chin., zheng[baoj), implying that the object (Jpn.,
ky6; Chin., jing) and wisdom (Jpn., chi; Chin., zhz) correspond with each other
in a mysterious way (T2408.7S.871c29-872a2).

In the next section I will identify the Sonsh6 hajigoku h6 K6gei is discussing here as T906. Then,

the "different version of the Sonsh6 hajigoku ha' mentioned in the quoted passage may be T90S

or T907. The sentence quoted by Kogei here, viz., "the dharmakaya-as-the-wisdom is also called

the body of retribution", is only found in T90S (c.f., T90S.18.909c27-28). Thus, this "different

version" appears to have been T90S.

In addition, in T90S the "dharmakaya-as-the-wisdom" is associated with the "body-for-self-

enjoyment" (Jpn., jijuy6shin; Chin., zhishouyongshen) , exactly one of the two aspects of the

"retribution-body" (the other aspect being the "body-for-other's-enjoyment" [Jpn., tajuy6shin;

Chin., tashouyongshen]) (912a21-23). Out of the three siddhi texts T90S is the only one in which

the two concepts "dharmakaya-as-the-wisdom" and "principal retribution", contrasted with

"dharmakaya-as-the-principle" and "secondary retribution" (Jpn., eh6; Chin., yibao) respectively,

are successively discussed (912a18-27).

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Finally, according to Ch6en, it is only after discussing the relationship between the two

aspects of both the "retribution-body" and dharmaldiya30 that the reference to this "different

version" was made by K6gei (T2408. 75 .87Oc21-871c29) . It is striking that the bifurcations of both

"retribution-body" and dharma-body are also formulated in the T905 paragraph in 912a21-27, in

which the inter-relationship between the two aspects of the two bodies are further expounded (c. f.,

912a21-27).

From these parallels between T905 and this "different version of the Sonsh6 hajigoku ha',

I conclude that this "different version" mentioned by K6gei in 1047 is no other than T905.

Therefore, the year 1047 can be established as the terminus ante quem for the. composition of

T905.

In conclusion, it can be said that T905 was composed in Japan between 902 and 1047.

(C.III) The Polemical Agenda Underlying the Composition of T905

Let us now tum to the second question in this section: given that T907 had already existed

as the canonical support for the dharma-transmission attributed to Saich6, what prompted the

forgery of T905 after T907? Before trying to answer this question, I will first briefly observe

Annen's connection with T905.

In chapter four, I proposed that Annen be taken as the most likely author of T907. We

have now determined that T905 was composed on the basis of T907 and furthermore that T905

was also based on Enchin's works. It would now be necessary to investigate the possibility that

T905 was also composed by Annen.

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Indeed, in the sense that T907 only mentions the three kinds of attainment not that of three

ranks of attainment (the latter being one central category in Saich6'sjuhOnon), T907 may not

have been the perfect text for supporting the authenticity of Saich6'sjuhOnon. But Annen seems

to have been content with this "imperfect" text, congratulating himself for "having recently

discovered" such a text. This suggests that he, at least at that time, lacked the impulse to create

a new and "better" text, such as T905.

Furthermore, as I argued in chapter four, the way in which the twenty-two line gatha in

T907 was broken into two in T905 suggests that the T905 author had failed to understand the

connection between several lines of this twenty-two line gatha. This would mean that the author

of T905 was not the author of this gatha. Thus, Annen, if taken as the most likely author of T907,

could not have been the author of T905.

For these two reasons, I believe that Annen is unlikely to have overseen the fabrication of

T90S. The absence of reference to this text in his bibliography revised in 902 is further evidence.

Thus, in view of the fact that several works by Enchin as well as Yixing's definitive

commentary on the Darijing were used in T905, I believe that T905 was composed in Japan after

Annen by some Tendai monk who respected not only Yixing but also Enchin. What had prompted

the composition of T90S after T907?

One unique feature of T90S, i.e., it contains in the text proper (rather than interlinear

notes) the classification of the three ranks attainment (not merely that of three kinds of

attainment), seems to provide an important clue for answering this question. This peculiar feature

of T905 leads me to speculate that after Annen died some Tendai monk must have become

discontent with T907 as a scriptural support for the Esoteric dharma-transmission portrayed in
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Saich6' s juh6mon and tried to write a "better" text than T907. His efforts finally resulted in the

formation of T905. The peculiar feature of T905 has made it a "better" scriptural source than

T907 for supporting the threefold dharru;U-attainment correlation as depicted in Saich6' s juh6mon.

Consequently, I suggest that the search for a better scriptural source than T907 for supporting

Saich6'sjuh6mon might have been the most important sectarian incentive that had prompted the

forgery of T905 after the appearance of T907 in Japan3l .

Section (D) The Formation of T906

As in the case of T905, a textual analysis of T906 is indispensable for an appropriate

understanding of the provenance of T906. For this reason, we will begin the formal examination

of the provenance and date of T906 with a close investigation of the textual sources on which

T906 is based.

Like T905, T906 was also written on the basis of T907. In T906, a large part which

extends from its beginning to T906.18. 912c21 must have been taken from T907. A close

comparison of this part of T906 with T907 reveals that its component sentences were re-arranged

when they were put into the text of T906.

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This part of T906 is followed by another large part (912c23-913b25) that describes a

mandala-like picture, in which several syllables are transformed into a number of unique images

characterizing a buddha-field in which Mahavairocana-buddha and his companions are said to have

dwelt. This part of T906 constitutes one of the two major parts in T906 which, not found in T907,

may have been added by the author of T906 himself. It is composed of the following four kinds

of textual sources:

(i) one small section that was taken from Yixing's commentary32;

(ii) two paragraphs which are found in Annen's KongCkai daihi5 taijukP3 as well
as in a kongCkai sutra (T1056) translated by BUkong34 ;

(iii) one big paragraph which can be divided into three sections: (a) exclusively
found in KongCkai daihaaijuki; (b) taken from a kongCkai text (i.e., T878; also
translated by Bukong)35; and (c) found in 913b4-8 which was probably composed
by the T906 author himself;

(iv) two paragraphs in 913bl-20 and 913b20-25 respectively, which are not found
elsewhere and therefore might have been written by the T906 author himself.

Let us examine in more detail how the component paragraphs in this major part of T906 are

related to Annen's KongCkai daihaaijuki and the two kongCkai texts.

We will first tum to the paragraph (912c25-913a2) which, immediately following the small

section taken from Yixing's commentary, is also found in T105636 as well as Annen's KongCkai

daihiiaijuki. Since T1056 is earlier than both KongCkai daihiiaijuki and T906, this textual parallel

between the three texts suggests that (i) either T906 or the KongCkai daihaaijuki borrowed this

paragraph from the other, which, in tum, had borrowed it from T1056; or that (ii) both of them

borrowed this paragraph from T1056, no textual borrowing having taken place between them.

The other paragraph, found in 913a2-1237 , though also found in both T1056 and Annen's
 222

Kong&ai daihetaijuki, is closer to its parallel in the Kong&ai daihOtaijuki than to the parallel in

T1056 38 . Therefore, I assume that either Annen or the author of T906 borrowed this paragraph

from the other.

While the two T906 paragraphs treated above are both found in TI056 and Annen's

Kong&ai daihOtaijuki, the three-sectioned 913a12-b7 paragraph, immediately after the paragraph

in 913a2-12, contains a section that is only found in Annen's Kong&ai daihetaijuki:

This syllable Yam changes into a stiipa which, in form, can be square, round,
triangular, curved and sphere-like, since it is made of the "five elements": earth,
water, fire, wind and space. This stiipa is transformed into Mahavairocana-
tathagata whose body is [as bright as] the moon and who, with the "crown of five-
buddhas" on the head, embellishes his own body with a celestial dress made of fine
silk and with a necklace of precious stones. The lights emanating from him
illumine all over the dharma-fields in the ten directions. All lean on a moon-
wheel. The "Four Buddhas", "Four Paramita [-bodhisattvas]" , "Sixteen
[bodhisattvas]" , "Eight Serving [bodhisattvas]" and "Four Embracing
[bodhisattvas] ", one thousand buddhas in the bhadrakalpa and twenty kinds of
devas, along with countless bodhisattvas, are surrounding him and serving as his
companions (T906.18.913a12-18)39.

The second section of this T906 paragraph lists the "thirty-seven deities,,40, which

constitute a group of Esoteric deities often cited in a variety of Esoteric Buddhist texts.

Nonetheless, this T906 section appears to have been quoted from T87841 •

Following the first major part that was added by the T905 author is a part whose

component paragraphs, except for two small ones, are all found in T90742 • One of these two T906

paragraphs not found in T907 identifies Syllable A with the amaliivijiiiina , the four Chinese

character bi-ru-sha-na (Chin., bi-lu-zhe-na) with the "four teachings" (sikyagi; Chin., sijiaoyz)

advocated in the Chinese Tiantai school43 :

Syllable A is like the amaliivijiiiina , whose substance is the alayavijiiiina. Ten

thousand dharmas are stored in syllable A, just like all the dharmas are stored in
 223

the "store vijiiiina " (i.e., aIayavijiiiina). For the reason, in the four characters, bi-
ru-sha-na (Vairocana), are included the "four teachings". The nine-layered moon-
wheel represents the "nine deities on the eight petals,,44 (T906.18.913c7-9).

The other small paragraph in 913c24-914al, which was written on the basis of one of Zhiyi's

commentaries on the Vimalakirti-nirdeia-siitra, correlates the amalii vijiiiina with the "wheel of

the nine-layered heart-moon" ,

These dharat;lls of the three kinds of attainment, though being the dharat;1Is for
buddhogli.;n's supreme mind, are actually the dharat;1Is for Mahavairocana-
tathagata's "three bodies" [respectively]. From this, it must be understood that the
buddho~ is exactly Vairocana-tathagata' s body, exactly the three-sectioned
buddho$1)l;n -body. As for the three kinds of vijiianas, the first is the avadiina-
vijiiiina , i.e., the six vijiiiinas; the second the adiina-vijiiiina , i.e., the seventh
vijiiiina ; the third the iiJaya-vijiiiina , i.e., the eighth vijiiiina 45. Now, a fourth
one called amaliivijiiiina is added [to the three vijfziina s], constituting the teaching
[as implied] in the "wheel of the nine-layered heart-moon" .

T906 continues with the second of the two major parts in T906 which, not found

elsewhere, might have been written by the T906 author himself. In this part, the tri-chiliocosm

is classified into three ranks and some hajigoku ("destroying hell") ideas were propounded

(T906.18.914al-bll).

Finally, T906 ends with a gathii which is, as illustrated in chapter four, composed of the

sixteen lines from the gathii in T907.

*****

Through this textual analysis, we fmd that T906 is composed of the following seven kinds

of textual sources: the first is, needless to say, T907; the second is two paragraphs in Yixing's

commentary; the third is several paragraphs that can be found in an Esoteric text (T1046) and a
 224

work by Annen (i.e., the Kongi5kai daihaaijuki) as well; the fourth is two paragraphs that are

exclusively found in the Kongi5kai daihCiaijuki; the fifth is a paragraph that is probably taken from

another Kong6kai text--T878; the sixth is several sentences from one of Zhiyi' s commentary on

the Vimalaklrti-siiJra; the seventh is several paragraphs written by the T906 author himself

independently.

Compared with T907 and T905, T906 is particularly remarkable for the following several

reasons. First of all, it places the emphasis on Kong6kai thought. This is testified by T906's close

connection with those well known Kong6kai siitras like T1056 and T878, as well as Annen's

important work exclusively devoted to the Kong6kai transmissions in the Tendai school.

Secondly, it is noteworthy that T906 has assimilated some characteristic yogacara ideas.

The two paragraphs found in T906.18.913c7-9 and 913c24-914al, refers to the "ninth

consciousness" (i.e., amaliivijiiiina ) as advocated in some branches of the Chinese Yogacara

traditions 46 •

Thirdly, T906 distinguishes itself from T905 and T907 by its full treatment of the hajigoku

ideas. As noted above, the second of the two major parts in T906 that were added by the T906

author himself is mainly devoted to hajigoku thought. This presents a sharp contrast to both T905

and T907, which, though headed by a title including the term hajigoku, say nothing about the

notion of hajigoku.

*****

Now let us try to determine the provenance and date of T906. First of all, one point is
 225

clear: T906 was, like T905 and T907, composed in Japan. Secondly, it warrants particular note

that two T906 paragraphs find their parallels in Annen's KongCkai daihaaijuki. Therefore, it is

possible (i) that the KongCkai daihaaijuki has used these two paragraphs from T906 or (ii) that

these two paragraphs in the KongCkai daihaaijuki were incorporated into T906. The second

assumption is, as I tend to believe, closer to the truth for the following three reasons: first, T906

was written on the basis of T907; second, T907 was very probably written by Annen and third,

it is very unlikely that Annen is the author of T906. Since the former two reasons have already

been discussed in this and the last chapters, I will here confme myself to discussing the third

reason.

As already noted in chapter four, the author of T906, in breaking the single gathfi

originally found in T907 into two in T906, separated several lines of this gathfi which are devoted

to the same theme and can not be read separately. This would mean that the author of T906 is

unlikely to have been the original author of this gathfi in T907, who probably was Annen. In other

words, T906 was very unlikely to have been written by Annen. Furthermore, T906 was prepared

on the basis of T907. Therefore, I think that T906 was written in Japan after Annen. The textual

parallels between the text and Annen's KongCkai daihaaijuki must have resulted when the author

of T906 copied them from the KongCkai daihaaijuki into T906.

As for the date of T906, we must recall again that T906, like T905, was not included in

Annen's bibliography which does refer to T907. In dealing with the date of T905, I noted that the

absence of T905 in Annen's bibliography implies that Annen had known nothing of T905 as late

as the year 902 when the bibliography was subjected to revision. Considering Annen's broad

learning and the great interest T905 would have had for him, I concluded that T905 had not yet
 226

appeared in Japan by 902. By the same reason, I believe that T906 was composed in Japan later

than 902. The year 902, therefore, can be set up as the tenninus post quem for the composition

of T906.

On the other hand, according to the ShijUjo ketsu (the same work providing a proof

enabling us to put the tenninus ante quem for T905 in the year 1047), K6gei is said to have

mentioned in the fourth month of Ch6kyii 3 (i.e., 1042) a text under the title "Sonsh6 hajigoku

h6",

The master (i.e., K6gei) says, "The five wheels are exactly the five wisdoms and
five buddhas, just as [it is discussed] in the Sonsho hajigoku ha' (so on and so on,
said in the fourth month of Ch6kyii 3) (T2408.75.827a18-19).

The title of this text, "Sonsh6 hajigoku h6", suggests that it might have been either T906 or T907;

is is not likely to have been T905 whose title does not have the key term Sonsho. In fact, this text

turns out to be T906, since of the three siddhi texts only T906 correlates the five wheels with five

wisdoms (T906.18.912c17-21). This ascertains that T906 was known to a Tendai monk by 1042.

Thus, the year 1042 can be given as the tenninus ante quem for the composition of T906.

Consequently, T906 was composed in Japan between 902 and 1042.

 227

Notes,

1. In chapter four I argued that of the three siddhi texts T907 is the oldest one which was almost wholly
reproduced in both T90S and T906. For this reason, I assume that all the T90S parts which are also found in
T907 were taken from T907.

2. Five sentences from T907 and five sentences from Enchin's KRHG were, as I show below, were
reproduced in this long paragraph of T90S.
Furthermore, the BZ edition of the Chisho Daishi zenshu includes a fragmentary record of a lecture
which is said to have been delivered by Enchin on the Lotus Siitra. This fragmentary record includes a series
of fivefold correlations which remind the reader of the main ideas implied in this T90S paragraph,

Liver, green in colour, is likened to a seven-leaf lotus; heart, red in colour, to an eight-leaf
lotus; spleens, yellow in colour, to a yellow flower which is of one angular leaf; lungs, white
in colour, to an eight-leaf lotus; kidney, black colour, to a black flower with eight leaves. The
chapter of upiiya [in the Lotus Siitra] is aligned with the yellow lotus; that of the "precious
pagoda" with the red flower; that of "herbs" with the green flower; that of abhijfzana with the
black flower. My mother Ratnaketu in the east, correlated with the air of spring, exists by
sucking the essence in the green flower in my liver; my mother Ratnarasi-Buddha
(Ratnasarnbhava-buddha?) in the south, correlated with the air of summer, exists by sucking
the essence in the red flower in my heart; my mother Amitabha in the west, correlated with
the air of autumn, exists by sucking the essence in the white flower in my lungs ' [my mother
Amoghasiddhi-buddha in the north, correlated with winter, exists by sucking the essence in
the black flower in my kidney;] my mother Vairocana-buddha at the centre, [correlated with
the air of mid-summer ,] exists by sucking the essence in the yellow flower in my spleens
(BZ28.1199bS-11).

At the beginning, Enchin correlated the five viscera with five colours and five kinds of flower; then, five
chapters in the Lotus Siitra were associated with five-coloured flowers. Further, Enchin went on to correlate
the five buddhas in the five directions with the five seasons, five kinds of flowers in five colours and five
viscera.
According to the BZ edition of this fragmentary record, Enchin here merely correlates four buddhas
with four seasons, four flowers offour colours and four viscera. I doubt that the MS was damaged here, since
at the beginning of this passage Enchin has already put forward a couple of fivefold correlations which involve
five viscera, five colours, etc. The gohCbutsu notion (Le., five buddhas in five directions), which was initiated
in Yixing's Darijing commentary (cf., chapter nine), had already been well accepted by the time of Enchin.
I have no reason to believe that in this context involving so many fivefold categories Enchin had fallen short
of completely enumerating the five buddhas in five directions.
Finally, it is remarkable that several passages in the famous Chinese Buddhist apocryphon, the
Tiweipoli jing, were also used in this long paragraph in T90S. The following sentences, for instances, are
found in the Tiweipoli jing (for the corresponding Tiweipoli jing passages, see Makita 1977: 178):

Liver, corresponding with the external organ eye, dominates the muscles which end at the
nails (T90S.18.909c1S-16).
 228
Heart, corresponding with the external organ tongue, dominates the blood which ends at the
milk. Moreover, heart dominates the helix, nose, throat, bridge of the nose, forehead and
cheeks (T90S.18.91OalS-16).

Kidney is born from the black breath and lungs. Dominating ears, kidney corresponds with
bones and dominates the marrow. The marrow ends at the ear-hole, while the bones at the
teeth (T90S .18.91 Oa29-b2).

3. The first sentence is found in 911a2:

The dharmadhatu [the "realm of dharma"] refers to the substance of the Tathagata in the
dhannakaya.

Its KRHG parallel is found in BZ28.1087a4.

The second sentence is found in 911a2S-26 (its KRHG parallel is found in BZ28.1087b2-3):

[They] are the complete body of the Vairocana-buddha-as-the-dhannakaya, and the true
source for the 'five sections' and 'three sections'.

4. Two of the three paragraphs are identifiable, while the third one is not (which means it may have been
written by the T90S author himself). The paragraph whose source I fail to identify is found in T90S.18.91Oc4-
9, which attributes a lot of merits to the five Sanskrit syllables. A paragraph in T90S.18.911a2-4 is quoted
from the Susiddhikara-siitra:

From the armpit to the top of the head is the higher [rank of attainment]; from the navel to
the armpit the middle [rank of attainment]; from the feet to the navel the lower [rank of
attainment]. With regard to the dharanis [related to the attainment], three kinds of attainment
must be distinguished.

The parallel passage in the Susiddhikara-s iitra is found in T893 .18. 603c6-7.
The other T90S paragraph found in T90S.18.911a5-11 was written on the basis of two Esoteric siitras,
the Jingangding chaosheng sanjie jing shuo Wenshu wuzi zJzenyan shengxiang (Jpn., Kong6cho ch6sh6sangai
kyosetsu Monju goji shingon sh6so, The Excellent Appearances of MaftjuSri's Five-syllable Dharani Which
Is Preached in the Vajra-crown Siitra on Transcending the Three Realms; TIl72) and the Jingangdingjing
Manshushili Pusa wuzi xintuoluonipin (Jpn., Kong6chogyo Monjushiri Bosatsu goji shindarani hon; The
Chapter about MaiijuSrl's Five-syllable Heart-dharClQI Preached in the KongJchJgyi; TI173, which Enchin
regards as the scriptural source for the third of the three five-syllable dharClQIs [i.e., A-Ra-Pa-Ca-Na]):

Reciting this dharani once is like reciting eighty-four thousands and twelve tripifakas of
Vedas. That is sufficient in ridding the practitioner of all calamities. He will enter into the
Tathagata[-state] where all dharmas become equal and so do all the wordings; the maha-
prajila (" great wisdom") will be obtained rapidly. After reciting this dharani twice, he will
remove the grave sins [culminated] in one hundred million kalpas, which determine his birth
and death. Manjusri and Samantabhadra, followed by the "Four Congregations", surround
him to give him empowerment, while Maitri-abhaya and all the benevolent deities make their
presence before him. After reciting this dharClQl thrice, he will immediately enter into the
samadhi. After reciting this dharClQl four times, he will get full control [of good and evil
passions], never forgetful [of the Buddhist teachings]. After reciting this dharClQl five times,
 229
one will rapidly accomplish the supreme bodhi.

For the sources of these sentences in T1172 and T1173, see T1172.20.709aI8, 709aI9-21, 709b27-28,
709b28-29, 709b29-cl; T1173.20.7IOaI7-19.
The sentences from T1173 which were moved to T905 are also found in Enchin's KSSH. Therefore,
probably it is after reading KSSH that the T905 author decided to incorporate into his text these sentences from
Tl172 and T1173.

5. This paragraph appears in T907 as an interlinear note (T907. 915bI8-19). It is possible that the paragraph
was taken from T907 into T905. But since the paragraph appears in T907 as an interlinear note, it is more
likely that the paragraph was interpolated into T907 by an editor after he read T905 (as I will show later, this
is true at least for some of the interlines notes in T907; cf., my discussion of one version of T907 used by
Shinnen [section (C) of this chapter]).

6. In the T905 paragraph in 911a27-bl this italicized sentence appears at the beginning, rather than the end,
of the paragraph.

7. The pair of categories, e-shin (Chin., yi-z/leng), is equal to the eh6-shinho (Chin., yibao-z/lengbao), both
of which mean the "secondary retribution" and the "principal retribution". The e{hoj denotes the kind of
retribution resulting from one's karmas in his previous lives, manifesting in the form of the living condition
one is born into, e.g., the country, family, possession, etc. The shin{hoj, on the other hand, refers to the
personality deriving from one's previous karmas (cf., Soothill 1968: 249). Here, I choose to use the tentative
English translations for these two categories, e{hoj--secondary [retribution], shin{hoj--principal [retribution],
although I am aware of the considerable inadequacy of the translations, which I have to tolerate before more
appropriate translations are found.

8. The T905 paralleling sentence reads this as "reveals the thirty-seven deities" for the sake of enjoying
himself.

9. In the T905 paralleling paragraph, this sentence reads as "in order to enjoy himself and others" .

10. Subhakarasimha, allegedly enjoying an extraordinarily long life (99 years), outlived his disciple Yixing,
who is 46 years younger than his teacher, by eight years.

11. Yixing's commentary was composed on the basis of Subhakarasimha's lectures on the Darijing. With
regard to these fourteen paragraphs, no acknowledgement has been made in Yixing's commentary to the effect
that any of the fourteen paragraphs was based on another source.

12. I first resorted to the Index Series for the Taisho TripiJaka. Then, I checked this twenty-volume
commentary page by page. In both cases, I failed to identify any of these five paragraphs in Yixing's
commentary .

13. T905 is of no more than 4,400 characters, while the KRHG is barely of 800 characters.

14. That is possible only under the circumstance that these paragraphs/sentences are in an extremely short
article (as short as composed of virtually nothing more than these paragraphs/ sentences). That is almost
impossible for the thematic varieties these paragraphs/sentences display.
 230

15. For the dating of KSSH, see section (B) in chapter five. For the connection between KSSH and KRHG,
see BKD 3: 136.

16. This title is based on the fact that Enchin once served as the abbot of a so-called Sannoin Temple.

17. In chapter five we discussed some other evidence to show Enchin's ignorance of all of the three siddhi texts
(including T905) until his death in 891.

18. As I noted above, the concluding section of T905, mainly composed of paragraphs from other sources,
appears contextually inconsistent. For this reason, the contextual inconsistencies found in the whole concluding
section of T905 can not be exclusively ascribed to the five T905 paragraphs which are also found in Enchin's
three texts.
However, the T905 paragraph under investigation here is not in the same situation and therefore the
eulogy is to be taken as the sole cause for the contextual inconsistency regarding this T905 paragraph (the
parallel paragraph of this T905 paragraph in both T906 and T907, lacking this eulogy, appears consistent).

19. This conclusion is also corroborated by the remarkable positions two paragraphs and one sentence in
KRHG are found in T905. In KRHG, the eulogy is found next to the paragraph in BZ28.1087aI7-b3. In T905,
the paragraph containing this eulogy is also next to the paragraph which parallels the same KRHG paragraph.
What proves particularly telling is that the two KRHG paragraphs are found at the beginning and end of the
concluding section of T905, which is one of the two major parts prepared by the T905 author himself.

20. This paragraph may have been taken from T907 in which the paragraph serves as an interlinear note.

21. For the meaning of this pair of Buddhist terms, see note <7> .

22. The threefold correlation formulated in the T905 paragraph in 911c26-912a3 includes the following four
threefold categories: (1) "three-sections" (buddha-, lotus-, and vajra-section), (2) "three-virtues" (dhanna-kaya,
prajna, and delivery), (3) "three-mysteries" (body, mouth, and mind), and fmally (4) "three clauses" (bodhi-mind,
compassion and upaya) (T905.18.91.1c26-912a3).

23. Nevertheless, we would have to take another fact into consideration. In T905 the whole concluding section,
excluding these five paragraphs and one other paragraph (911 b4-6), is, as shown before, composed of paragraphs
either directly taken from, or carefully constructed on the basis of, Yixing's commentary. This peculiar situation
might have determined to a great extent the inconsistencies in T905's concluding section as a whole. In view of
this, it is possible that the inconsistencies in this section are caused not so much by the five paragraphs as by the
paragraphs based on Yixing's commentary. For this reason, the inconsistencies regarding the five T905
paragraphs can be counted as no more than circumstantial evidence for disqualifying T905 as the original source
for the five paragraphs. The declsiveproofs for the view that Enchin's treatises are the primary sources to which
T905 was indebted for the five paragraphs must be sought, therefore, in the evidence discussed in (B.I) and (B.Il).

24. Of the three siddhi texts, T907 has a title ("Bucch6 sonshOshin hajigoku tengossh6 shutsusangai himitsu
darani") which does not contain the term of shanshushicchi; the title of T906 does contain the term which
appears, however, near the end of the title ("Buccho sonshoshin hajigoku tengossh6 shutsusangai himitsu
sanjim bukka sanshushicchi shingon giki"). T905 is the only text whose title is headed by the term
("Sanshushicchi hajigoku tengossh6 shutsusangai himitsu darani h6").
 231

25. Some fascicles were fInished earlier. Fascicle forty-two was fInished, for example, as early as 1144, one
decade before the completion of the whole work. In the Gyorin sho, the Buccho Sonshashin hajigoku
dengossho shutsusangai himitsu darani and its different version are mentioned in fascicle seven, which might
have been fInished even earlier than 1144.

26. The title referred to by Shinnen here is exactly identical with that by which T907 is currently included in
the Taisho TripiJaka (cf., T907.18.914c), and different from those of T905 and T906 in the same Taisho
TripiJaka (cf., T905.18.909b; T906.18.912b).

27. This quotation is only found in T907, not in T905 or T906.

28. The corresponding paragraphs in T907 is found in T907.915b12-28.

29. Cf., section (C) in chapter five. Annen referred to T907 as the Sonsho hajigoku darani giki in his Hakke
hiroku bibliography and as the Sonsh6 hajigoku h6 in his TDT, in which Annen also made quotation from
T907.

30. The two aspects of the "retribution-body" are the "body-for-self-enjoyment" and "body-for-other's-
enjoyment", while in T905 the dharmakiiya is bifurcated into the "dharmakiiya-as-the-wisdom" and
"dharmakaya-as-the-principle" .

31. Of course, there were other reasons for the formation of T905, such as the desire to weave some basic
Esoteric fIvefold categories with a number of indigenous Chinese fivefold categories inspired by the wuxing
pattern, etc.

32. This small section (912c23-25), in which this large part of T906 begins, was taken from Yixing's
commentary (for its connection with Yixing's commentary, see T1796.39.586bll-13; 727c8-23).

33. As noted about, in this work Annen records the Kong6kai-related teachings transmitted in Tendai tradition
(cf., chapter five).

34. Jingangding yujia qianshou qianyan Guanzizai Pusa xiuxing yigui jing (Jpn., Kong6ch6 yuga senju sengen
kanjizai Bosatsu shugy6 gikiky6), the Siitra about the Practice Manual [Preached by] the Bodhisattva
Avalokitesvara Who, [Wearing] the Vajra-crown, Is One-thousand-armed and One-thousand-eyed.

35. Jingandingjing jingangjie dadaochang Biluzhe'na Ru/ai zishouyongshen neizhengzhi juanshu Joshenyimingfo
zuishangcheng mimi sanmodi lizanwen (Jpn., Kong6ch6 gyo kong6kai daid6jo Birushana Nyorai jijuyushin
naish6chi kenzoku hosshin imyroutsu saij6jo himitsu sammaji raisammon), An Eulogy of the Highest Vehicled
and Mysterious Samadhi Related to the Vairocana-Tathagata, i.e., the Buddha Who has a Self-enjoying Body,
Who Is Surrounded by Companions with Inner-enlightened Wisdom, Who Has Some Extraordinary Titles And
Who Lives in the Great Truth-plot of Diamond-realms As Preached in the Jinganding JinglKong6cho Gyo.

36. This T906 section reads,

In the space-wheel is visualized syllable Hum, which, deep black in colour, expands gradually
into a wind-wheel. On the wind-wheel is visualized syllable Vam, which is transformed into
a water-wheel. On the water-wheel is visualized syllable Pra, which, golden in colour, is
transformed into a "gold tortoise". On the back of "gold tortoise" is visualized syllable Su,
 232
which is transformed into Mt. Sumeru that is made of four kinds of treasures. In addition,
there is syllable Kam which is transformed into a "gold mountain" that is surrounded by seven
layers [of mountains]. To visualize that fragrant milk is flowing from the pores of the
Mahavairocana-buddha who is [visualized] in the air. [The fragrant milk] pour like rains over
the seven "gold-mountains", forming a fragrant milk-sea of eight kinds of merits.

Its parallel in Tl056 is as follows,

Then, in the space-wheel below is visualized syllable Hum, which, deep black in colour,
expands gradually into a great wind-wheel. On the wind-wheel is visualized syllable
Vam, which is while in colour. It is gradually expanded until as large as the wind-wheel
which is transformed into a water-wheel. On the water-wheel is visualized syllable Pra,
which, golden in colour, is expanded as large as the water-wheel and then transformed into
a "gold tortoise". On the back of the "gold tortoise" is visualized syllable Su, which is
transformed into Mt. Sumeru that is made of four kinds of treasures. In addition, there
is syllable Kam which is transformed into a "gold mountain" that is surrounded by seven
layers [of mountains]. To visualize that fragrant milk is flowing from the pores of the
Mahavairocana-buddha who is [visualized] in the air at the top of the Mt. Sumeru. [The
fragrant milk] pour like rains over the seven "gold-mountains", forming a fragrant
milk-sea of eight kinds of merits (Tl056.20.75all-19; the parts produced in bold type are
also found in T906).

37. Paragraph (4.3) is based on (i) Annen's KDT and (ii) Tl056.

38. This point becomes clear when this T906 paragraph is compared with its parallels in Tl056 and KDT. This
T906 paragraph reads,

[The practitioner] must visualize in mind Mt. Sumeru, on the top of which is visualized
syllable Sri that is transformed into an eight-petalled lotus flower permeating all over the
dharma-field. On the lotus flower there is syllable A which is transformed into an eight-
peaked and eight-pillared treasure-paVilion. This pavilion is so high and wide that it seems to
be without centre and edges. It is embellished in various ways by all sorts of large and
wonderful treasures; it is surrounded by Tathagatas, the "devas, nagas and others of the eight
classes", and the inner and outer bodhisattvas who serve [the buddhas], all of whom are as
many as the kofis of the sands in sixty River Ganges. In this palace of dharma-field there is
syllable Sri which is transformed into a big lotus flower on the leaves of which is [visualized]
a mandala. On the mandala there is a "lion throne" (simhas§.pa), on which sits a lotus-king.
On the top of the lotus-king is a pure and full moon-wheel. On the full moon-wheel is
[visualized] syllable Sri that is transformed into a large lotus flower like the fme moon. On
the lotus flower is [visualized] syllable Yam from which are emanating strong lights
illuminating all over the dharma-field. On touch of the lights, all the sentient beings tortured
in the "three realms" and "six directions", in the "four forms of birth" and "eight conditions" ,
will be [immediately] delivered.

Only a part of this T906 paragraph is found in Tl056:

On the top of Mt. Sumeru is visualized an eight-petalled lotus-flower. On the lotus flower is
visualized an eight-vajra-pillared treasure-pavilion. At the womb of lotus flower is visualized
 233

syllable Sri, from which is emanating strong lights illuminating all over the buddha-worlds.
On touch of the lights, all the sentient beings tortured will be [immediately] delivered
(TlOS6.20.7Sa19-22).

The KDT parallel for this T906 paragraph is found in T2391.7S.139c24-29,

[The practitioner] must visualize in mind Mt. Sumeru, on the top of which is visualized
syllable Sri that is transformed into an eight-petalled lotus flower permeating all over the
dharma-field. On the lotus flower there is syllable AA which is transformed into an eight-
peaked and eight-pillared treasure-pavilion. In this palace of dharma-field there is syllable Sri
that is transformed into a big lotus flower on which is [visualized] a mandala. On the mandala
there is a "lion throne" (simhas8.{1a), on which sits a lotus-king. On the top of the lotus-king
is a pure and full moon-wheel. On the full moon-wheel is [visualized] syllable Sri that is
transformed into a fme and large lotus flower (this lotus flower has a stalk). On the lotus
flower is [visualized] syllable Vam from which are emanating strong lights illuminating all
over the dharma-fields.

We find that this KDT paragraph, except for one interlinear note (underscored in the quotation), is wholly
found in its T906 parallel.

39. The KDT parallel for this T906 paragraph is found in T2391.20.139c29-140a8,

This syllable Yam changes into a stiipa which, in form, can be square, round, triangular,
curved and sphere-like, since it is made of the "five elements": earth, water, fire, wind and
space. This stiipa is transformed into the Mahavairocana-tathagata whose body is [as bright
as] the moon and who, with the "crown of five-buddhas" on the head, embellishes his own
body with a celestial dress made of fme silk and with a necklace of precious stones. The lights
emanating from him illumine all over the dharma-fields in the ten directions. The "Four
Buddhas", "[Four] Paramita [-bodhisattvas]", "Sixteen [bodhisattvas]", "Eight Serving
[bodhisattvas]" and "Four Embracing [bodhisattvas]" , the sixteen deities in the bhadrakalpa,
twenty [kinds of] devas, along with countless Maha-bodhisattvas, are surrounding him and
serving as his companions. After performing the visualization in this way, empower seven
locations [on the body].

40. The "thirty-seven deities" include, firstly, the central deity and "four secondary buddhas" , which form the
"five buddhas": (1) Mahavairocana, (2) Alq;obhya, (3) Ratna-sambhava, (4) Amirabha, and (S) Sakyamuni;
secondly, the "four [paramita-]bodhisattvas": (6) Vajra-paramitii -bodhisattva, (7) Ratna-paramita -bodhisattva,
(8) Dharma-paramita -bodhisattva, and (9) Karma-paramita -bodhisattva; thirdly, the "sixteen bodhisattvas":
(10) Vajra-sattva-bodhisattva, (11) Vajra-raja-bodhisattva, (12) Vajra-raga-bodhisattva, (13) Vajra-sadhu-
bodhisattva, (14) Vajra-ratna-bodhisattva, (1S) Vajra-tejas-bodhisattva, (16) Vajra-ketu-bodhisattva, (17)
Vajra-hasa-bodhisattva, (18) Vajra-dharma-bodhisattva, (19) Vajra-tiksna-bodhisattva, (20) Vajra-hetu-
bodhisattva, (21) Vajra-bha~a-bodhisattva, (22) Vajra-karma-bodhisattva, (23) Vajra-ralq;a-bodhisattva, (24)
Vajra-yaiq;a-bodhisattva, and (2S) Vajra-samadhi-bodhisattva; fourthly, the "eight serving bodhisattvas": (26)
Vajra-Iasi-bodhisattva, (27) Vajra-mala-bodhisattva, (28) Vajra-glta-bodhisattva, (29) Vajra-nrta-bodhisattva,
(30) Vajra-dhiipa-bodhisattva, (31) Vajra-p~pa-bodhisattva, (32) Vajra-Ioka-bodhisattva, and (33) Vajra-
gandha-bodhisattva; and fmally, the "four embracing bodhisattvas": (34) Vajrahkusa-bodhisattva, (3S) Vajra-
pasa-bodhisattva, (36) vajra-sphota-bodhisattva, and (37) vajra-vesa-bodhisattva.
 234

41. Cf., T878.18.336a3-c12.

42. Although mainly based on T907, this T906 part, with so many changes in re-arranging the component
paragraphs/sentences taken from T907, becomes quite unreadable.

43. A seven-fascicle work called "Sijiao yi" is attributed to the Chinese Tiantai leader Zhiyi (cf., T1929).

44. Jpn., hachJjcuson, Chin., bayejiuzun. In the Matrix-realm line of Esoteric Buddhist tradition, the first layer
of the three-layered Matrix-realm-mandala is likened to and often visualized as an eight-petalled lotus flower.
At the lotus flower's centre and on its four petals are seated the five buddhas, while the four bodhisattvas sit
on its other four petals. The five Buddhas are Vairocana, Ratnaketu, Sarendraraja, Amitabha and A~obhya.
The four bodhisattvas are Samantabhadra, MafijW§rl, Avalokitesvara and Maitreya. The five buddhas and the
five bodhisattvas are therefore called "nine deities on the eight petals" .

45. These sentences produced in bold type in the quotation were, according to a Shingon monk Ek6 (an editor
of G6h6's sub-commentary on Yixing's Dainichikyasho [Dainichikyasho ennashO]), quoted from Zhiyi's
commentary on the VimalakIrti -siitra (cf., chapter seven, the part about Gah6' s relation with the three siddhi
texts). Ek6 does not specify which commentary he was talking about here (at least two commentaries on the
VimalakIrti -siitra have been attributed to Zhiyi). Misaki successfully identifies the textual source (i.e., the
Weimojing xuanshu [Jpn., Yuimakiky6 gensho; A Commentary on the VimaUklrki-siitra: Focusing on Its
Mysterious Teachings; T1777]) which was used by the T906 author here (Misaki 1988: 506). Misaki says
nothing about Ek6' s comment. Therefore, he has probably arrived at this identification independently.

46. The notion of amalavijfziina (literally, "immaculate consciousness"), as the ninth mode of consciousness,
was first proposed by the prolific Indian translator Paramartha (499-569), who oversaw the Chinese translation
of many Yogacara and Tathagata-garbha texts. Shortly after the time of Paramartha, this notion became one
of the most important categories for the Shelun school which was based on Paramartha' s translation of
Asanga'sMahayanasamgraha (Chin., She Dacheng lun) (cf., Gimello 1976: 212-8,313-28; Paul 1984: 46-71;
Buswell 1989: 92-104).
 235

CHAPTER SEVEN

THE TRANSMISSION OF THE THREE SIDDHI TEXTS IN JAPAN

AND THEIR INFLUENCE ON THE TENDAI AND SHINGON SCHOOLS

In the last two chapters, I presented the reasons for believing that the three siddhi texts

were composed in Japan. Moreover, I have touched on the polemical agenda underlying the three

siddhi texts (especially T907 and T905). Not merely do the three siddhi texts turn out to be

Japanese products, the process by which they were composed was also imbued with Tendai

propaganda.

It seems that Annen, the Tendai leader who was, in all likelihood, responsible for the

fabrication of T907, and the other two Tendai monks who wrote T905 and T906 on the basis of

T907, had been very successful in covering up the polemical purposes prompting the composition

of the three siddhi texts. There is evidence to believe that all of the three siddhi texts, despite their

Tendai origin, had been gradually accepted by various Esoteric branches affiliate~ with the

Shingon school (especially its shingi sect). Very successful in attracting audiences from two

Japanese antagonistic Esoteric traditions, the three siddhi texts became widely circulated among

various Esoteric Buddhist circles in Japan.

The fIrst goal of this chapter is to offer a historical review of the transmission of the three

siddhi texts in Japan. This discussion will mainly rely on two colophons found in the Taish6

edition of the three siddhi texts. Following this historical review, I will focus on the problem of

how the three siddhi texts have exerted their influence on the two Esoteric traditions in Japan. For

this purpose, I will investigate the Esoteric exegeses and treatises which made references to and/or
 236

quotations from one, two, or all three of the texts.

Section (A) The Transmission of the Three Siddhi Texts in Medieval Japan

In the Taisho Tripifilka , the three siddhi texts are printed together. A colophonl appears

at the end ofT906, while another, separate colophon follows T9072 • These two colophons are of

immense importance in providing a glimpse of the transmission of the three siddhi texts in

medieval Japan. However, to my knowledge, no serious scholarly attention has been paid to the

two colophons to date. For this reason, I will here make a detailed analysis of these two

colophons, trying to draw from them any information relevant to the transmission of the three

siddhi texts in Japan.

The two colophons were both written by Kaida (1751-1810)3, the editor of the manuscripts

of the three siddhi texts on which the Taisho edition of the three siddhi texts were based.

According to the colophon attached to T906, on the reverse side of T906's manuscript used for

Kaid6' s edition, there were two notes made by the two scribes/redactors of the manuscript,

Ch6nen4 and Ji' nirr. Chanen' s note indicates that he transcribed the manuscript in the second

month of Enp6 2 (1674). According to the note left by Ji'nin, on the tenth day of the eighth month
 237

of Teruny6 5 (1785), he made a copy of the manuscript on the basis of the one left by Ch6nen.

After reproducing these two notes at the end of the copy he made of the manuscript, Kaid6

describes how he and his colleagues found this manuscript and discusses the relationship between

the manuscripts of T905 and T906:

In the autumn (the seventh month) of Ky6wa 1 (1801), the year corresponding with
the "circular year" (Jpn., sai; Chin., sui) shinshu (Chin., xinqiu), I searched for
manuscripts in the Chishakuin Monastery6 in Kyto. Daiserl, from the Aizenin
Chapel on Mt. Tozan, along with others, were responsible for copying, collating
and editing the manuscripts. Among the two texts related to the [theme ot] "Sonsh6
hajigoku", the Sonsho hajigoku, not mentioned in the Buddhist bibliographies, was
printed fIrst. The Sanshushicchi ki, a different version [of the Sonsho hajigoku]
devoted to the same theme, is to be subjected to further edition--before putting into
print, it will be collated with a better edition (T906.18.914b25 -29).

From the two notes left by Ch6nen and Ji'nin, it is clear that at least since 1674 T906 had been

successively copied. As for Kaid6's own comment, it is interesting for three points. First, it is

noteworthy that according to Kaid6, T906, which he refers to as "Sonsh6 hajigoku gi", had not

been mentioned in the Buddhist bibliographies by the time he began to edit the manuscripts in

1801. Secondly, Kaid6 seems to have been reluctant to put the manuscript of another text,

possibly T905 (referred to as "Sanshushicchi ki") into print. He confessed that he was searching

for a better manuscript of T905 since the quality of the manuscript of the text available for him

at the time was not so satisfactory. Finally, it was Kaid6' s belief that T905 is a different version

of T906 and is devoted to the same theme.

Like the colophon attached to T906, the colophon appended to T907 is also composed of

two sections. The first consists of three notes separately left by three transcribers/editors of the

manuscript of T907 on which Kaid6's edition was based. The second is a short comment made

by Kaid6 himself about the identity of the manuscript he was editing.

 238

These three notes delineate a continuous history of transcription and edition made on the

manuscript of T907 --a history lasting as long as eight centuries. J6sen' S8 note records that on the

flrst day of the sixth month of Jireki 2 (1066), J6sen himself made a copy of the text on the basis

of the Hijiri Gy6b6 (library) edition that was then preserved by the Tanseki family9. According

'to the second note left by Monkailo, the copy made by J6sen was later kept at the S6j6 ll library

in the Kong6'6in Monastery. Monkai reported that on the eighteenth day of the seventh month of

Shinwa 2 (1346), the S6j6library in the Kong6'6in Monastery bestowed upon him this copy when

he was flfty-four years old, serving as the Gonsh6j6tol2. Finally, as shown by the note made by

Ji'nin, this copy once bestowed to Monkai was in storage at the Eishinin Monastery in Uji. Ji'nin

reported that his copy was based on the manuscript stored in the Eishinin Monastery

(T907.18.915c19-20).

After these three notes, Kaid6 comments,

The Hakke hiroku contains the following entry, liThe Sonsh6 hajigoku darani giki,
one fascicle (this is identical to the Sanshushicchi ho [liThe Procedures for the
Three Kinds of Attainment"])13. It can be inferred from this that the procedures
II

expounded in the text are not clearly indicated in the title, necessitating such an
interlinear note l4 . The present text may have been the text [to which the Hakke
hiroku refers] (T907.18.915c20-22).

Here, Kaid6 proposed that the text called Sonsh6 hajigoku darani giki ", as is recorded in Annen's
II

well known Hakke hiroku bibliography, can be identifled with the manuscript he was editing here.

Kaid6's proposal agrees with a conclusion reached above, i.e., the SonshOhajigoku darani giki

whose title is included in Annen's bibliography and the Sonsh6 hojigoku h6 which is quoted in

Annen's TDT are none other than T907. We should note that Kaid6 edited all of the three siddhi

texts, which provided him an opportunity to compare them. He might have had reasons to identify
 239

the text recorded in Annen's bibliography as T907 rather than with T905 or T906.

Having reviewed these two colophons in some details, I will now see what conclusions can

be drawn from them. We should fIrst note that the earliest qatable edition of T907 (1066) is over

six centuries earlier than that of T906, which is dated 1674. In chapter three, I argued that of the

three siddhi texts T907 is the earliest one. This conclusion is corroborated by these two

colophons 15 • Second, Kaid6's identifIcation of a text recorded in Annen's bibliography is of great

interest to us. The following fact is of the greatest relevance to our discussion in this chapter. Not

only is the editor of the three siddhi texts, Kaid6, a well respected monk coming from one shingi

branch of Shingon school, but also the three siddhi texts were collected at some renowned shingi

headquarters like Chishakuin and Kong6'6in. This would mean that despite their Tendai origin,

T906 and T907 had also been appreciated by some Shingon monks, especially those affiliated with

the shingi Shingon sects. This fact will become more obvious in our discussion in the following

section.

Section (B) The Three Siddhi Texts and the Medieval Japanese Esoteric Exegeses and
Treatises

According to a colophon we discussed above, a Japanese monk called J6sen transcribed

 240

a manuscript of T907 in 1066. This is the first traceable appearance of T907 after its forgery

around 902. The same colophon also indicates that the copy of T907 made by Jasen was later

preserved at a library at a shingi Shingon monastery.

As for T905 and T906, they were mentioned for the first time in 1042 and 1037-39

respectively by a Taimitsu monk named Kogei. Like T907, some copies of T905 and T906 had

also been preserved in several Shingon monasteries. As described by a colophon appended to

T906, the manuscripts on which the Taisho edition of T905 and T906 are based were found by

Kaido, a shingi Shingon master, at a shingi Shingon monastery in Kyoto. All this shows that albeit

their Tendai source, the three texts had also attracted appreciators from outside Tendai circles.

As evidenced by their repeated appearances in both Tendai and Shingon works, the three

siddhi texts succeeded in attracting attention and respect from the two opposite Esoteric Buddhist

traditions in Japan. A number of Japanese Esoteric authors, despite their sectarian opposition,

agreed in using the three siddhi texts as a kind of canonical source--although for varying purposes.

In this section I will investigate the extent to which the three siddhi texts were used in the

exgeses and treatises written by both Tendai and Shingon masters. This descriptive review will

be made in the temporal order, with priority given to the author who is earlier rather than to one

who is more influential. In view of the Tendai origin of the three siddhi texts, I will begin with

Tendai authors although my research to date has found more Shingon authors connected with the

three siddhi texts.

At this point, I feel obliged to acknowledge the incomplete-ness of the strategy I employ

for making this descriptive review. For this preliminary review I adopted the following method:

By using the Index Series for the Taish6 Tripifaka , I will investigate how the Esoteric texts in
 241

the Taisho Tripi/aka refer to any of the siddhi texts. This provisional method is marred by two

problems of the Taisho Tripi/aka: first, it excludes a quantity of Japanese Esoteric texts, both

Tendai and Shingon; second, it covers more Shingon texts than Tendai. For these reasons, the

descriptive review to be made in this section is incomplete. It might also have been due to the bias

of the Taisho collection that we have found in the Taisho Tripifaka more Tomitsu works than

Taimitsu's that make references to the three siddhi texts.

(B.I) Tendai Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts

The first Tendai monk who made reference to two of the three siddhi texts (i.e., T905 and

T906) is Kogei. According to the record his student Ch6en makes in the Shijiisho ketsu, Kogei had

definitely referred to T905 twice (in 1042 and 1047 respectively), while to T906 once (in 1042).

Elsewhere, Kogei mentioned a text called "Sonsho hojigoku ho" twice: sometime between 1037

and 1039, and in 1042 respectively. Both T906 and T907 have been conventionally known by the

same title, "Sonsho hojigoku ho". Consequently, it is difficult to determine which of the two texts

Kogei was actually referring to. However, in Choen's work Kogei is said to have twice referred

to T906 by the title "Sonsho hojigoku ho". Therefore, I am inclined to believe that when Kogei

mentioned a text by the same title on the two other occasions (i.e., sometime between 1037 and

1039, and in 1042 respectively), the text was also T906. These relevant records made by Choen

in the Shij mho ketsu are the textual evidence to determine the earliest possible terminus ante quem

for both T905 and T906 16 •

Shinnen is the second Tendai scholar who had a knowledge of the three siddhi texts. All
 242

of the three siddhi texts were mentioned in Shinnen's Gyarin sha, which was completed in 1154.

In the seventh fascicle of the Gyarin sha, Shinnen referred to a text titled "Buccho Sonshoshin

hajigoku tengossho shutsusangai himitsu darani", from which he made a long quotation. In chapter

six I have identified this text as T906. Immediately following the quotation, Shinnen went on to

compare this text (=T906) with one of its "different versions" which I identified as T905. Thus,

it is my conclusion that Shinnen knew both T905 and T906.

In the ninth fascicle of the aforementioned Gyarin sha, Shinnen also referred to a text

called "Sonsho hajigoku" , from which he made a long quotation (T2409.76.83a18-25). This

quotation itself ascertains that this text Shinnen here referred to as "Sonsho hajigoku" is none other

than T907 17 • Therefore, all of the three siddhi texts are used in Shinnen' s Gyarin sh a.

Finally, on the impact of the three siddhi texts on the exegeses and treatises by Post-Annen

Tendai authors, Koshii's (1276-1350) Keiran shiiyi5shiJ8 provides some interesting information

deserving serious attention. In the Keiran shiiyi5sha, one of the three siddhi texts was referred to

several times when Koshii is said to have talked with one guest about the Tendai transmission

centring around the controversial "procedures of the threefold attainment" (Sanshushicchi hi5).

First, one of Koshii' s guests is reported to have mentioned a text called" Sonsho hajigoku ki",

which he says Tendai masters in general and Saicho in particular have taken as the scriptural

support for the threefold attainment (T241O.76.881c8-1O). Then, in his reply Koshii quotes from

the same Sonsha hajigoku ki,

Just like the Sonsha hajigoku ki says, "These five syllables are also called the
susiddhi ('wonderful attainment')." (T2410.76.882b7-8)

Strictly speaking, this quotation is found in none of the three siddhi texts. However, Koshii here
 243

seems to have referred to the following paragraph which was originally written into T907 and then

reproduced in T905 and T906,

A, Bam, Ram, Hum, Kham, ... , are called the mysterious attainment, are also
called the "attainment of accomplishment", also called the susiddhi (" wonderful
attainment") ... (my emphasis, T907.18.915,b19-21; 905.18.911a17-18; T906.18.
913c18-19)

Therefore, a kind of rephrasing, rather than a literal quotation, was made here by Koshii.. Finally,

several lines after this rephrasing, Koshii. relates that Annen subjected this giki (manual) to the

category of the susiddhi division of the three-division Esoteric Buddhist tradition (sanbu). Then,

Koshii. quotes from Annen's TDT a paragraph in which Annen excitedly reported his "discovery"

of T907, a paragraph we have extensively discussed elsewhere in this dissertation 19. Indeed, it is

difficult to reach a certain decision on which of the three siddhi texts Koshii. and his guest were

talking about in this occasion. However, the text's title ("Sonsho hajigoku ki") as well as Kogei's

reference to a paragraph in Annen's TDT20 intimate that the text in question might have been

T907.

(B.II) The Shingon Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts

In the Taisho Tripifaka I have found seven Shingon masters who have, in their works,

used the three siddhi texts. Each of them has left one to five works which are connected with one,

two, or all three of the siddhi texts. Each of these seven Shingon masters occupies a prominent

position in Shingon history in the twelfth, thirteenth and fourteen centuries. Commensurate with

these authors' historical prominence are the irreplaceable roles their works played in the formation
 244

and transformation of the Shingon Buddhism. In the following discussion, for the sake of

convenience, I will divide those seven Shingon authors into three groups (from [aJ to [cD in

accordance with the different centuries to which their works connected to our three siddhi texts

belong.

(a) The Twelfth-century Shingon Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts

As far as my research to date goes, Ch6yo (n.d.) is the fIrst Shingon scholar who made

reference to one of the three siddhi texts. In his important work, the Hishii ky6.so shiP (completed

in 1139), Ch6yo quotes a paragraph (T2441.77.645b19-24) from a text called "Sonsh6 hojigoku

h6". The paragraph quoted is found in all of the three texts22 • So, from the quotation itself it is

impossible to decide which of the three siddhi texts Ch6yo was here referring to. Nevertheless,

the title of this text quoted by Ch6yo on this occasion suggests that the text is possibly T906 or

T907, since of the three siddhi texts T905 is the only one whose title does not contain the term

Sonsho.

Besides Ch6yo, there is another twelfth century Shingon master who made much use of

T905 in his work. This master is none other than Kakuban (1095-1143), a towering fIgure not

only in Shingon Buddhism but also in the whole of Japanese religious history. Kakuban's work,

the Gorin kujimyo himitsushaku23 , has been generally held to be a good analysis of the type of

JOdo-Shingon syncretism he attempted. This important work by Kakuban is closely connected with

T905. Apart from several paragraphs and sentences, a major section of the Gorin kujimyo

himitsushaku fInds its parallel in T905 24 •

 246

quoted by Raiyu here is T906.

Raiyu had also resorted to T905 in one of his best known exegeses. To Yixing's

commentary on the Dainichi kyo/Darijing Raiyu contributed a sub-commentary, the

Dainichikyasho shishinshiJ8, which is among one of the authoritative sources for Japanese Esoteric

followers to understand Yixing's commentary. In this sub-commentary Rairyu refers to a text by

Subhakarasirnha under the title "Hajigoku ki" (The Manual for "Destroying Hell"). From this

Esoteric manual ascribed to Subhakarasirnha Raiyu quotes a paragraph (T2217.S9.S97c12-17),

which is identical to the T90S paragraph in 912a21-27. In the interlinear note attached to this

quotation Raiyu makes the following comment,

My personal comment: the "principle of reality" is exactly the "principle of

suchness". The "extinct illumination of suchness", according to [Y ixing' s]
commentary, is the "wisdom of reality", namely, the "wisdom of suchness".
Therefore the linguanming jing (Jpn., Konki5myo kyo; Skt.,
SuvaTJ;nprabhiisa[uttamariijaj-siitra) says, "Only the suchness and the 'wisdom of
suchness' are called the dharmakiiya" (quotation). The kon[gojkai line speaks of
the "enjoyment-by-oneself" and "enjoyment-for-others", while the taizo[kai] line
merely speaking of "enjoyment-by-oneself". The "buddha of enjoyment-by-
himself" and his companions respectively lecture on the gates of the "three
mysteries", enjoying each other with the dharma, hence the "enjoyment-by-
oneself" and "enjoyment-for-others". [Irrespective "enjoyment-by-oneself" or
"enjoyment-for-others" ,] the practices should be carried out one by one, hence the
"enjoyment-for-oneself". There is indeed no contradiction between the two lines.
Says the "Explanation" by the Great Master (Daishi)29, "The self-nature is the
'body of principle' said in the taizo[kai] line; the 'buddha of enjoyment' is the
'buddha of wisdom' said in the kon[gojkai line. In order to enjoy the dharma-
pleasure, the buddha and his companions lecture on the gates of 'three mysteries'
respectively" (quotation) (T2217 .59 .S97c18-20).

This comment is directed to the inter-relation between the "enjoyment-by-oneself" and

"enjoyment-for-others". These are the two aspects of the "retribution-body", which is one of the

"three bodies" (trikiiya) a buddha is expected to assume. The T90S paragraph in 912a21-27 is
 247

devoted to the same topic. Here, it is interesting to note that the classification of the two aspects

of the "retribution-body" is, according to Raiyu, only made in the kongCkai line and that the

taizCkai line only speaks of the "enjoyment-for-oneself".

Finally, Raiyu also mentions in his work, the Hisho mond&O, a text entitled "Sonsho

hajigoku ki,,3!, which is, as suggested by its title, either T906 or T907.

(c) The Fourteenth Century Shingon Authors and the Three Siddhi Texts

We fmd three major Shingon scholars in the fourteenth century who were familiar with our

three siddhi texts. One of them is Raiho (1279-1330?)32, who in his Shoho JumbetsusheJ3 refers

to a text called "Hajigoku ki". He reports that this text correlates water to the direction of west

and the virtue of "wisdom of Wonderful contemplation" (T2448. 77 .721 a15), which means that

this text is T906 (of the three texts T906 is the only one correlating the "five elements" [among

which is water] with "five wisdoms" [among which is the "wisdom of the wonderful

Contemplation"]) (cf., 912c17-21).

In addition, Raiho in the same Shoho Jumbetsusho also refers to a text called

"Sanshushicchi giki" as a canonical source for the "dharru;lis for the three bodies"

(T2448.77.729b28-c1). The "Sanshu shicchi giki" is the title for which T905 has been generally

known, and therefore the text mentioned by Raiho here might have been T905.

The second fourteenth century Shingon master making use of the three siddhi texts is

Yuban (1270-1352). In the history of Shingon Buddhism, Yiiban is famous for his sub-

commentary to Yixing's commentary, i.e., the Dainichikyasho myOinsh&4, in which Yiiban not
 248

only frequently referred to T905, but also quoted a lot from it. Throughout the Dainichiky6sho

myCinsh6, Yiiban quoted seven times in total from a text he refers to as "Sanshicchi" ("three kinds

of attainment"). Since these quotations are found in T905 only, not in T906 nor T907, it can be

ascertained that the text mentioned by Yiiban as "Sanshicchi" is T905. The following diagram

indicates the seven occasions in which T905 is quoted by Yiiban in his sub-commentary to

Yixing's commentary35.

(i) Yiiban: 264b3-5 = T905: 911a2-4

(ii) Yiiban: 264b5-10 = T905: 911b25-29
(iii) Yiiban: 321b13-14 = T905: 911bl1-12
(iv) Yiiban: 544c2-19 = T905: 911c5-6, 911c6-10, 91110-22
(v) Yiiban: 545a15-16 = T905: 911bI7-18
(vi) Yiiban: 545a15-17 = T905: 911b26-29
(vii) Yiiban: 545a29-bl = T905: 911b28-29.

Besides these seven direct quotations from T905, Yuhan in the same sub-commentary also refers

several times to a text called "Sanshicchi giki,,36. Most likely, this Sanshicchi giki is the same

T905.

Apart from this voluminous sub-commentary, Yiiban has left a shorter work, the

Dainichiky6sho myCinsh6 kuden, which, judging from both its title and content, might have been

compiled on the basis of the Dainichiky6sho myCinsh6. Like the Dainichiky6sho myOinsh6, the

Dainichiky6sho myCinsh6kuden frequently quotes from T905, which it refers to as "Sanshicchi",

"Sancchi giki" or simply "Giki". From the following diagram one gets a clear idea of how heavily

the Dainichiky6sho my Cinsh 6 kuden has relied on T905.

(i) Yiiban: 642c1-4 = T905: 912a28-bI 37

(ii) Yiiban: 649a18-bl = T905: 912all-18
(iii) Yiiban: 649b4-8 =
T905: 912a18-21
(iv) Yiiban: 649b19-c2 = T905: 912a21-27
(v) Yiiban: 649c5-7 = T905: 912a28-29
 249

(vi) Yiiban: 673a18-24 = T905: 911c24-26, 911c26-912al

(vii) Yiiban: 673a29-b8 = T905: 912a18-21, 912a21-27
(viii) Yiiban: 673c4-9 = T905: 911b7-11
(ix) Yiiban: 678a16-b27 = T905: 911b17-c27.

GOh6 (1306-1362), a disciple of Raih6, is the third fourteenth century Shingon scholar who

has also made numerous quotations from two of the three siddhi texts. In comparison with his

teacher, G6h6 seems to have been much more appreciative of two of the three siddhi texts.

Evidence shows that at least two of them have been used extensively in at least four of his works.

It seems that G6h6's favouring of the three texts is focused on T905 as well, as is illustrated by

the frequency to which he quoted from the text. From the text he calls "Sanshushicchi giki", G6h6

in his Kongochi5shii kogaP8 quotes a paragraph (T2451.77.766c14-18), which is identical to a part

of the T905 paragraph in 912a21-27. In the same treatise G6h6 also quoted a sentence from the

same paragraph in the same Sanshushicchi giki (=T905) (c.f., T2451.77.769c23-24). As noted

above, this T905 paragraph in 912a21-27 elucidates the inter-relationship between the two aspects

of the dharmakiiya, i.e., two dharmakayas in terms of principle and wisdom, called "dhannakiiya-

as-the-principle" and "dharmakiiya-as-the-wisdom" respectively. It seems that G6h6 is particularly

fascinated with this T905 paragraph, from which he, in writing his other works, also repeatedly

quoted. For example, in the Dainichikyo kyi5shu honji kaji jumbew19 which is the same size of

the Kongfx:hi5shiikogai, GOh6 quoted this T905 paragraph word by word (cf., T2452.77.777b27-

c7).

On the other hand, it seems that "Sanshushicchi giki" is not the only name by which G6h6

refers to T905. In some cases, he refers to the same T905 by the title "Sonsh6 hajigoku giki"

which is, elsewhere, almost always associated with T906 or T907. In his Tokuichi miketti5shaku4fJ ,
 250

for instant, G6h6 quotes from a text titled "Sonsh6 hajigoku giki" a paragraph (T2460. 77 .B75c

11-15) which, identical with a part of the T905 paragraph in 911 a21-27, is not found in T906 nor

T907. This quotation is particularly remarkable since here with a title usually associated with T906

or T907 but never with T905, GOh6 refers to a text which is explicitly T905. I gather that in this

case GOh6 might have got the title wrong. The same might have been true when he, in the same

Tokuichi mikett6shaku, refers to a text called "Hajigoku giki". He states that this text is an

explanation of the way the two buddhas of principle and wisdom deliver their teachings

(T2460.77.B76bB-9). According to this reference, this Hajigoku giki is also none other than T90S.

The reason for believing so is also simple: of the three siddhi texts T905 is the only one which

speaks of the buddha in terms of "principle" and "wisdom"41.

G6h6's unusual enthusiasm for T90S is, however, fully demonstrated in his sub-

commentary on Yixing's commentary, the Dainichiky6sho enn6sh6, in which a text called

"Sanshushicchi giki" is quoted seven times:

(i) G6h6: 4c21-24 =

T905: 910c27-911al
(ii) G6h6: 113bI6-18 = T905: 910c17-18
(iii) G6h6: 187b27-c3 '= T905: 911c26-9121
(iv) G6h6: 201b4-6 = T905: 909c21-22
(v) G6h6: 243b26-c8 = T905: 911a29-b6
(vi) G6h6: 333a16-20 = T905: 912a2-3, 912a3-5
(vii) G6h6: 420a17-18 = T905: 909c20-2542 .

Since most of the quotations made from this text so-called "Sanshucchi giki" are found in T90S

alone 43 , it seems safe to assume that this text is in fact T905.

In the same sub-commentary, GOh6 also refers to a text called Hajigoku giki, from which

he quotes the following paragraph,

Says the Hajigoku giki: "The nine-layered moon-wheel represents the 'nine deities
 251

situated in the eight petals'''. It also says, "As for the threejfianas: the first is the
avadana-vijfiana, i.e., the six vijfianas; the second the iidana-vijfiana, i.e., the
seventh vijfiana; the third the ataya-vijiiana, i.e., the eighth vijfiana (so on and so
on) (Says [E]k6, the above quotation is from Tiantai's [i.e., Zhiyi] commentary on
the Vimalaklrti-siitra)44. Now, a fourth vijfiana called amatavijfia is added [to the
three kinds of vijfianas], making the teaching of the "nine-layered moon-wheel"
complete (T2216.59.415c22-26).

Since the two quotations GOh6 here quoted from a text called "Hajigoku giki" are found in T906

alone, this Hajigoku giki can be identified as T906. What is of particular interest in the paragraph

quoted above is that the Shingon monk Ek6 attributes these two quotations from T906 to one of

Zhiyi's commentaries on the Vimalaklrti-siitra, which turns out to be the Weimojing xuanshu

(Jpn., Yuimakyo gensho; TI777). As suggested in section (D) of chapter six, these two T906

paragraphs, not found in T907, might have been prepared by the T906 author himself, who was

very likely a Tendai monk. By thus unravelling the textual source for this T906 passage, Ek6's

comment will help strengthen the validity of the view regarding the Tendai origin of T906.

Some Concluding Remarks

Although it is far from exhaustive, the descriptive review made in this chapter is sufficient
 252

as an illustration of the large degree to which the three siddhi texts were accepted and used by a

number of Japanese Esoteric Buddhist authors belonging to both Tendai and Shingon traditions.

Given the Tendai origin of the three siddhi texts and the polemic agenda underlying their

formation, it is striking to find that they have been also so warmly embraced by so many

prestigious Shingon masters.

This extraordinary phenomenon suggests either (i) that Annen, the most likely author of

T907, and the other two Tendai authors of T905 and T906 had been quite successful in covering

up the true origins of the three siddhi texts, or (ii) that those Shingon masters, even though aware

of the Tendai origins of the siddhi three texts, had been so fascinated with their content that they

chose to ignore their Tendai background. Since there has been no questioning of the authenticity

of the three siddhi texts throughout the course of Japanese Esoteric Buddhist history, I am inclined

to take the first assumption as more plausible.

I would like to further point out that from this descriptive review it becomes clear that of

the three siddhi texts T905 is most respected and most frequently cited by the Shingon authors.

In section (B), we have treated seven Shingon authors, who have quoted from and/or referred to

one of the three siddhi texts for a total of thirty-nine times. Of the thirty-nine references, there are

thirty references to, or quotations from, T905. For the large part, most of the Shingon authors

who were attracted to T905, their interest in the text seems to have been aroused by and focused

on its two major sections which, not found in T907, were most likely written/compiled by the

T905 author himself. In particular, the T905 paragraph 912a21-27, which was taken from one of

Enchin's treatises (KRHG), is referred to with most frequency by these Shingon scholars discussed

in this section. This T905 paragraph has been cited, in part or wholly, for a total of six times.
 253

On the other hand, other Shingon authors have been often drawn to the other major part

of T905 prepared by the author himself, in which several fivefold Esoteric Buddhist categories

were correlated with a variety of fivefold categories of indigenous Chinese origin (e. g., formed

around the wuxing pattern). For instance, Kakuban, one of the greatest philosophers the Shingon

school has ever produced, has appreciated this part of T905 to the extent that he incorporated it

into his important work--the Gorin kujimyo himitsushaku.

 254

Notes,

1. This colophon is found in T906.18.914b22-cl.

2. This colophon is found in T907.18.915c14-25.

3. Kaido is a learned Shingon scholar affiliated with the Hasedera (or Busan) branch, an important shingi
("New Teaching") Shingon sect. For Kaido's life and his contribution to the shingi Shingon, see MD 366.

4. Nothing is known about this ChOnen. For his interest in T906, very likely he is a Shingon or Tendai monk.
Since he is here said to have transcribed T906 in 1674, this Chonen apparently can not be the Jodo monk who,
bearing the same name, was active in the middle of the nineteenth century.

5. Nothing is known about him. Another Shingon monk is also known by the same name, but he died in 1675.
As indicated by this note, this Ji' nin made a copy of T906 in 1785. Thus, this Ji' nin can not be identified with
the Shingon monk who died in 1675.

6. Located in present-day Kyoto City, the Chishakuin Monastery is the headquarters for the Chizan sect, a
shingi Shingon branch.

7 . Unidentified.

8. Ibid.

9. T907.18.915c14-15.

10. Monkai's note is found in T907.18.915cI6-l8.

11. The Sojo represents the highest-ranked monastic title sanctioned by the court.

12. The GonshOsoto is a kind of monastic official.

13. This bracketed statement appears in the colophon as an interlinear note, which is consistent with the
original in Annen's text (cf., T2176.55.1117aI7).

14. This interlinear note reads, "This is exactly the Sanshushicchi ha' .

15. Of course, this must be treated with caution. It is also probable that the manuscripts under Kaido's edition
are not the earliest circulated editions of the three siddhi texts.

16. See chapter six.

17. In the quotation Shinnen identifies Bodhisattva Kikyo as Prince Suppatinha. Of the three siddhi texts T907
is the only one in which such an identification is found (T907 .18.9l4c28) (in the Taish6 edition of T907 this
identification is made in an interlinear note). For this reason we identify Shinnen's text as T907.

18. T2410 (The Collection of Leaves Gleaned by Keiran). The Keiran shiiyashii is an astoundingly massive
work, originally composed of as many as 300 fascicles. Unfortunately, only one hundred and thirteen fascicles
are extant. For the impressive length of the work, it seems reasonable to assume that it is Koshii' s lifetime
 255

wor k, taking him three to four decades (1312-1347) to write (cf., NBD D 139).

19. Here, Koshii does not make a literal quotation from Annen's text either (cf, T241O.76. 882b13-24).

20. I identified this text whose "discovery" was publicized in this paragraph of Annen's TDT as T907 (see
chapter five).

21. T2441 (The Collected Writings Related to the Teachings and Forms of the Esoteric School); cf., NBDD
441. In this work Choyo discusses forty-eight issues that were at the time regarded as crucial for the Shingon-
advocated teachings.

22. This paragraph quoted by the Hishil ky6s6 sh6 is found in T907 (915b5-9), in T906 (912cI2-16), and in
T905 (91Oc24-911al).

23. T2514 (An Esoteric Explanation of the Five-wheels and Nine-syllable Dhara1J.I), which is also known as
the Tonga 06 hikan (A Mysterious Contemplation on the Rebirth on the Pure-land by the Sudden
Enlightenment).

24. Yoshioka has prepared a chart in which he presents seventy-six sentences shared by T905 and this work
of Kakuban's (Yoshioka 1964: 82-88). In T905 most of these sentences are found in the first major section
probably written by the T905 author himself, in which a series of fivefold correlations are carried out between
some Esoteric fivefold categories and those indigenous Chinese fivefold categories related to the wuxing
pattern.

25. In the Shingon history Jinken is remembered for his active role in founding the Jizoin Monastery inside
the Daigoji Temple in Kyoto. Later on, the Jizoin Monastery became the headquarters for the jizOinnyu
branch, one of the six branches of the daigo sect of Shingon school. In the history of Japan, Jinken is also
known as an ardent bibliophile (cf., MD 1257-8).

26. T2535 (Oral Instructions on the UsuzOshi; completed 1262). The UsuzOshi kuketsu is Raiyu's
commentary on the UsuzOshi by Segen (1162-1231).

27. T2534 (Some Notes about Entering the Principles of TaizOkai Esoteric Buddhism). Raiyu wrote this small
thesis in 1300 at the request of a person who was either a disciple or a lay follower.

28. T2217 (The Shishin ["Heart-directing"] Sub-commentary on the Dainichiky6 Sho). This sub-commentary
is undated, it is believed to have been written between 1261 and 1280 (cf., NBDD 367).

29. Raiyu here may have referred to Kiikai, who has been posthumously known as "KobO Daishi".

30. T2536. The Hish6 mond6 (Questions and Answers Related to the Collected writings of Esoteric Buddhism)
was written between 1297-1299.

31. T2536.79.339cI3. Raiyu refers to this Sonsh6 hajigoku ki as a scriptural source for the "mysterious
dhara1J.I" (himy6) of "A-Vam-Ram-Hum-Kham".

32. In the Japanese religious history, Raiho is famous for two reasons. First, it is alleged that in the presence
of Emperor Godaigo (r. 1319-1330) he gave some brilliant lectures on Kiikai's SokushinjObutsu ki and the
Putixin [un (a Chinese Buddhist apocryphon widely used in Japanese Esoteric Buddhism), which impressed
 245

(b) The Thirteenth Century Shingon Author and the Three Siddhi Texts

One of the two thirteenth century Shingon authors who were attracted to the three siddhi

texts is Jinken (?-1262)25. In his Jikki sho (T2497, The Collected Writings of the "True

Destination"; completed 1231), linken twice refers to a text called "Sonsh6 hajigoku ki". In his

first reference, he cites the text as the scriptural source for the "dhara¢s of the threefold

attainment" (sanshushicchi shingon, T2497.78.708a27). Then, he refers to the text as a canonical

support for the "miidras of three-bodies" (T2497.78.711a215). Judged by its title, the text called

"Sonsh6 hajigoku ki" may be T906 or T907.

The other thirteen-century Shingon author interested in the three siddhi texts is Raiyu

(1226-1304). His profound interest in the three siddhi texts is proven by a number of quotations

he made from at least two of them (i.e., T905 and T906). In the history of Japanese Buddhism,

Raiyu has been remembered not only as an active Shingon practitioner but also as a prolific

author. In his Usuz6shi kuketsrl 6 , Raiyu records a text called "Bucch6 Sonsh6shin hajigoku

tengossha shutsusangai himitsu sanjinbukka sanshushicchi shingon giki", which he ascribes to

Subhakarasimha (T2535.79.186c4-6). The title presented here is precisely identical to the one for

which T906 is currently known. Raiyu did not limit himself merely to referring to T906 by title,

in another of works he also quotes from this text. In the Taizo nyiirishiP, Raiyu quotes from a text

called "Sonsha hajigoku ki", which, judging by the title, is either T906 or T907:

The nine-layered moon-wheel indicates the teaching of the "nine-deities standing

on the eight leaves" (Jpn., hachtXuson; Chin., bayejiuzun) (T2534.79. 172c2-3).

This quotation proper, which is found in T906 only (c.f., T906. 18.913c9), proves that this text
 256

the emperor deeply. Secondly, he and his two disciples (Goho and Kenho) all established themselves as
illustrious Shingon masters, thereby winning for themselves a nickname "Toji Sanho" (The Three Treasures
of the Toji Temple [the headquarters of Shingon school]).

33. T2448 (Some Analytical Notes about Various [Esoteric] Teachings). This work is undated. But it was quite
probably composed later than 1300. This one-fascicle work is recorded and edited by Nyuken on the basis of
Raiho's lectures. This means that when the lectures were made Raiho might have been a senior monk whose
lectures were regarded as worthy of being taken down. Raiho was only twenty at the beginning of the fourteen
century. So, it is quite unlikely that at that time he could have been prestigious enough to have had his lectures
recorded. For this reason I think that the Shoh6fumbetsush6was lectured at his late years; viz., in the fourteen
century.

34. T2213 (The My6in ("Fine Seal"] Sub-commentary to the Dainichiky6 Sho). Yiiban's sub-commentary is
dated 1330. Among the numerous Japanese sub-commentaries on Yixing's commentary, this one by Yiiban
has been well respected not so much for its unparalleled voluminousness (it is composed of eighty fascicles)
as for the creativeness it displays.

35. The diagram indicates, flrstly, where the quotation of T905 is found in the Taish6 edition of the
Dainichiky6sho my6insh6; then the parallel paragraph in T905. For example, in "Yiiban: 264b3-5 = T905:
911a2-4", "264b3-5" means Yiiban makes the quotation in T2213.58.264b3-5; and "911a2-4" indicates the
Taish6 source for this T905 paragraph that was quoted by Yiiban.

36. In talking about how the practitioner, after "empowered" by the Tathagata, becomes identifled with the
buddha's body, Yiiban refers the reader to the chapter of "Mimi mantuoluo fa" (Jpn., "Himitsu mantaraho";
the "procedure for the mysterious mandala") in the Darijing and a text called "Sanshicchi". Since throughout
his sub-commentary, Yiiban repeatedly refers to T905 by the same title "Sanshicchi", I believe that this text
called by this name is T905. This is corroborated by the fact that the T905 paragraph in 911 b23-c5 discusses
how the practitioner is to obtain his unity with the buddha.
In fascicle sixty-seven the same Sanshicchi is mentioned, but no quotation is made from it. In this case,
Yiiban is concerned with the correlation between a mandala's three layers and the practitioner's three bodily
parts, a topic to which the T905 paragraph in 911 b23-c5 is devoted. Therefore the title "Sanshicchi" referred
to T905 as well.
In fascicle sixty-six Yiiban also refers to a text titled "Sanshicchi goo" (T2213.58.544a9), which is
probably the same T905.

37. Actually the quotation made here is found in all of the three siddhi texts. However, Yiiban here indicates
that the quotation is made from a text called "Sanshicchi goo". In the Dainichiky6sho my6insho kuden Yiiban,
from a text he refers to as "Sanshicchi goo", quotes some paragraphs which could only be found in T905.
Therefore, it is very likely that this text referred to as "Sanshicchi giki" is T905.
On the other hand, it must be noted that this quotation is made by Yiiban with some adaptations.

38. T2451 (A Synopsis of the Kongocho School, one fascicle). This short treatise is dated to 1349.

39. T2452 (A Discrimination on the Honji ["Original Ground"] and Kaji ["Empowerment"] of the Patriarch
of the Dainichi kyO). This short treatise is an overall critique of the well known controversy within the Shingon
school regarding the honji-kaji relationship (the honji and kaji are held as two forms of Mahlivairocana-
buddha). This controversy contributed to split the Shingon school into two sects known as shingi ("new
teaching") and k6gi ("old teaching").
 257

40. T2460 (Answers to the Unsolved Questions Raised by Tokuichi). GohO wrote this work with the intent of
offering answers to the questions asked by a well-known Heian Hosso monk, known as Tokuichi, who is
famous as a rival of SaichO.

41. This saying is propounded in the T905 paragraph in 912a21-27 that was taken from Enchin's KRHG.

42. Here the quotation is apparently in odds with the original in T905, where syllable Yam is correlated with
the section of lotus, rather than the section of dharma. However, this change made by Goho seems to have
been based on the Lichu jing (Jpn., Rishuky6; Skt., Adhyardha~tika-prajii§p8ramit8), in which the section of
lotus, according to Goho, is called the "section of dharma" (T2216.59.420a18-19).

43. Some of these quotations, which are found in the parts of T905 that were taken from T907, can be found
in T906 as well as T907.

44. The bracketed statement appears in the text as an interlinear note, which is added by Eko (1666-1734),
a Shingon monk in charge of editing COhO's sub-commentary.
 258

THE CONCLUSIONS OF PART TWO

In part two, we investigated the origin of three Esoteric Buddhist texts that are preserved

in the Taisho Tripi/aka under the numbers 905, 906 and 907. With regard to the provenance of

these three siddhi texts, Japanese scholars, rejecting the traditional view of ascribing all of them

to Subhakarasimha, have unanimously regarded them as composed in China. However, we have

collected and examined some textual evidence which shows that the three siddhi texts were all

composed in Japan. I have set the terminus post quem and terminus ante quem of the three siddhi

texts as follows:

(1) T907: 891--902;

(2) T905: 902-1047,
(3) T906: 902-1042.

As far as the textual materials currently at our disposal go, Annen is the most likely candidate for

the authorship of T907, the earliest of the three siddhi texts.

In this part we have also tried to reveal the textual sources for these three siddhi texts.

T907 was mainly based on Enchin's KSSH, which was written to legitimatize the esoteric

teachings and lineage as described in a dhanna-transmission document ifuhc5mon) attributed to

Saicho. The T907 author (very probably Annen) availed himself of the Foding zunsheng tuoluoni

jing (Jpn., Buccho sonsh6 darani ky&, T967), Darijing/Dainichi kyo (T848) , Yixing's commentary

on the sutra (T1796) and most strikingly, a text attributed to KUkai (Nenchi shingon rikan

keibyakumon). The formation of T907 can be shown as follows:

Ketsu sanshushichi ho (Encbin) + Buccho sonsho darani kyo (T967) + Dainichi kyo
(T848) + Dainichikyo sho (Yixing) (T1796) + Nenchi rikan Keibyakumon (Kiikai) = = >
T907
 259

In contrast to T907, the formation of T905 and T906, both composed on the basis of T907, proves

to be relatively complicated. Apart from T907 which was wholly reproduced in T905, three

treatises by Enchin, Yixing's commentary, several esoteric sutras (among which is the prestigious

Susidhikara-siiJra [T893]), and finally, an early Chinese Buddhist apocryphon, the Tiweipoli jing

(The Book of Trapusa and Bhallika), which was of sustained influence in Chinese Buddhism, were

also used in the composition of T905. The formation of T905 can be illustrated by the following

diagram:

T907 + Enchin (KyOji ryi5bu hiyogi, Dai BilUshanaj6d6kyo shinmoku, Zashila) + Yixing
(Dainichikyo sho) + T1l41 (Jishibosatsu ryakushu yuga nenju h6) + TU72 (Kong6cho
chi5shosangai kyo seitsu Monju goji shingon shos6) + T1l73 (Kong6ch6gyo Manjushiri
Bosatsu gojishin darani hon) + T893 (Soshicchi karakyO) + Tiweipolijing = = > T905

Mainly based on several kong&ai texts, T906 appears strongly kong&ai-coloured. First

of all, the T906 author has used at least two paragraphs from a work by Annen, which is about

the kongawi-line teachings and practices transmitted in the Tendai esoteric tradition. Incorporated

into T906 were also several paragraphs from some kong&ai-related sutras, like T878 and T1056.

Finally, it is remarkable that the T906 author also used some sentences from one of Zhiyi' s

commentaries on the VimalakJrti-siiJra, the Weimojing xuanshu (Jpn., Yuimaky6 gensho; T1777).

Thus, the formation of T906 can be diagramatically indicated as follows:

T907 + Annen (Kongokai daiho taijula) + T878 (Kong6ch6gyo kongokai daid6jo

BilUshana Nyoraijijuyushin naish6chi kenzoku hosshin imyi5butsu saij6jo himitsu samaji
raisammon) + TI056 (Kong6cho yuga senju sengen Kanjizai Bosatsu shugyo giki kyO) +
T1777 (Weimojing xuanshu) = = > T906

In this part, we also investigated the polemical circumstances under which the three siddhi

texts (especially T907 and T905) were composed. An "international" dharma-transmitting lineage,

first proposed in the juh6mon attributed to Saich6 and then maintained by the whole Tendai
 260

tradition, connects Saich6 and other Tendai patriarchs with the celebrated Indian Esoteric Buddhist

master Subhakarasimha. According to this juhanon, Saich6 was linked to Subhakarasimha through

a monk called Yilin (whom thisjuhamon describes as a leading disciple of Subhakarasimha) and

his disciple--Shunxiao, Saich6' s putative Esoteric mentor in China. In the Post-Saich6 Tendai

school this "international" dharma-transmission was promoted to such a pre-eminent position that

the legitimacy of the whole Tendai tradition became, mainly if not exclusively, staked to it.

However, what was unfortunate for the Tendai school was that the threefold dhara1)l-

attainment correlation (better known as the "procedure of the three ranks of attainment"

[sanshushicchi hOj), central to this "international" Esoteric dharma-transmission, had no scriptural

support. The existence of the canonical source for the "procedure of the three ranks of attainment"

was once even doubted by some eminent Tendai leaders themselves. Some extra-Tendai monks

directly accused Tendai of lacking any scriptural support for the fundamental Esoteric teachings

attributed to the Tendai founding patriarch--Saich6. It is as a rebuttal to this allegation that T907

was forged between 891 and 902.

As for the composition of T905 after the appearance of T907, my research reveals that it

was also prompted by the same polemical purpose. Between 902 and 1047, a certain Tendai

apologist felt it necessary to prepare a better scripture than T907 to justify the dharma-

transmission depicted in Saich6'sjuhamon.

Besides, it is notable that the three siddhi texts (especially T905), despite their Tendai

origin, have also succeeded in attracting respect from various sects of its rival, the Shingon

school. In particular, Kakuban (1095-1143), the founder of shingi sect of Shingon school, made

much use of T905 when he tried to elaborate a peculiar contemplative form called "goz6
 261

sanmaj ikan ". By virtue of this goza sanmajikan contemplation Kakuban wanted to substantialize

the sokushinjwutsu teaching, exactly the cornerstone laid down by Kiikai for Shingon Buddhism.
 262

CONCLUSIONS

This dissertation comprises a critical study of the formation of early Tendai Esoteric

Buddhism (also known as flTaimitsu fl ) in early Heian Japan. It focuses on one aspect of the

sectarian and polemic environment in which Taimitsu was created and developed into a decisive

player in the Japanese religious life. The polemic environment under discussion in this dissertation

was characterized by a fierce and protracted sectarian controversy between Tendai and Shingon

(the two major Esoteric Buddhist traditions in Japan) over the orthodoxy of the esoteric tradition

allegedly brought back to Japan from China by Saich6, the founding patriarch of the

TendaiiTaimitsu school.

The present dissertation began with an investigation of how Saich6 and his followers

responded to the challenge which was mainly posed by their rivals the Shingon monks. Shingon

monks questioned the authenticity of the Tendai esoteric tradition. We find that at the outset

Saich6 suggested in his Esshiiroku bibliography that the initiation he received from Shunxiao was

close to a kongokai transmission. However, in his late years when he defended in the Kenkairon

his Buddhist transmissions from China, Saich6 re-interpreted his initiation from Shunxiao as

composed of a dual transmission (i.e., taizc1cai and kong&al).

After Saich6 died in 822, his immediate and/or second-generation disciples, who were

eager to create a full-fledged Tendai form of Esoteric Buddhism capable of competing with

Shingon, engaged in legitimating and developing the esoteric tradition in the name of their master.

Their effort in this regard is evidenced in a series of documents which were either left by Saich6
 263

himself and seriously altered by them, or prepared by them independently within the two to four

decades after their master's demise.

A so-called "court edict" was first forged, or altered, in order to glorify Shunxiao,

Saich6's chief Esoteric mentor in China. Then, a "certificate for the dharma-transmission"

ifuhemon) was forged in order formally to establish the historical reality of the esoteric initiation

Saich6 received from Shunxiao on the one hand, and to incorporate Saich6 into a prestigious

lineage starting from Subhakarasimha on the other. Meanwhile, a work originally left by Saich6,

the Buppi5 kechimyku, was edited and changed, with some esoteric lineages added to show that

Saich6 was initiated into some Miscellaneous Esoteric teachings (zemitsu) in addition to the dual

esoteric transmission he supposedly received from China.

Subsequently, probably immediately after Ennin (one of the most capable of the Post-

Saich6 Tendai leaders) returned from China, a document was deliberately prepared within the

Tendai circle as a second juhemon from Shunxiao. This new juhemon is of great significance not

merely for its re-interpretation of Saich6's initiation from Shunxiao, but also for its implicit claim

that Saich6 was initiated to an esoteric tradition which was composed of a triple esoteric

transmission (the soshicchi in addition toi taizocai, kongocal) and therefore superior to the dual

esoteric transmission Kiikai received from China.

Finally, as the scriptural support for the peculiar Esoteric teachings in terms of which

Saich6' s initiation was re-interpreted in this new juhr5mon, three siddhi texts (T#905-7) were

composed successively by some Tendai monks. The great Tendai scholar-monk Annen was very

likely the author of T907, which proves to be the earliest of the three siddhi texts.

The conclusions at which this dissertation has arrived question the historical validity of the
 264

conventional opinion concerning the establishment of the Tendai fonn of Esoteric Buddhism in

Japan. However, it is our hope that these negative conclusions can be turned into a positive agenda

for future research. Now that we know that most of the documents regarding Saicho's esoteric

transmissions were composed sometime after Saicho's death and in the course of the evolution of

Tendai Esoteric Buddhism, we can begin a more focused historical investigation of this process.

Scholars can tum from a fruitless search for the roots of Tendai Esoteric Buddhism in China to

look more closely in Japan.

Finally, I hope that this study might invite more scholarly attention to a host of Buddhist

apocrypha which, with their Indian origin denied, have long been regarded as Chinese but which

might have been produced in Japan or Korea.

As I have shown in part two, there exists much evidence suggesting the Japanese origin

of the three siddhi texts. Unfortunately, some tacit but unfounded assumptions have prevented

Japanese scholars working on the three siddhi texts from carefully assessing the relevant evidence.

They have accepted almost without hesitation that China is the sole possible source for any

allegedly Buddhist scriptures whose Indian origin became, in one way or another, discredited.

This seemingly unexceptionable practice has been recently challenged by Robert Buswell, who

argues for the Korean origin of a Buddhist apocryphon, the Jingang sanmei jing (Kor., Kumgang

samma&kyong; Jpn., Kong a sanmai kyo; The Vajrasamiidhi Siitra), which, he argues, was written

in Korea but also circulated in China, had exerted an enonnous influence on Chinese Buddhism,

particularly the fonnation of Chan ideology (Buswell 1989).

Buswell's research underscores, on the one hand, the necessity of reevaluating the

"international" role the Chinese language had played for a long period in the evolution of East
 265

Asian civilization. On the other, by re-identifying as Korean a Buddhist apocryphon which has

been long accepted as Chinese, Buswell's work calls for a re-appraisal of the contributions the

non-Chinese East Asian people (who once used Chinese) made to East Asian civilization. It

reminds us that not all the textual sources in Chinese were necessarily written by Chinese and in

China. I hope that my dissertation will further contribute to this important reevaluation.
 266
GLOSSARY:

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 275
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 276
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 283

ABBREVIATIONS FOR PRIMARY SOURCES

BD Bu1dcy6 daiJiten. Mochizuki Shink6, ed. 2nd ed., 10 vols. Tokyo: Sekai Seiten Kank6 Ky6kai,
1958-63.

BKD Bussho kaisetsu dai}iten. Ono Genmy6, ed. Tokyo: Dait6 Shuppanshu, 1964-78.

BZ Dainihon Bukky6 zensho. Takasu Junijo et aI., eds. Tokyo: Yuseid6, 1913-22. Reprint Suzuki
gakujutsu zaidan, ed. Tokyo: Kodansha, 1970-73. 100 vols.

DZ Dengy6 Daishi zenshii. Hieizan senshuin-nai Eizan gakuin, ed., five volumes., second edition
(Hieizan: Tosh6 kankokai, 1927-27); reprint edition (Tokyo: Nihon Bussho kank6kai, 1975).

IBK Indogaku Bukky6gaku Kenkyii. Nihon Indogaku BUkky6gaku kai, ed., Tokyo.

KT Shintei zoho Kokushi taikei (Kuroita Katsuumi ed., 66 vols., Tokyo: Yoshikawa kobunkan.
1929-66.

KZ K6b6Daishi zenshii, 5 vols. Hase Hoshu et aI., eds. Kyoto: Yoshikawa Kobunkan, 1910.

MD Mikky6 Daijiten, 6 vols., ed. and comp., Matsunaga Shodo. Kyoto: Hozokan, 1931; 3rd
edition 1974.

NBDD Nihon Bukky6 tenseki daijiten. Kanaoka Hidetomo et aI., eds. Tokyo: Yuzangaku.

ND Nihon daiz6ky6. Nakano.T atsue, ed. Tokyo: Nihon Daiz6ky6 Hensankai (1919-21); Reprint,
Tokyo: Suzuki Gakujutsu Zaidan (1976)

NBJJ Nihon Bukky6jinmeijiten. Nihon Bukky6 Jinmei Jiten Hensan Iinkai, ed. Kyoto: Hozokan,
1992.

NRDJ Nihon RekishiDai}lten. ed., Nihon Rekishi Daijiten Henshu Iinkai. Tokyo: Kawade, 1968.

T Taish6 shinshii daiz6kyo, 85 vols. Takakusu Junjiro et aI., eds. Tokyo: Taisho Issaiky6 Kankokai,
1924-32.

TG Tendai gakuh6. The Tendai Association of Buddhist Studies, ed.

TZ Tendaishii zensho, ed., Tendaishiiten kank6kai, 26 vols. Hieizan: Tendaishiiten kank6kai, 1935-
37; reprinted Tokyo: Dainichi shobo, 1973 -74.
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