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Occasional Paper Series on Non-Governmental
Center for International Education
Organizations

1991

NGOs in Indonesia
Mansour Fakih

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 ansour Fakih

N Os IN INDONESIA

NTERNATIONAL
CIE PHILOSOPHY AND APPROACH

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 CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

Occasional Paper Series on Non Governmental Organizations

Mansour Fakih

NG s IN INDONESIA

Issues in Hegemony and Social Change

Edited by Ronald Bosch, Helen Fox, Sherry Kane and Clifford Meyers
 FOREWORD

The Occasional Paper Series on Non Governmental Organizations is the product of global
collaboration. The authors, Jonathan Otto, Mansour Fakih and Eloy Anello, have brought their
extensive NGO experience from the Sahel, Indonesia and Latin America. These three advanced
graduate students were encouraged to develop a transnational perspective of their development
organizations at the Center for International Education at the University of Massachusetts.

During initial meetings each participant presented the main issues, constraints, strategies and
potential for future development in their region. Much to their surprise a picture emerged which
showed great similarity despite vast differences in context and resources. This became a good
starting point for the authors to share their experiences from different continents and receive
relevant feedback and suggestions from the others.

During the last decade there has been a near exponential increase in the number, type and impact
of NGOs in less industrialized countries. While this phenomenal growth took place, not much
was being published that offered a critical analysis of NGOs as social change agents and
promotors of development. The three manuscripts offered an opportunity to reveal some
important knowledge. The Center for International Education brought together a group to edit
and clarify the papers and is pleased to present three new titles which have relevance for
development work worldwide.

The Editors
June 1991

ISBN 0-932288-84-7
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

1. Introduction ..•................................................................................ 1

2. Indonesian NGOs: a new phenomenon ................................................. 1

3. Origin .......................................................................................... 2

4. Developmentalism: Mask of Capitalist Hegemony ................................... 3

5. NGOs and Developmentalism in Indonesia ............................................ 4

6. 1\1apping Indonesian NGOs .............................................................. 6

7. Typology of Indonesian NGOs ............................................................ 7

8. NGOs and Transformation: Toward a Theoretical Framework ................ 10

9. NGOs as a Counter Hegemonic Movement ......................................... 11

10. NGOs as Counter Discourse Institutions ............................... ·.............. 11

11. Conclusion .................................................................................... 13

12. Bibliography ................................................................................. 14

1. Introduction tics. They are formed by individuals who do not
always receive payment for their work, they are
The past two decades have witnessed a tremen- private, non-profit institutions, and they operate
dous increase in the number of NGOs operating within the legal framework. They work through
in the Third World. In 1981 Development Coop- development projects that benefit people other than
eration Review estimated that as many as 8,000 their own members and they are financed by
well-established NGOs were engaged in relief and sources outside the organization. Though many
development work worldwide. These organiza- NGOs have programs for economic development
tions were providing US $3.6 billion in annual and building cooperative movements, they are not
support to development programs, two thirds of economic organizations. Another important char-
which came from private sources. This consti- acteristic is that NGO commitment to the popular
tutes nearly ten percent of global development sectors is articulated through emphasis on popular
assistance. In 1985 the lives of more than 100 participation and through support and professional
million peasants in Latin America, Africa and Asia services to popular autonomous organizations.
were directly affected by NGO activities. These Their ideology is based on the idea of learning
peasants are increasingly aware that just as others together, rather than the mere transfer of knowl-
have escaped the vicious cycle of poverty by their edge or any other traditional form of technical
actions, so can they. support from above.

NGOs are a relatively new type of organization. Indonesian NGOs are called "Lembaga Swadaya
Motivated by service objectives and largely vol- Pengembang Masyarakat" (LSPM) or Promoter
untary in nature, they arose in many cases out of Organization for Self-Reliance. LSPMs try to
societal conflict and tension. They emerged from respond to the multiple needs of the grassroots
the need to respond to crises caused by break- sector and its organizations with the support of
down of traditional structures, from conflict with international development institutions. Three
the powers-that-be in planning and implementation groups of organizations, the LPSM (NGOs or
of development work, or from the realization that PVO), the LSM (indigenous grassroots organiza-
neither government nor private sector had the will, tions) and the international agencies (international
wherewithal or capacity to deal with immediate NGOs, solidarity or funding agencies) are the main
and lingering social problems (Ladim, 1987). protagonists of the non-governmental development
cooperation process, and are loosely termed LSMs
Do NGOs in Third World countries really have or NGOs.
the capacity to solve the problem of poverty or
will they merely address symptoms of poverty? Indonesian NGO activists prefer to use "LPSM"
In other words, can NGOs become an effective or "LSM" instead of "NGO" for tactical reasons.
force for social transformation? In order to assess By avoiding any "anti-government" impression and
and understand the role of NGOs in alleviating connotation with the use of the term "Non Govern-
root causes of poverty, I will develop a typology mental" they hope to steer clear from negative
by comparing and classifying Indonesian NGOs implications in their relationship with the "sensi-
and analyze their potential as a social change tive" government. The term NGO, translated as
movement. This paper seeks to contribute to a "Organisasi non pemerintah" (e.g., non-govern-
theoretical framework of the role that NGOs and ment), it was argued, could easily be perceived as
grassroots organizations can play in Indonesia as "anti-government." Such organizations constituted
a counter-hegemonic movement for social competition to the government in the development
transformation. process, placing NGOs in an adversarial position
with government. For this reason LPSM
(Promoter organization of self-reliance) and LSM
2. Indonesian NGOs: a new phenomenon. (Community self-reliance organization) are used
(Betts, 1987). The name LPSM also conveys the
NGOs are formal organizations. They emerge popular self-determination which the organizations
when people create social units with the explicit seek, while carrying a more authentic ring in terms
objective of achieving certain ends and formulate of national history and culture.
rules to govern relations among members and
duties of each member. Though NGOs are called The term NGO in reference to the Community for
by different names, all share certain characteris- Self-Reliance (LSM) in Indonesia indicates that
NGOs are any of those development organizations al" policies. This period was characterized by the
which are not part of a government and which opening of Indonesia to the world market econo-
have not been established as a result of an my. NGOs are a reaction to the effects of bu-
agreement between governments. The emphasis on reaucratic "developmentalism" where the govern-
"development" is important in order to distinguish ment as an agent of development was less than
them from organizations such as research effective. On this basis NGOs were a new phe-
institutions, professional associations, Boy Scouts, nomenon and a by-product of the newly created
Chambers of Commerce, youth organizations, capitalist environment.
religious institutions, tourist bodies and political
parties which also have "non-governmental" char- Though NGOs are a modern "New Order" phe-
acteristics. nomenon, their volunteerism has a tradition linked
to modern Indonesian history from Dutch colonial
The goals of NGOs, as opposed to those of other period. The historical roots of volunteerism in
organizations, are almost always related to the Indonesia started in the last decade of the 19th
problem of development, that is, to problems century, when Suryopranoto, the pioneer of
surrounding the economic, social, and cultural volunteerism, established Mardi Karya (1890) and
order of a country or region. NGOs explicitly then Adhi Dharma (1896), organizations which
attempt to separate themselves from governments, aimed at helping communities in their social,
which also intervene in the economic, social, political and economic affairs (Betts, 1987).
cultural dynamics of their countries - though they Several organizations followed that first
do this with different, if not opposing objectives, movement: socio-political organizations such as
forms of action, and results. Budi Utomo and Tarnan Siswa, religious
movements such as Muhammadiyah and Nahdhatul
It is necessary to understand that there are several Ularna, and other political movements.
types of NGOs. Although almost all NGOs are
formal, non-profit organizations trying to manage The 1970s marked the emergence of the type of
financial, technical or scientific resources to meet NGOs considered in this paper. Although many
socially identified needs, they differ in affiliations, Indonesian NGOs took shape at that time, their
objectives, methods, and structures. Affiliation, outlook and role then differed significantly from
objectives and basic assumptions of Indonesian what they are today. During the 1970s, non-
NGOs can be understood by looking at the groups governmental cooperation agencies supported the
which influenced their emergence: student developmentalist ideology promoted by the mod-
activists, middle class intellectuals and Christian ernizing elites of the military government. At that
and Moslem religious affiliations (Betts, 1987). time, the NGOs played a role in forms of coopera-
tion that emphasized "aid" and small "industrial-
ism". Church and United Nations-related organiza-
3. Origin tions would take the first steps in creating institu-
tions, i.e., NGOs based on the idea of "promoting
The rapid increase of Indonesian NGOs is impres- development." Development in this context was
sive in terms of number, diversity, and ge- understood as economic growth so as to overcome
ography. In the late 1960s and early 1970s only "backwardness." The problem was perceived as
a handful of non-governmental groups were ac- one of transferring resources and technology and
tively concerned about, or capable of addressing, securing investments for development that would
the problems of development. The majority of yield results measurable in general indicators such
those were based in Jakarta, where their urban, as GNP. These NGOs did not discuss theory, did
middle class ex-student activist leadership resided not question the development paradigm which
close to access to funding agencies. Now, less spawned modernization theory and top-down
than two decades later, there may easily be in apporaches. In other words, NGOs at that time
excess of 3,000 such groups, located in remote consented to the modernization hegemony.
areas as well as urban and more accessible rural
areas throughout the country (Betts, 1987). To provide a framework for the NGO movement
in Indonesia, I will map the NGO movement's
The phenomenon of NGOs in Indonesia is associ- development, assumptions and activities. It is
ated with the changes in Indonesia in 1967, when necessary to conduct a critical analysis of the
lndonesia entered a new era with capitalist "liber- concepts of development and its implications in

2
Indonesia. To understand the role of NGOs in the What are the assumptions of modernization?
context of Indonesia I will first present the model Modernization has been, since the mid-twentieth
of developmentalism, followed by a description of century, the dominant focus of social change in
the political economy in the New Order era under Western countries. It also has been the most do-
the military government. minant development theory applied in Third World
countries and is one of the most powerful of all
Western ideas in the world today. The basic
4. Developmentalism: Mask of Capitalist assumptions of modernization are related to the
Hegemony process by which the so-called traditional
structures are transformed into more modern types
During the last two decades, we have witnessed along the lines of what happened earlier in Europe.
how "development" has become "a new religion"
and an ideology for millions of people in the Third
World. Development as given them new hope and There are several elemental modernization theo-
the expectation that it can change and improve ries. The first uses the metaphor of the growth of
their lives. The problem is, despite existing an organism. In this case, development is seen
development efforts, both the absolute number and from an evolutionary perspective, as a journey
the percentage of the world's people who live in from "traditional to modern". The assumption
utter poverty continue to increase. Each here is that all societies once were alike ('tradi-
development program has a different impact tional'), and that the Third World would also pass
depending on the development concept used, and through the same set of changes as had happened
the point of view or the lens of the user. The in the West, and eventually become "modern".
dominant concept of development, which is applied The most famous is the five-stage scheme put
in most Third World countries, reflects the forward by W.W. Rostow in his Stages of
Western paradigm of development. Development, Economic Growth : A Non Communist Manifes-
then, is identified as some kind of stage-by-stage to. (Rostow, 1960). Rostow and his followers
movement towards "higher modernity". This envisaged a gradual transition from tradition to
modernity is reflected in forms of technology and modernity and assume that ideal development has
economic advances as are found in industrial already been achieved by industrial countries.
nations. This concept of development has According to this theory, development will flow
historical and intellectual roots in the period of almost automatically from capital accumulation
major social changes associated with the industrial (i.e. saving and investments) hence the stress on
revolution ( Long, 1986). foreign aid and trade. Rostow focused on the need
for an entrepreneurial elite to stimulate the
In most Third World nations, interpretation of the development process. This emphasis on entrepre-
development concept is understood to be a gener- neurship and capital accumulation is the most
al improvement in the standard of living. Devel- pervasive theme in the literature on economic
opment is also understood to mean the strength- growth.
ening of the material base of the State, mainly
through industrialization, adhering to a pattern that Another modernization theory is based on a socio-
has been remarkably similar from one country to logical and psychological explanation. This theory
another. The government in this perspective is based on a study by David McClelland in his
becomes the subject of development. In other Achieving Society (Mc Clelland, 1961) and Inkeles
words, government programs transform people into in his Modern Men (Inkeles and Smith, 1961).
objects, recipients, claimants, clients or even McClelland who based his work on his interpreta-
participants. What is the ·ideology and theory tion of The Protestant Ethic and Spirit of Capital-
beyond this development? ism (Weber, 1925), argues that if the Protestant
Ethic caused economic growth in the West, then
Modernization and developmentalism have be- some analogous phenomenon must be sought
come synonyms in terms of their basic assump- elsewhere in order for Non-Western countries to
tions and theory. They come from the same func- achieve economic growth. What lay behind Webe-
tionalist and positivist paradigm. Developmentali- r's Protestant ethic, McClelland argues, was a
sm uses the same theoretical framework and ideo- personality trait, "the need for achievement" (N
logical assumptions as modernization. Ach, for short). According to this theory, the

3
reason people in Third World countries are under- expansion would be the best road to development
developed is because they have low N Ach. of the economy and creation of employment oppor-
tunities in both urban and rural communities.
In practice, modernization is similar to Western-
ization which is based on capitalism. This interest The "growth" model of development in the rural
in modernization was turned into a new study agricultural sector was translated into the "green
which gradually became known as development revolution" program. The Green Revolution was
studies. It is an interdisciplinary grouping of subsidy driven. The State contributed heavily,
subjects which focus upon the analysis and solu- giving massive subsidies on chemical fertilizer,
tion of problems of development, particularly those agricultural credit, state purchases of rice through
faced by the poorer, developing countries. Throu- a floor-price scheme, national buffer stocks, and
gh development studies in Western countries, the free or subsidized irrigation projects financed by
discourse of capitalism is smoothly injected into foreign borrowing.
the Third World through the label "development,"
through Third World's technocrats and The quantitative results of the Green Revolution
universities, and even through NGOs. This have been impressive. Javanese peasants now
"development" is basically a new package and new produce twice as much rice as they did in the late
brand name for capitalism. 1960s. Java has made more than average contri-
bution in terms of yield of growth compared to
Modernization is a good example of how domi- other regions of Indonesia, and therefore played a
nant hegemony achieves its objectives. Develop- major role in Indonesia's transition from the sta-
ment is a "new brand" of capitalism which is the tus of the largest rice importer to a situation of
most powerful hegemony in the modern history of self-sufficiency in rice by 1985.
the Third World. It creates new ideological
"terrain". On this uneven playing field cultural and Nevertheless, from a qualitative perspective, the
political systems are promoted through ma- Green Revolution has been the subject of critique
nipulated discourse and sophisticated propaganda among NGO activists. The increasing involve-
to replace the existing ideological, cultural and ment of NGOs in the development assistance
political structures of subordinate people. Reli- process during the 1970s was prompted by these
gion, education and other institutions have been critics of the development strategy and as a reac-
used by the development "apparatus" to mystify tion to the government's approach to development
power relationships, public affairs and events, which was considered inadequate. A number of
inducing the oppressed to consent to their own factors have contributed to this trend. Among
exploitation and daily misery. As a hegemony, these were the perceived failure to effectively
"modernization" is able to create a concept of promote development or to raise the standard of
reality which is defused throughout society in all living of the poor and the unprecedented large
its institutional and private manifestations, financial contributions channeled through NGOs.
conforming its spirit to all tastes, morality, Unfortunately, only a few NGOs really questioned
customs, religious and political principles, and the ideology and paradigm of developmentalism
social relations, particularly in their intellectual and modernization. NGOs involved in the first
and moral connotation. Thus the dream to ach- period (late 1960s and early 1970s) did not
ieve high mass consumption (Rostow) within an introduce a radical alternative paradigm of
achieving capatilist society (McClelland) becomes development, but merely tried "reform", reacting
an "opium" of the poor in developing countries. to the methodology and practices of development
without questioning the basic assumption of
modernization.
5. NGOs and Developmentalism in Indonesia
Although the majority of NGOs had bought into
Policies which have influenced development the government sponsored reform-cum-modernization,
past two decades are based on the modernization some NGO activists fundamentally questioned
framework incorporating the economic growth developmentalism. The main issue that concerned
model. Development based on the strategy and these NGOs was related to the question: Who
policy of stimulating growth prioritizes savings, benefits from the "growth model of develop-
investment and capital-intensive modern technolo- ment"? Several studies conducted by LSP, by
gy. It was assumed that rapid industrialization and NGO team researchers and by outside researchers

4
on the impact of modernization type development 1984). Such analysis assumes that the poverty of
in agriculture show increases in absolute people is caused by their values and traditions
landlessness in rural Java. which are not fit for development. Such values as
'the need for affiliation' and traditional power
The Census during the period in question (1961, relations and other sets of personal behaviors and
1971 and 1980) shows that in 1963 about 73 % of cultural attitudes are also considered cause
rural households had farms. In 1983 about 57% underdevelopment.
rural households had farms. This shows an in-
crease of 16% landlessness in 20 years. Also Based on the rationale of underdevelopment,
found was increased poverty with resulting mainstream NGOs such as LPES and Bina Swad-
increases of urbanization, unemployment and aya in the early 1970s focused on changing tradi-
underdevelopment. An overlooked effect of green tional beliefs, attitudes, values and institutions by
revolution policies was that it made capital creating participatory action programs among rural
investment cheaper than human labor. This in turn small business groups. Participatory training and
led to a substantial decline in agricultural labor institution building in rural areas became the main
opportunities and a vast increase in peasant tools for transformation to "modernity." These
urbanization and accompanying social and eco- programs are based on the notion that development
nomic hardship. Close to a 50% unemployment will occur by giving capital to the right people (the
rate has been quoted for the rural sector, with a High Need for Achievement entrepreneurs) and
labor force that grows by 1. 8 million per year, teaching them to master the micro technology of
and reached 53 million in 1980. Increased unem- business such as marketing, accounting and
ployment pushes rural workers to the cities where financial management. The entrepreneurs will
they seek employment of any kind, mainly in the drive the process of growth and the mass of people
informal sector (Huesken, 1987). which will benefit from a trickle-down effect.

The other impact of rural development policy Lembaga Studi Pembangunan (LSP) was among
considered by some NGO activists is increased the few NGOs at that time that based its work on
political domination. In order to prevent mass the use of dependency theory and structuralism in
resistance against marginalization, the government their analysis (Arif and Sasono, 1981). The crit-
installed sophisticated political control mecha- ics of the dominant theories of developmentalism
nisms. The "floating mass policy" bans all popu- and "modernism" were introduced by LSP, which
lar control at the village level, as had been for- published books and journals and facilitated dis-
merly exercised by democratically elected village cussions. The introduction of the thoughts of
heads. This new policy assigned the military with dependency theorists such as Paul Baran and
civilian authority to accompany existing subdistrict Andre Gundre Frank (1973), Celco Furtado (19-
and village level military control units. It also 73) Cardoso (1972), and Amin (1971) and liber-
established Village Unit Cooperatives as the only ation theorists such as Freire (1972), Gutierrez
allowed cooperatives operating in sub-districts. (1973) and others to the Indonesian NGO com-
Since 1979 new regulations on village government munity in the late 1970s enriched the concepts and
have replaced the traditional village council with critique of "development" among Indonesian
government-controlled institutions (Sasono, 1987). NGOs.

Aldridge (1984) noted that there has been tremen-

dous contradiction and ambiguity among the Indo- 6. Mapping Indonesian NGOs
nesian NGO community in response to the growth
model of development. ·NGO activists are moti- Several studies have been conducted to understand
vated by a mixture of political and service ideals. Indonesian NGOs by Indonesian NGOs
However, many of them appear quite unclear themselves, as well as by other researchers. The
about how their development programs are study by David Korten, "The Third Generation of
supposed to lead to a transformation of the NGOs" is most influential and is a famous typol-
political macro-structure. Also, enormous ideo- ogy among the NGO community and other agen-
logical confusion results from promotion of "self- cies. This paper aims to critique Korten's frame-
reliance," with "dependency" analysis being mixed work as well as Philip Eldridge's general theory
with entrepreneurship training by American social and framework. Based on these critiques I will
scientists such as David McClelland (Eldridge,

5
provide an alternative framework for Indonesian (1) acting on their own they can never hope to
NGOs as well as for NGOs in other countries. benefit more than a few favored localities

David Korten (1988) generalized NGOs into gro- (2) self reliant village development initiatives are
ups based on their development program strategy. likely to be sustained only to the extent that
Korten concluded that the development strategies local public and private organizations are
of NGOs can be categorized into a three-genera- linked into a supportive national development
tion typology. The first generation is called system.
"relief and welfare," the second generation is
called "small scale and self reliance" local de- Most of the NGOs that undertake a third genera-
velopment and the third generation is called "sus- tion strategy will find themselves working in one
tainable systems development." way or another with the government. Often gov-
ernment programs already command the resources
Korten stated that many of the larger international required for broader impact, but use them inef-
NGOs such as Catholic Relief Services, CARE, fectively. This institutional policy setting may
Save the Children, and World Vision began as actively discourage the self-reliant local initiative
charitable relief organizations to deliver welfare that might result in the effective mobilization of
services to the poor and unfortunate throughout the local resources (Korten, 1987).
world. He observed the same pattern in some
national NGOs such as Bangladesh Rural Ad- Korten's "three generation NGO typology" does
vancement Committee (BRAC) and other local not address the need for an alternative paradigm
NGOs. Many of them, according to Korten, were of development. His attention is more on strengt-
focused originally on natural disaster and refugee hening the management and methodology of the
situations. The purpose was meeting immediate NGO movement instead of questioning its mod-
needs through direct action such as the distribution ernization and develop mentalist ideology. The
of food, the fielding of health teams, and the basic assumptions used by Korten to develop his
provision of shelter. three generation categories come from a function-
alist perspective. In limiting his typology of
The second generation, "Small-scale self reliant NGOs, Korten does not show an alternative
local development," according to Korten, ap- paradigm, a counter-discourse to developmentalis-
peared as a reaction to the limitations of the relief m, but rather supports the capitalist hegemony, i.e
and welfare approaches as a development strate- modernism and developmentalism. In other wor-
gy. In the late 1970s, N GOs undertook projects in ds, Korten's third generation NGOs accept and
areas such as preventive health, improved farming consent to the developmentalist discourse, a capi-
practices, local infrastructure, and other talist ideology, and does not question the structure
community development activities. What distin- of the capitalist hegemony.
guishes these efforts from relief and welfare ap-
proaches is the stress on local self-reliance, with Another typology of Indonesian NGOs is elabo-
the intent that benefits would be sustained beyond rated by Philip Eldridge (1988). Eldridge pro-
the period of NGO assistance. Often second posed a theoretical framework to understand and
generation NGO activities parallel those of gov- define NGOs based on their activities. He divides
ernment, but are defended on the grounds that the the Indonesian NGO movement into two
government services are inadequate in the villages categories. The first type, "development NGOs"
in which the NGO works. Second generation refers to organizations which concentrate on con-
strategies by definition do not attempt to address "ventional programs of community development,
the cause of the inadequacy of other service pro- i.e irrigation, drinking water, health centers,
viders. agriculture, animal husbandry, handicrafts and
other forms of economic development. The sec-
For Korten, the third generation began to engage ond is labelled "mobilization NGOs," which are
in a re-examination of basic strategic issues relat- those whose main efforts center on educating and
ing to sustainability, breadth of impact, and re- mobilizing poor people around issues related to
current cost recovery. Korten explained the rea- ecology, human rights, status of women, legal
"son for the emerging third generation is the rights in relation to land tenure and compensation
realization that : for eminent domain, and securing tenancy rights

6
for petty traders, scavengers and squatters in cities 7. Typology of Indonesian NGOs
(Eldridge 1988).
I propose a typology of Indonesian NGOs based
Eldridge's typology tends to look at NGOs from on my observations regarding specific cultural
the perspective of their programs and their meth- subsets of people and their implications for action
ods. Looking at NGO activity without considering programs. My classification of Indonesian NGOs
the paradigm they operate from and their basic is based on a variety of aspects such as:
assumptions can produce a misunderstanding of
Indonesian NGOs. There are many case studies * basic assumptions I definition of the problem
that show that community health programs (which
according to Eldridge's typology are considered * methodology and program of action
"development" and non-political activity) can be
political and based on a radical alternative para- * assumptions about nature of the community
digm. There are many programs, such as those
related to the status of women and ecological * goals and objectives of the activities
activities (also categorized as "apolitical") that
address structural causes of injustice and raise * visions I approaches I models of development
critical and class consciousness. Even safe water
projects can be very political and counter- * development model classified by field activity
hegemonic to developmentalism if the program is
based on critical analysis. These programs can also
consent to and support the ideology of moderniza-
tion. Making a typology based on the comparison
of NGO programs such as "income generation"
versus "status of women" activities creates a false
dichotomy. The issue is how we can bring together
the components of critical consciousness and
empowerment of women within an income
generation program (Tandon, 1989).

7
 TYPOLOGY OF NGOs
CLASSIFIED ACCORDING TO PARADIGM, ACTION AND STRUCTURE

CONFORMIST REFORMIST TRANSFORMIST

CAUSES OF THE PROB- Circumstances Lack of educa- Exploitation.

LEM beyond local tion. Unequal
people. Corruption. structure.
God's decision. Overpopulation. Capitalist
Bad luck. Traditional hegemony.
values.
GOALS To relieve Raise Challenge
suffering. production. exploitation.
To Pray. Make existing Build new
To hope. structure work. political
Change people's economy.
values. Counter-dis-
course.

PROGRAMS
Child care. Technical Conscientization
Famine relief. training. Alternative
Clinics. Small business. economic
Orphanages. Community development.
development. Trade Unions.
Legal Aid. Cooperatives.
Supplementary
services.
TYPE OF CHANGE AND Functional I Structural /
ASSUMPTION Functional /
Equilibrium Equilibrium Critical

TYPE OF LEADERSHIP Consultative. Participative. Participatory

Reliance on au- Shared respon- facilitator.
thority. sibility. Strong
discipline.
TYPE OF SERVICE Charity. Help people Land reform.
Help the Poor. help themselves Participatory
Welfare. Green research.
Revolution. Popular
Community Dev. education.
Nonformal Educ.
Vocational
Education

INSPIRATION Conformation Reformation Emancipation

Transformation
Liberation

8
The first type of NGO is "conformist." This Participation (swadaya) and cooperation, the main
type consists of charitable relief organizations themes of the reformist NGOs, are not
and other organizations distinguishable by their considered fundamental values, but are seen only
"working without theory". Most NGOs in this as effective means to motivate and co-opt people
category are project oriented and work as charita- to become involved in development. LP3ES and
ble relief organizations. This type of NGO Bina Swadaya consistently include "the Achie-
follows the functionalist paradigm and is vement Motivation Training (AMT)" of David
characterized by concern for keeping and McClelland in their field worker's (motivator)
maintaining the status quo, social order, training. This AMT is the main vehicle to inject
consensus, social integration, solidarity, and need the virus "Need for Achievement" (N' Ach), that
satisfaction. Though there are still some NGOs will change people's "backward" mentality to that
that practice conformist "working without of modern entrepreneurs in the achieving society.
theory," most of them, since the mid-1970s, No wonder the Indonesian Government, which
came to realize that their "development" implements the modernization and
approach addressed the symptoms and not the developmentalism growth model, adopted the
causes of poverty. Most of them are now seen idea of the small-scale industry program of
to be moving toward the reformist category and LP3ES, the pre-cooperative movement (usaha
are somewhere between conformism and bersama) of Bina Swadaya and the agriculture
reformism. and fishery technology of Dian Desa Foundation
approach. The small scale industry of LPES is
The second category is the reformist. type of considered to be the best example of the
NGOs. These organizations have based their influence of NGO programs on national
development theory on the modernization development policies. This type of NGO
ideology. The need for increasing people's unconsciously shares values and ideology with
participation in development is the main theme the government, namely modernism and
of NGOs that choose this paradigm. They tend developmental ism.
not to question the existing structure and the
hegemony of capitalism which is masked within After almost 20 years of applying their model of
the "development" concept. Corruption in the development, some of these NGOs started to
government is blamed as the fundamental cause realize that there were no significant changes in
of "under-development". Like the modernist the political and economic situation in rural
paradigm, the thesis beyond their theme is that Indonesia. This awareness motivated many to
underdevelopment of the majority of the people look for another paradigm, and to move from the
is caused by something that is wrong with the "reformation" approach to· the third type,
people's mentality and the people's values. Their "transformation" and the creation of fundamen-
backward mentality and is considered to be the tally new and more equitable relationships.
main cause of their lack of "participation" in
development. The transformation category consists of groups
of NGOs which re-examine basic assumptions
Large scale NGOs such as LP3ES, Bina and ideological issues, in an attempt to find an
Swadaya, Dian Desa and YIS base their work on alternative to the two other approaches. NGOs
this paradigm. People are considered part of the are starting to question the existing paradigm
problem, so the main task is to "facilitate" and its hidden ideology. Their search is for an
improvement of people's knowledge, skills and alternative paradigm that will change a structure
"attitudes" to become more modern so they can which oppresses and dominates and will enable
participate in "development" Success is people to realize their human potential. This
measured by the capacity to develop the spirit of alternative paradigm should provide a structure
entrepreneurship. The emphasis is on that will allow for people to control the modes
organization management, marketing and of production and to control information and
financial management, developing relationships ideological production. They look for a structure
with modern financial institutions and increase that will make it possible for the people to
of income. control their own development and history. Such
a structure would instill democracy not just in the

9
political sphere but also in the economy as well "conformist" and "reformist" activities, but their
as in rural and urban development. "popular ulama" (ulama rakyat) program is based
on transformation. The introduction of Islamic
This transformative NGO is not the same as Liberation Theology in P3M's "popular ulama"
Korten's third generation NGO. Korten program clearly adheres to a transformative
explained that third generation NGOs will find philosophy (Pesantren, 1988).
themselves working in one way or another with
government. Often government programs already Another transformation approach among NGOs
command the resources required for making a is conducted by SKEPHI. This NGO's spirit of
broader impact, but use them ineffectively. This struggling against the capitalist hegemony has
institutional control and policy setting by the been demonstrated through its newspaper (Berita
government may actively discourage self-reliant Rutan, No.15/III, 1988). In addition, its
local initiatives and effective mobilization of local "advocacy" program for mobilizing poor farmers
resources (Korten, 1987). Korten's assumption to complain to members of the House of
appears to belong to the functionalist paradigm, Represent-atives (DPR) is part of a process of
the foundation of modernization theory. raising "class consciousness" and is a counter-
hegemonic movement. Among NGOs in
In my observation, no NGOs yet exist that fully Indonesia, "transformation" types create hope for
represent the transformation paradigm. Lembaga NGOs as a counter hegemony and a counter dis-
Studi Pembangunan (LSP) from its beginning has course to developmentalism. Finally, the N GOs'
developed its activities based on the dependency report, "Study Of Poverty III," presented at the
theory. Unfortunately LSP had to conform to INGI conference in Frankfurt in 1990,
the reality of funding sources, most of which demonstrated that Indonesian NGOs are moving
represent the "developmentalism" paradigm. toward the "transformative" paradigm. Possibly
Another problem that is faced by NGOs is the the time is opportune to create a network of
Jack of consistency between their ideological and transformative NGOs and to challenge them to
theoretical framework and their methodologies consolidate counter-discourse and counter-
and practices in the field. This situation permits hegemony activities into a cohesive NGO concept
the cooptation of Freirean "conscientization" into of social transformation.
an "entrepreneur and income generation
program" within the context of the modernization
paradigm. 8. NGOs and Transformation: Toward a
Theoretical Framework
Also frequently observed are NGOs trying to
conduct "participatory research" without any What will be the trend of Indonesian NGOs in
theoretical background. On the other hand, there the next decade? The 1990s may be the decade
is evidence that many NGOs are becoming more for Indonesian NGOs to build their vision and
transformation oriented and are starting to their paradigm of social change. It seems to me
implement "participatory action research" within that the strongest trend is the movement toward
the Indonesian action research network (Jaringan transformation. Two obstacles face this
Riset Aksi Indonesia). From a political standpoint movement: 1) how to create space for their
this leads to the creation of a counter-discourse paradigm under the influence of the
movement which is transformative. The Indonesia "developmentalism" hegemony sponsored by the
Action Research network consists of practitio- Indonesian government; and 2) how to present
ners who are interested in Action Research, strong commitment to their paradigm in the face
Participatory Action Research and Popular of funding agencies which subscribe to the
Education. The program was founded by the modernization hegemony.
International Development Research Center
(IDRC) in 1987-1988. Traditional Moslem Developmentalist institutions such as USAID,
groups (pesantrens) have tried to reconstruct their CIDA and the World Bank are powerful
theory of transformation based on the determinants of the future of Indonesian NGOs.
traditionalist values through the P3M network. These institutions will become the biggest
There are contradictions between P3M and obstacle to Indonesian NGOs in implementing
Pesantren (Fakih, 1987). Many programs mix their philosophies and concepts of development.

10
The NGOs need funding agencies which sponsor research which I will describe later, is a most
transformation. While facing the dilemna of the appropriate route for NGOs to create a counter
need for creating an alternative paradigm of hegemonic movement. Critical education will
social transformation and of the dependency on help people to assess their own experience and
hegemonic funding agencies, the NGO contest or resist the ideological and material
community needs to reconstruct its concept of forces imposed upon them (Weiler, 1988). The
development. The following discussion can goal of critical pedagogy is to facilitate the
become the subject of dialogue among NGOs in development of "critical consciousness" in people
Indonesia. and to help them transform their "false
consciousness" into a conscious society which
knows and names and denounces the ideology
9. NGO as a Counter-Hegemonic Movement and the hegemony of philosophies of dominance.

For transformation NGOs, the main battle is In the case of Indonesia, the main task of NGOs
political and ideological, namely against the and grassroots organizations is to penetrate the
modernization/developmentalism hegemony. false world of appearance rooted in the system of
Hegemony can be defined as an organizing dominant belief, which is modernization and
principle or world view, diffused by agencies and development. Through popular education and
institutions, which exerts ideological control and participatory research, grassroots organizations
socialization into every area of daily life. The can create new ideas and values that will
concept of hegemony is used in the context of establish the basis of human liberation. Critical
cultural, moral and ideological leadership over pedagogy activities in grassroots organizations
allied and subordinate groups. It is used to form will also create "organic intellectuals" who will
of a new ideological "terrain," with political, become the main organizers of the counter-
cultural and moral leadership and with popular hegemonic movement.
consent (Gramsci, 1971). Every individual is
"shaped" by modernization hegemonic ideas and
historical circumstances. In this context the role 10. NGOs as Counter-Discourse Institutions
of NGOs as a counter-hegemonic institution is to
strengthen civil society by facilitating "critical The dominant paradigm of "developmentalism,"
consciousness." which is based on modernization ideology, places
people as the objects of development because of
Developmentalism has created a climate in which its view that people can not solve their own prob-
people "consent" to and host the values of lems. Development ~hould be designed by
capitalism. The ability of the development planners and scholars from afar, then delivered
hegemony to legitimize and maintain false by technicians to the peasants. Most of the
consciousness makes it very difficult to create a people who are affected by underdevelopment
space in which the counter hegemonic movement tend to be seen as a kind of a problem that
is supported by the oppressed. The following experts have to solve (Hall, 1982). In order to
strategies use Gramsci's concept of counter- conduct development, then, the dominant social
hegemony through grassroots organizations. sciences need to conduct research. As the object
of research, people are identified, measured,
Rather than develop complete theoretical dissected and programmed from the outside by
strategies for NGOs as a counter hegemonic the dominant class and its representatives. The
movement, I intend to assess some considerations dominant society, with the help of its
based on the NGOs' experience of researchers, determines the goal of "de-
"development" action through education. The velopment" and the methods to achieve it.
transformative NGO is, in my observation, an Moreover, the results are practically never
excellent vehicle for creating a counter communicated, or even discussed, with the
hegemonic movement in today's Indonesia. A people who are most directly concerned. The
strong possible activity to develop the NGO people are simply considered "objects of
movement in Indonesia is to empower their development. " They are unaware of how their
critical education programs. Critical education, responses to dominant research can be used to
such as popular education and participatory

11
know them better and to control them better (De between the observable world "out there" and the
Olieveira and De Olieveira, 1975). observer. By separating the observer from the
observable world, positivism claims that to know
Another developmentalist assumption is that only or comprehend the world is to know it
the expert has the right to create knowledge, the independently of human will or subjectivity.
prerogative of professional elites. The people Scientific fact should be separated from human
affected by new knowledge do not have to values.
participate in formulating the problem, collect-
ing and analyzing the data, and deciding how to In this context, the role of NGOs is very critical,
use the results. The developmentalist paradigm namely as a counter-discourse to modernization
treats the people, the systems, and the setting to (developmentalism) which is based on this
be researched as mere objects which help provide positivist paradigm. As a counter discourse, they
the basic data for knowledge. People's control have questioned the domination of elites which
over knowledge is taken away. Since use their research to create the discourse of "un-
"knowledge is power," research of this type derdevelopment" and to impose this on Third
becomes a political issue, because it further World political, social and cultural systems. By
enhances the power of the elites. This paradigm imposing the discourse of underdevelopment,
ignores these ethical and political issues in the which is based on the hegemony of the West, it
name of "objectivity and neutrality." is legitimizing the penetration of the
modernization ideology and developmentalism to
The idea of controlling the object of research the Third World. The transformation NGOs
originated from a dream. of the social scientists which use participatory research and popular
who studied society in the same way that the education in their work show us how the counter
natural scientists studied nature. The goal of discourse movement works.
research in the social sciences then becomes
similar to the goal of research in the natural Participatory R~s~arch (PR) is described as an
sciences, i.e. to understand social events, to be integrated activity that combines social
able to predict social behavior, to be able to investigation, education work and action. PR was
describe the social elements and their chosen by Indonesian NGOs as an alternative,
functioning, and to be capable of reducing people non-violent and democratic method of economic
to explainable formula. All human actions, all and political transformation in rural areas. PR is
behavioral patterns of social groups, all historical intended to counter the modernization hegemony
events would be studied, or so it was thought, and to deploy resistance to defend popular
systematically, carefully, and with objectivity. knowledge, "good sense," from invasion by the
Objectivity meant the scientific ability to positivist paradigm. There are several reasons
examine society and all its phenomena as though why NGOs are attracted to the practice of PR:
they were "things," objects.
1: PR initiates and promotes radical changes at
All these assumptions are based on a system of the grassroots level. By placing people at the
philosophy called Positivism. This approach center of the transformation process PR creates
flows from methods developed in the natural real people participation.
sciences, and deals with determination, fixed law
or set of laws compiled into theories. Positivism, 2: PR as a process of critical education creates
the approach which dominates the academic the possibility for people to control and to use
world, also assumes that a single form of their own knowledge. This idea comes from
explanation is appropriate in all inquiry. This notions about research advocated in critical
approach defines the purpose of traditional social theory. Central to research, as emphasized in
inquiry as a search for truth which can only be critical theory, is the importance of human
carried out through an objective, value-free subjectivity and consciousness in knowledge
scientific methodology (Myrdal, 1969). In terms creation. Critical theory does not separate the
of social investigation, positivist thinking requires subject of knowledge (the knower) from the
the separation of facts from values in order to object (the known). This idea allows NGO
bring about an objective understanding of reality. activists to facilitate research, which creates the
In other words, positivism insists on a gap possibility for the 'oppressed' to be knowledge

12
creators and the subjects of research. Research
using this perspective provides a means to
liberate instead of to control people.

The experiences of transformation NGOs makes

it possible to figure out the tasks which
Indonesian NGOs face as a counter hegemony
and a counter discourse movement. At the same
time, the NGO movement should be able to
create its own paradigm and discourse of social
transformation. Through the practice of PR and
popular education NGOs can begin to create their
alternative paradigm of transformation. This view
will consist of an alternative ideology,
assumptions, theory, language and terminology,
methodology and techniques/practice of social
transformation. Finally, and perhaps most signifi-
cantly, PR enables and empowers the oppressed
to raise class consciousness and to critically
create and implement their own theory of
transformation. For NGOs to succeed as a
counter-hegemonic and a counter-discourse
movement they must accomplish this substantial
but not impossible task.

11. Conclusion

Several conclusions can be drawn from the above

discussion. First, development and modernization
can not be separated from the choice of
transformation of the people. NGOs need to
create a new alternative paradigm of
transformation as a counter discourse to
developmental ism. The concept of the alternative
paradigm should emerge from the process of dia-
logue with the oppressed, and become the
oppressed's own concept of transformation.
Second, NGOs developing as a counter-
hegemonic movement are themselves in an
educational process. They provide not only a
project of participation and development, but
transformation instruments for a new society. By
using popular education and PR to make them
coherent and comprehensive they should grow
and mature into an alternative knowledge system
which is fully owned by and liberates today's
oppressed.

13
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16
Center for International Education TECHNICAL NOTE SERIES
285 Hills South, U/MASS, Amherst, MA - 01003 $2.00/each {1990)

1. The Ecuador Project: Discusses the basic goals, philosophy and methodology of a rural nonformal
education project.
2. Conscientizacao and Simulation Games: Discusses Paulo Freire's education philosophy
and the use of simulation games for consciousness raising.
3. Hacienda: Describes a board game simulating economic and social realities of the Ecuadorian Sierra.
4. Mercado: Describes a card game which provides practice in basic market mathematics.
5. Ashton-Warner Literacy Method: Describes a modified version of Sylvia Ashton-Warner's
approach to literacy training used in Ecuadorian villages.
6. Letter Dice: Describes simple, participatory letter fluency games which involve illiterates in a non-
threatening approach to literacy.
7. Bingo: Describes bingo-like fluency games for words and numerical operations.
8. Math Fluency Games: Describes a variety of simple games which provide practice in basic arithmetic
operations.
9. Letter Fluency Games: Describes a variety of simple games which provide practice in basic literacy
skills.
10. Tabacundo - Battery Powered Dialogue: Describes uses of tape recorder for feedback and
programming in a rural radio school program.
11 . The Faci Iitato r Mode I: Describes the facilitator conceptfor community development in rural Ecuador.
12. Puppets and the Theatre: Describes the use of theatre, puppets ·and music as instruments of
literacy and consciousness awareness in a rural community.
13. Fotonovella: Describes development and use of photo-literature as an instrument for literacy and
consciousness raising.
14. The Education Game: Describes a boarci game that simulates inequities of many educational
systems.
15. The Fun Bus: Describes and NFE project in Massachusetts that used music. puppetry and drama to
involve local people in workshops on town Issues.
16. F~ld Training Through Case Studies: Describes the production of actual village case studies
as a training method for community development workers in Indonesia.
17. Participatory Communication in Nonformal Education: Discusses use of simple
processing techniques for information sharing, formative evaluation and staff communication.
18. Bintang Anda - A Game Process for Community Development: Describes an
integrated community development approach based on the use of simulation games.
19. Using Consultants for Materials Development: Describes an approach to selecting and
utilizing short-term consultants for materials development
20. Designing and Using Simulations for Training: Outlines steps involved in designing and
utilizing simulations. Presents two simulations In detail.
21. Q-Sort as Needs Assessment Technique: Describes how a research techniques can be
adapted for needs assessment In nonformal education.
22. The Learning Fund - Income Generation Through NFE: Describes a program which
combines education and income generation activities through learning groups.
23. Game of Childhood Diseases: Describes a board game which addresses health problems of
young children In the Third Wood.
24. Road-to-Birth Game: Describes a board game which addresses health concerns of Third Wor1d
women during the prenatal period.
25. Discussion Starters: Describes how dialogue and discussion can be facilitated in community groups
by using simple audio-visual materials.
26. Record Keeping for Small Rural Businesses: Describes how facilitators can help farmers,
market sellers and women's groups keep track of Income and expenses.
27. Community Newspaper: Describes how to create and publish a community-level news~per In a
participatory fashion.
28. Skills Drills: Describes how to make and use a simple board game for teaching basic math and literacy
skills.
CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION
University of Massachusetts
Publications - Hills South
Amherst, MA 01003, USA