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THE SANUSI
OF CYRENAICA
BY
E. E. E V A N S -P R IT C H A R D
PROFESSOR OF SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY
AND FELLOW OF ALL SOULS COLLEGE
IN THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
OXFORD
AT TH E CLARENDON PRESS
Oxford University Press, Amen House, London E .C .4
GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO MELBOURNE WELLINGTON
BOMBAY CALCUTTA MADRAS KARACHI CAPE TOWN IBADAN
Geoffrey Cumherlege, Publisher to the University
FIRST EDITION 194 9

REPRINTED LITHOGRAPHICALLY IN GREAT BRITAIN
AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS, OXFORD
FROM SHEETS OF THE FIRST EDITION
1954
PREFACE
T hisaccount of the Sanusi of Cyrenaica would not have been
written if a number of accidents had not led me to their country
during the late war, but the seed of it was planted long before
the war. I had acquired during three years' residence in Egypt
and through travels in other Arab lands some knowledge of
Arab history and culture, a little experience of Bedouin, and
proficiency in spoken Arabic. During the war a year spent as
Political Officer in the Alawite Territory of Syria added to both
knowledge and enthusiasm. I had been acquainted with some
of the Sanusi exiles in Eg5q>t as far back as 1932 and had visited
Dama and Banghazi by sea; and it had long been my hope that
I might some day, when the Italians had ceased to rule the
country, have a chance to visit the interior. This wish came
true when in November 1942 I was posted as Political Officer
to the (third) British Military Administration of Cyrenaica. I
spent over two years in the country, the greater part of them
among the Bedouin, particularly the more nomadic sections.
Inhabited Cyrenaica is a small country and as in the course of
m y wanderings, mostly in its southern steppes and the desert
beyond them, I covered more than two thousand miles by horse
and camel I came to know something of its Bedouin tribes. My
duties, it is true, prevented me from carrying out any systematic
inquiries of a sociological kind, but the contact with the Bedouin
they entailed enabled me to read the literature which forms
the basis of this study in the light of my own experience. My
labours have been but a small return for the hospitality of the
tents and the many kindnesses of my Bedouin hosts.
I have not attempted to write a history of Cyrenaica, but
only of the development of the Sanusiya Order among the
Bedouin tribes of the country. I have, therefore, said nothing
of the centuries of Greek colonization and Roman and Byzantine
rule, nor of the little known centuries of Arab and Turkish rule
until 1843, when the Grand Sanusi founded his first zawiya, or
religious lodge, on the Cyrenaican plateau. Also, I have not
aimed at giving a comprehensive account either of the Sanusiya
Order or of the Bedouin tribes, but I have described both only in
so far as seemed necessary to an understanding of the political
IV PREFACE
development of the Order which sprang from their association.
The Sanusi of Cyrenaica, and elsewhere, are so called because
they adhere to the Islamic Order of the Sanusiya which takes
its name from its founder al-Sayyid Muhammad bin ‘Ali al-
Sanusi and has been directed by his descendants. I have,
therefore, described briefly the nature of an Islamic Order and
how this particular Order became established and spread. The
Sanusiya differs from most other Orders not so much in its
teachings and rites as in its political and economic organization,
a development arising from its absorption into the Bedouin
tribal structure, but owing much also to opposition from the
outside, particularly to the Italo-Sanusi wars. For this reason
I have described in the latter part of the book Italo-Sanusi
relations at some length. If in doing so I have sometimes
expressed indignation, I do not wish it to be thought that I
have any but friendly feelings for Italy and her people, or that
I believe the Italian colonial record to be very different from
the records of other Colonial Powers.
I have transliterated Arabic words in the simplest way. The
Arabist will know, or can easily discover, how they are written
in Arabic, and those who do not know the language would be
little the wiser had I transliterated them differently. For the
uninitiated it need only be said that the letter 'q ', which stands
for the Arabic letter qaf, has in Cyrenaica the value of a hard ‘ g ’
as in the English word ‘ go at’, that ‘ g h ’, which stands for the
Arabic letter ghain, has the value the Parisian gives to the ‘ r ’
in ‘ Paris’, and that ‘, which stands for the Arabic letter ‘ain, is
a guttural sound peculiar to Arabic. I have not been entirely
consistent in the spelling of Arabic words in that I have
retained the usual English spelling of such words as Cairo,
Mecca, Kufra, Caramanli, and Koran, and that I have treated
some Arabic words as though they were English words and have,
therefore, not italicized them and have given them the common
English plural form, e.g. Shaikhs, qadis, Sharifs, mudirs, and
zawiyas. I have used the Arabic names of places instead of
classical or Italian names: Shahhat, Marsa Susa, and al-Marj
instead of Cirene, Apollonia, and Barce. If I need to excuse
myself for this on the groimds that Cyrenaica is to-day an Arab
country, no apology is needed for using the Arab names for the
sites of recently built Italian colonial settlements, in naming
PREFACE V
which the Italians commemorated persons who for the most part
might well be forgotten. To aid the reader I have listed at the
end of the book the chief place-names mentioned in the text
with their Italian equivalents. It will be observed that the
Italian way of writing Arabic words is different from our w a y :
where we write Suluq, Tubruq, Banghazi, and Jaghbub, they
write Soluch, Tobruch, Bengasi, and Giarabub.
I have cut the book to half its original size and have con
sequently been compelled to omit a mass of detail. I have also
restricted references to quotations and to statements which seem
particularly to require the citation of an authority. Much of the
omitted detail and many of the deleted references will be found
in various articles and papers I have published on the Sanusi
elsewhere. In a few instances I have not been able to check
references because the books cited are unobtainable in England.
I acknowledge the generous help of many British and Arab
friends, especially of Major-General D. C. Gumming, Muhammad
Shafiq Effendi Hamza, and the warm-hearted companion of my
travels Salih bu 'Abd al-Salam.
I thank Mr. E. L. Peters and Miss Sonya Gregory for help
in preparation of the maps.
E. E. E.-P.
OXFORD
April 1948
CONTENTS
LIST OF PLATES ................................................................. v i a
LIST OF M A P S ................................................................. viii
I. ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF THE SANUSIYA

(1837-1902) . . . . . . . I
II. TH E BEDOUIN OF CYRENAICA . . .2 9
III. T H E S A N U S I Y A A N D T H E T R I B E S , . . . 62
I V. T H E T U R K I S H A D M I N I S T R A T I O N . . . 90
V. T H E F I R S T IT A L O -S A N U S I W A R (1911-17) . 104
V I. T H E P E R IO D O F T H E A C C O R D S (1917-23) . 134
V II. T H E S E C O N D IT A L O -S A N U S I W A R (1923-32) . 157
V I II . I T A L I A N R U L E A N D C O L O N IZ A T IO N (1932-42) . 191
A P P E N D IX E S :
(1) Cyrenaican Place-names F requently Mentioned
IN THE T ext . . . . . . 230
(2) Select B ibliography . . . . . 232
I N D E X ................................................................................. 235
LIST OF PLATES
(1) The Tom b of the Grand Sanusi (Hasanain Pasha) Facing page i6
{From a photograph by A . M . Hassanein Bey, by
permission o f the Royal Geographical Society,)
(2) The Sayyid Ahm ad al-Sharif (Macaluso) . „ ,, 128
(3) The Say}dd Muhammad Idris . . . ,, ,,144
(4) Sidi *Umar al-Mukhtar (Graziani) . . . „ 168
MAPS
The Spread of the Sanusiya in North Africa . . . 15
Distribution of Sanusiya lodges in North Africa and Arabia . 24
Rainfall and the plateau area (from Italian sources); Climatic zones
(from Italian sources) . . . . . .3 0
Distribution of forest (after M anzoni); Pastoral zones . .32
The chief tribes of Cyrenaica (after De Agostini) To face p. 35
The chief Sanusi Bedouin tribes of Tripolitania (after Canevari) . 52
The divisions of the Hasa tribe (after De Agostini) . * 5 7

Sanusiya estates of the zawiyas of Shahhat, Tart, al-Fayidiya,
and al-Zawiya al-Baida (from Italian sources) . . * 7 5
The disposition of Italian and Sanusi positions in October 1916
(after Talbot) . . . . . . . 144
Distribution of Sanusi forces in March 1923 (after Piccioli) . 174
The Italian conquest of Cyrenaica (after Tomaso Sillani) . .184
The ItaUan conquest of Tripolitania (after Tomaso Sillani) . 186
The Itahan plan for the colonization of northern Cyrenaica (from

Italian sources) . . . . . . . 224
CHAPTER I
ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF TH E

SAN U SIYA {1837-1902)
T he Sanusiya is an Order of Sufis or, as they are sometimes

called, Darwishes. They are Sunni or orthodox Muslims. This
means that in faith and morals they accept the teachings of the
Koran and the Sunna, a collection of traditions about the life
and habits of the Prophet, whose example in all matters should
be followed by believers. Most orthodox Muslims recognize two
further doctrinal sources, ijma\ general agreement among those
of the faithful capable of holding an opinion on such matters,
and qiyas, determination of what should be believed or done by
analogy with the teachings and life of the Prophet. The founder
of the Sanusiya Order, like other teachers of some of the more
rigidly orthodox groups, such as the Wahhabi, rejected both,
though, in practice, he made use of what amounts to analogy.
Of the four canonical rites of orthodox Islam the Sanusi of
Cyrenaica, like the founder of their Order, follow the Maliki, the
rite dominant throughout North Africa.
The Sanusiya is, therefore, a highly orthodox Order. It is not
a sect, but a fraternity. The enemies of its founder were never
able to convince any disinterested person that he was guilty of
heresy, though they attempted to do so ; and it was only in very
small matters that they were able to accuse him of departing
from the Maliki rite. Even its Sufism is conventional and
austere. The Wahhabi, those stern and ruthless critics of the
sects and Orders of Islam, found in it no hid'Uy innovation,
which in the eyes of these fanatics amounts to heresy, and,
alone among the Sufi Orders, they have tolerated its presence
in the Hijaz.
Sufism is Islamic mysticism. Orthodox Islam tends to be a
cold and formalistic religion. The gulf between God and man,
spanned by the bridge of the Imams among the Shiites, is too
wide for simple people, and its rules and regulations deprive
it of warmth and colour. The need for personal contact
and tenderness finds expression in the cult of saints, in Sufi
4936 B
2 ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF THE SANUSIYA
mysticism, and in the ritual of the Darwish Orders, all of which
tend to be frowned on by the puritans and Pharisees of Islam
and sometimes by its secular rulers.
In every religion there will be found people who, like the
Sufis, feel that while formal acceptance of the tenets of the faith
and conscientious performance of its duties are sufficient for
righteousness and salvation, they do not satisfy the deeper
longings of the soul which seeks always by entire love of God
a perfect communion with Him. Human souls are rays of the
divine sun imprisoned in the material world of the senses. The
aim of Sufism has been to transcend the senses and to attain
through love identification with God so complete that there is
no longer a duality of 'G od' and 'I ', but there is only 'G od'.
This is brought about by asceticism, living apart from the
world, contemplation, charity, and the performance of super
numerary religious exercises producing a state of ecstasy in
which the soul, no longer conscious of its individuality, of its
bodily prison, or of the external world, is for a while united
to God.
In the first centuries of Islam the Sufis were quietists,
individuals, often with a speculative bent, pursuing their lonely
quest of God, and tending to become hermits. In the twelfth
century Darwish Orders impregnated with Sufi ideas and ideals
began to come into prominence and in course of time they
became widespread and immensely popular with the common
people, the poor, the humble, and the unlettered, especially in
the towns. Indeed, there is a good deal of truth in Pere Lammens's
claim that the Darwish Orders 'have really flourished only
among the intellectually backward . . . . and in regions where
anarchy reigns'.^ The popularity of these Orders, which have
many social functions, is doubtless to some extent to be ac
counted for by the almost complete absence of corporate life
in Islam. In becoming social institutions, and sometimes politi
cal movements, in the Arab lands they have shed most of their
original content of mysticism.
The very wide following which these Orders attracted and the
great influence thereby gained by their leaders excited the
suspicion, and often the open hostility, of the official exponents
of Islamic doctrines and traditions, the *Ulama, or clergy, who
* Le R. P. H. Lammens, VJslam, 2nd ed., 1941, p. 181.
ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF THE SANUSIYA 3
furthermore scented heresy in them. To protect himself against
accusations of doctrinal irregularities, it was customary for the
foimder of a new Order or sub-Order to demonstrate in his
initial treatise, as the Grand Sanusi did, his orthodoxy by show
ing how his teachings followed those of some famous theologian
whose orthodoxy was acknowledged by all. The Orders also
aroused the enmity of the religious aristocracy of the Sharifs,
descendants, or supposed descendants, of the Prophet Muham
mad, who saw the common people looking to the Shaikhs and
Brothers of the Orders for the blessing they had considered their
exclusive privilege; and of the secular rulers, often themselves
Sharifs, whose duty it was to support the clergy in the preserva
tion of orthodoxy and who, on their own account, mistrusted
popular movements of any kind, especially when, as was often
the case with the Darwish Orders, they were associated with
particularist aspirations. Opposition from these sources has
not lessened— it has probably increased— the popularity of the
Orders among the masses, who, rather dumbly but quite
rightly, are irritated by governments and meddlers of all kinds.
The humble have always sympathized with the Orders and have
supported them as they support all those who, standing on
common ground, can yet point the way to Heaven, and a
brighter way than that offered by the cold learning of the
official clergy.
For an Islamic Order is a way of life, and so it is called in
Arabic a tariqa, a road, a path, a way. The various Orders
counsel their followers to take different paths, stressing the
role of reason or intuition, and differing from one another in
the means they advocate of reaching the goal, but the paths lead
to the same end, the identification of the soul with God by the
elimination of all worldly desires and distractions.
The followers of an Order are aided to reach the desired state
in which the body sheds its corporeal garment of the senses by
the recitation of a dhikty a religious formula, often accompanied,
but not among the Sanusi, by violent rhythmic jerkings of the
body and, in certain of the Orders, by music. According to
Sufi teachings it should be repeated until even the words no
longer make any impression on the senses and nothing but the
form of the Divine Name is left. There results a completely
passive, or empty, state, known to mystics of all religions, in
which the soul experiences God. It is suffused with knowledge:
not with 'ilm, intellectual and traditional knowledge, but with
ma'rifa, gnosis, wisdom. The Grand Sanusi and his successors
very strongly disapproved of external aids to this end, such as
processions, music, movements of the body inducing convul
sions, piercing the flesh with sharp implements, and such other
means as are used by some Orders, and steered a middle course
between the illuminative, or intuitive, school of Sufi writers and
the rational, or intellectual, school. Thus Sayyid Ahmad al-
Sharif, his grandson, has in his writings, as Moreno points out,^
exhorted followers of the Order not to depart from the rational,
the chief aim of the Sanusiya being to make a man a good
Muslim rather than a good mystic. Mysticism is something
added to orthodox faith and morals, not a substitute for them.
It is for this reason that, as Sayyid Ahmad insists, perfection
is to be sought through spiritual identification with the Prophet
Muhammad rather than with God, at any rate for ordinary
people. This is to be attained by contemplation of the essence
of the Prophet and by an inner knowledge of him through
constant imitation of his actions, attention to his words, and
blessing him. The contemplation should be so intense that
veneration of the Prophet pervades the adept till at last he hears
only his name and has only his form before the eyes of the intel
lect. Then the Prophet becomes his sole guide and counsellor.
As this is not a treatise on Sufism there is no need to give
further details about the mystical content of the Sanusiya. It
should, however, be stressed that the rigorous orthodoxy of the
Order, and especially its insistence on conformity to the original
teachings of the Prophet, meant that the faith and morals which
the Prophet preached to the Bedouin of his day, and which they
accepted, were equally suited to the Bedouin of Cyrenaica, who
in all essentials were leading, and still lead, a life like to that of
the Bedouin in Arabia in the seventh century. In particular,
the refusal of the Grand Sanusi to allow the more demonstrative
forms of ecstasy, which, together with lack of organization and
direction, characterize so many of the Sufi Orders of North
Africa, enabled the Bedouin to adopt his teachings and ritual,
for Bedouin are an undemonstrative people and it is difficult to
imagine them piercing their cheeks with skewers, eating glass,
* M. M. Moreno, Bvevi Nozioni d*Islam, 1927, p. 58.
or swaying into convulsions. Indeed, it is noticeable that the
Orders which permit such practices, notably the 'Arusiya,
Tsawiya, RifaTya, and Sa'adiya, so popular in the towns of
Libya, have made no converts among the true Bedouin.
It is unnecessary to discuss further the mystical side to the
Sanusiya for another reason. The Bedouin of Cyrenaica with
whom this book is concerned have only the slightest knowledge
of either the religious teachings or the ritual of the Order, and
are interested in neither. They belong to the illiterate class of
the Muntasahifiy the simple adherents of the Order who follow
its Shaikh personally and politically. It is very seldom, if ever,
that the Bedouin know the special prayers and litanies of the
Order, and their use of them, if any, is restricted to getting a
scribe to write them on paper so that they can sew them up in
leather and tie them to their bodies. It is only a tiny educated
minority who regularly recite the prayer formulas and litanies.
These are the Ikhwany the Brothers of the Order. They live in
the lodges of the Order and hold prayer-meetings there. Among
the Brothers are some who have been raised to the position of
Shaikhs of lodges, generally, in past times, after special training
at the University of the Order at Jaghbub oasis, where they have
received a diploma from the Head of the Order or from one of
his family or inner circle. This inner circle, the Khawass, con
sists vaguely to-day of a few senior members of the Samusi
family and two or three learned Brothers and does not function
as a Body, but in the past it was, according to Sayyid Muham
mad Idris, an official Council controlling the affairs of the Order
and was composed of four Shaikhs of the Order, who were not
of the Sanusi family, under the presidency of the Head of the
Order, who had to be a member of the founder's family. As
Dr. Adams points out,^ the fact that this inner circle is no longer
a determinate Body indicates a change in the character of
the Order, a development of its political, to the detriment
of its religious, functions. This development has favoured the
interests of the Sanusi family to the disadvantage of the Order
as a whole.
The Shaikh al-Tariqa, Head of the Order, advised in past
times by his Council, appoints the Shaikhs of the lodges and
these Shaikhs can ordain Brothers and the Brothers can receive
* C. C. Adams, ‘ The Sanusiya Order’, Handbook on Cyrenaica, 1944, p. 31.
into the Order ordinary members. This is done simply by the
two persons concerned shaking hands and reciting the fatihUy
the opening verse of the Koran, together. These categories can
hardly be regarded as grades and I can cite the authority of
Sayyid Muhammad Idris to support the opinion that they have
never meant more than that some persons were recognized as
more learned than others and therefore better qualified to recite
the longer and more advanced rehgious exercises.
II
The Grand Sanusi's desire to create around him a society
living the life of primitive Islam and his missionary zeal gave an
impression, enhanced by the austerity of his Bedouin followers
and the remoteness of the Sahara, of excessive puritanism and
fanaticism; and some writers have compared the Sanusi move
ment to the Wahhabi movement on account of these supposed
traits. Duveyrier's account,^ used very uncritically by other
writers, is largely to be blamed for the exaggerated stories of
the secrecy, puritanism, fanaticism, power, and numbers of
the Order that were current at the end of the last century and
in the first decade of the present century and which much
prejudiced it in the eyes of European Powers with interests in
North Africa. With Duveyrier it was an axiom that any fool
hardy European who got himself killed in North and Central
Africa had been assassinated by Sanusi agents and that any
setback to French interests was due to their propaganda.
It is true that the Grand Sanusi, like the founder of the
Wahhabi movement, aimed at restoring what he conceived to
be the original society of the Prophet. Neither was peculiar in
doing so, for every Muslim preacher must have the same aim.
The Grand Sanusi forbad the drinking of alcohol and the taking
of snuff and at first, though not absolutely, smoking. But all
Muslims are forbidden alcohol and many who are neither
Sanusi nor Wahhabi think that smoking is best avoided. It is
untrue, as has been asserted, that the Sanusi are forbidden
coffee. The Bedouin of Libya do not drink coffee, only tea, in
* H. Duveyrier, La Confrerie Musulmane de Sidi Mohammed hen *AU es
Senotht et son Domaine giographique en VAnnie 1300 de VHigire — 1883 de
noire 1884.
praise of which many poems have been written by Brothers of
the Order. The Grand Samisi forbad music, dancing, and sing
ing in the recitations of the Order, but in this he was at one with
all the official spokesmen of Islam. Most reformist movements
in Islam tend towards asceticism.
Far from being extreme ascetics, however, the Sanusi
Brothers eat and dress well, even using scent, and are amiable
and merry companions. The Tunisian scholar and traveller
Muhammad 'Uthman al-Hashaishi, who travelled in 1896 via
Malta, Tripoli, and Banghazi to Kufra to visit al-Sayyid al-
Mahdi and met the leading Brothers of the time, remarks that
'they are fond of diversions, honest jesting. I have visited
many of their zawiyas and I have made the acquaintance of
many of their notables: I have seen only cheerful and smiling
faces, welcoming me with benevolence and kindness. May God
reward them!'*
The Grand Sanusi discouraged the trappings of poverty by
his example, his exhortations, and his insistence on the Brothers
being self-supporting. Although the Heads of the Sanusiya
Order, like the. Wahhabi leaders, encouraged settlement on the
land, they can hardly have hoped to have greatly influenced
the Bedouin to this end; but they insisted on the lodges of
the Order supporting themselves by agriculture supplemented
by stock-raising, and thereby took a stand against ittikaly the
dependence for livelihood on alms and not on labour which
some mendicant Orders have advocated.
The Order has always been, in fact, conventional as well as
orthodox. In its early period it was essentially a missionary
Order with the limited aim of bringing by peaceful persuasion
the Bedouin Arabs and the peoples of the Sahara and the Sudan
to a fuller understanding of the beliefs and morals of Islam,
while giving them at the same time the blessings of civilization:
justice, peace, trade, and education. Its principles were, as
Shaikh Muhammad 'Uthman says, simply 'to do good and
avoid evir.^
The accusation of fanaticism is not borne out by either the
character of the Bedouin adherents of the Order or by its actions.
* Mohammed ben Otsmane el-Hachaichi, Voyage au Pays des Senoussia d
travers La Tripolitaine et les Pays Touareg, 1912, p. 128 (ist ed., 1903)-
* Ibid., p. 86.
The desire to establish in North Africa conditions in which
Muslims might live by their own laws and under their own
government, as they did in Arabia under the first four Caliphs,
led the Grand Sanusi and his successors to oppose the Turkish
way of life and the influences and innovations of Western
Christendom, but their intransigence in these matters did not
imply intolerance, far less aggressiveness. Though some
writers have made assertions to the contrary, the Sanusi have
never shown themselves more hostile than other Muslims to
Christians and Jews, and the Grand Sanusi and Sayyid al-
Mahdi scrupulously avoided all political entanglements which
might bring them into unfriendly relations with neighbouring
States and the European Powers. The Brothers of the Order
were discouraged from discussing political questions. Nor were
the Sanusi intolerant towards fellow Muslims who differed from
them. Shaikh Muhammed ‘Uthman records of Sayyid al-Mahdi
that *the persons he dislikes the most are those who speak ill
of Muslims The leaders of the Sanusiya have always tolerated
other and rival Orders, even when they have disapproved of
their rites. The Grand Sanusi had himself been a member of a
succession of Orders before he started his own and he allowed,
as his successors have done, members of other Orders to belong
to the Sanusiya at the same time.
The leaders of the Order have also been tolerant towards the
cult of saints, unlike the iconoclastic Wahhabi, who have
destroyed even the tombs of those nearest to the Prophet him
self. The view held by the doctors of orthodox Islam is that,
though intercession through a saint is unlawful and the only
mention of him during prayers at his tomb should be to ask the
mercy of God on his soul, it is permissible to show respect to his
tomb and his memory. The heads of the Sanusiya have, how
ever, always tolerated among their Bedouin followers a regard
for holy men and their tombs which goes beyond mere respect.
It is unlikely that they felt any repugnance to the cult, because
they counted among their forbears several saints and were
themselves brought up in North Africa where the cult of saints
is widespread and very near to the hearts of the common people;
and they could not have remonstrated with the Bedouin for
believing that holy men and their tombs are sources of barakay
* Op, cit., p. I2I.
divine blessing, since it was because the Bedouin believed the
Sanusi family had the same virtue that they accepted their
leadership.
The resemblance often alleged between the Sanusi and the
Wahhabi movements, on the grounds of like puritanism,
literalism, and fanaticism, cannot be substantiated. It is
obvious that there must be resemblances between new religious
movements: they usually claim to be a return to primitive
faith and morals and they are generally missionary and enthusi
astic. There is no great significance in such common character
istics of the two movements. Nor is there any reason to suppose
that the Grand Sanusi was directly influenced by Wahhabi
propaganda. A more significant comparison between the two
might be made by tracing their developments from religious
into political movements. Both started as religious revivals
among backward peoples, chiefly Bedouin, the Wahhabi move
ment in the Najd in the eighteenth century and the Sanusi
movement first in the Hijaz and then in Cyrenaica in the middle
of the nineteenth century; the Ikhwan organizations of the two
movements have much in common; and both ended in the
formation of Amirates, or small Islamic States.
Both movements have created States, the Wahhabi in Arabia
and the Sanusi in Cyrenaica, based explicitly on religious
particularism. In doing so they have only done what any move
ment of the kind is bound to do in a barbarous country if it is
to continue to exist, namely, to create an administrative system
which would ensure a measure of peace, security, justice, and
economic stability. A religious organization cannot exist apart
from a polity of a wider kind. But they did not create the senti
ment of community which made the growth of governmental
functions and the emergence of a State possible.
Religious divisions in Islam have commonly been the expres
sion of a sense of social and cultural exclusiveness. The support
given to the 'Alids in Persia and Arabia, to the Umayyads in
Africa and Spain, to the Fatimids in Egypt, to the Kharijites
by the Berbers in North Africa, and the adoption of extreme
Shi'ite doctrines by the mountaineers of Syria and by the Kurds,
and of Isma'ili teachings in parts of India, were all reactions
against foreign domination as much as revolts against orthodoxy.
The religious deviation was the expression of the intense desire
of a people to live according to their own traditions and institu
tions. To-day this desire is expressed in the political language
of nationalism. In the past it was expressed in religious move
ments. Arab nationalism is not a new phenomenon. Only its
dress is new.
As will be seen in the chapters which follow, conditions in
Cyrenaica were particularly favourable to the growth of a
politico-religious movement such as the Sanusiya became. It
was cut off by deserts from neighbouring countries, it had a
homogeneous population, it had a tribal system which em
braced common traditions and a strong feeling of community
of blood, the country was not dominated by the towns, and the
Turkish administration exercised very little control over the
interior. It was, as will be seen, the tribal system of the Bedouin
which furnished the Order with its political foundations just as
it was the tribesmen of the country whose hardiness and courage
enabled it to stand up to the succession of defeats it had to
endure.
The reasons for the political success of the Sanusiya Order in
Cyrenaica will appear in the course of this account, and here I
wish to draw attention to one of them only. It has been said
that its rites and teachings were, like the Bedouin character,
austere without being fanatical, and that it tolerated the cult
of saints to which the Bedouin were accustomed, the Grand
Sanusi becoming, in fact, a kind of national saint; but it must
be added that the acceptability of its teachings and the fact
that the Grand Sanusi could at once be placed by the Bedouin
in the familiar category of MaraUin, holy men coming to
preach and settle in Cyrenaica from the west, cannot alone
account for the remarkable success of the Sanusiya movement.
The Bedouin of Cyrenaica had heard similar teachings before
from similar teachers and had paid them the same degree
of attention as they paid to the Grand Sanusi, but these
earlier missionaries won only a personal and local following for
themselves and their descendants, whereas the Grand Sanusi
established himself and his family as leaders of a national
movement, a position they have now held for three generations.
Leaving aside the remarkable personality of the Grand Sanusi
and without here discussing whether the time at which he
taught was particularly favourable to the growth of the move
ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF THE SANUSIYA ii
ment to which his teachings led, it may be said that the great
difference between the Grand Sanusi and the earlier holy men
whose tombs are homely landmarks all over Cyrenaica was that,
while they were, all of them, in the eyes of the Bedouin, Mara
bouts, the Grand Sanusi was also the head of an Order which
gave to him and his successors an organization. Moreover,
unlike the Heads of most Islamic Orders, which have rapidly
disintegrated into autonomous segments without contact and
common direction, they have been able to maintain this organiza
tion intact and keep control of it. This they were able to do by
co-ordinating the lodges of the Order to the tribal structure.
Ill
The more recent Islamic Orders are to be found principally
in North and West Africa. The Sanusiya is one of the most
recent of them. Its founder was an Algerian scholar, al-Sayyid
Muhammad bin 'Ah al-Sanusi al-Khattabi al-Idrisi al-Hasani,
a very remarkable man, mystic, missionary, and Marabout.
The Sayyid Muhammad bin 'Ali al-Sanusi is usually spoken of
in Cyrenaica as al-Sanusi al-Kabir, the Grand Sanusi, and I
generally refer to him thus in this book.
The Grand Sanusi was born of a distinguished family of
Sharifs at a village near Mustaghanim in Algeria about 1787.
Early in life he became noted for his intelligence, piety, and
profound learning, considered fitting ornaments to his noble
birth. He studied first at Mustaghanim, then at Mazun, and
later at the famous mosque school at Fez in Morocco, where he
learnt theology, jurisprudence, exegesis of the Koran, and the
other usual subjects of a Muslim student of the time. There he
seems to have developed an interest in mysticism, having come
under the influence of the Moroccan Order of the Tijaniya
Darwishes. He left Fez when in the early thirties in order to
make the pilgrimage to Mecca, though a Turkish biographer
says that one of his reasons for leaving Morocco was to avoid
possible unpleasantness with the authorities, who were alarmed
lest his propaganda for the greater unity of Islam, his life's aim,
might have political consequences.^ They had small cause for
alarm as his efforts seem to have made little impression on the
* Salim bin *Amir, Majallat 'Umar aUMukhtar, No. II, 1943--4, P- 2.
people of Fez, but, if the story is true, the suspicion of those in
authority would have been his first experience of the kind of
opposition he was later to encounter in Cairo and Mecca.
He went from Fez to southern Algeria and thence to Qabis,
Tripoli, Misurata, and Banghazi, preaching ever3rwhere on his
way. He had already gathered around him his first disciples
{Ikhwan)y mostly Algerians, and in their company he made his
way to Egypt by the coastal route from Banghazi and stayed
there a few weeks. He had intended to study at al-Azhar, but
he seems to have aroused the jealousy of the Shaikhs of the
University and to have irritated them by his reforming zeal and
his speculations, and so departed for Mecca. Short though his
stay in Cairo had been it is probable that the independence of
the Khedive Muhammad 'Ali and the cultural and intellectual
revival going on there left their mark on his mind.^
He remained in the Hijaz for about six years, studying under
a number of Shaikhs at Mecca and al-Madina. He is said to
have returned to Mustaghanim in about 1829 and not to have
visited the Hijaz again till 1833. On this second visit, which
lasted for eight years, he was accompanied by a considerable
number of disciples from the west. He continued his reformist
agitation and his studies under learned Shaikhs at Mecca. The
man who influenced him most, and whose favourite pupil he
became, was Sayyid Ahmad bin Idris al-Fasi, the fourth Head
of the Moroccan Order of the Khadiriya or Khidriya Darwishes,
a branch of the Shadhiliya Order, and later the founder of a
new sub-Order of his own, the Idrisiya or Khadiriya-Idrisiya.
Sayyid Ahmad Idris had aroused the hostility of the doctors
of the Maliki rite at Mecca, by whom he was regarded as un
orthodox, and went into exile into the Yaman, where he was
accompanied for two years by the Grand Sanusi. On Sayyid
Ahmad Idris's death in the Yaman, his two chief disciples
organized his followers into two new sub-Orders, the Mirghaniya
and the Sanusiya, the latter being organized and led by the
Grand Sanusi, who established its headquarters at Mt. Abu
Qubais, near Mecca, in 1837. This year is regarded as the official
date of the foundation of the Order.
It will have been noted that the Grand Sanusi was influenced
by a wide range of Sufi tradition and had affiliated himself to a
* Salim bin *Amir, Majallat *Umar al-Mukhtar, No. I, p. 12.
number of Orders before he founded his own. It has been
recorded that he was influenced by the Moroccan Tijaniya
Order and that at Mecca he became the favourite pupil of the
founder of the Idrisiya Order, which derived its tenets from
the basic Shadhiliya Order. In his student days he became a
member of other Orders: Shadhiliya, Nasiriya, Qadariya, and
perhaps others.^ His Catholicism was not peculiar among the
Sufis, and in his case he seems to have joined a large variety of
Orders with the deliberate intention of learning their rites and
doctrines at first hand so that he could combine all that was
best in each of them in a new Order which would be the crown
of Sufi thought and practice. It must not be supposed that on
this account his teaching was a mere amalgam of the tenets of
earlier Orders. Original it was not, but it was a consistent and
carefully thought out way of life.^
The new Sanusiya Order made such rapid progress, especially
among the Bedouin of the Hijaz,^ that it excited the jealousy
and fear of the various authorities in Mecca, the 'Ulama, the
Sharifs, and the Turkish Administration. There can be little
doubt that the real obj ections to the Order were that it threatened
the prestige and privileges of these authorities, but they were
framed in less revealing language. It seems to have been held
against the Order that it lowered Sufi standards to accommodate
itself to Bedouin laxity in religious matters, and that it verged
on heresy.
Faced with serious opposition the Grand Sanusi did what his
teacher Sayyid Ahmad Idris had done in similar circumstances:
he left the Hijaz, in about 1841, accompanied by many of his
disciples, to return to his native land. After spending some
months in Cairo, he continued his journey westwards to Siwa
oasis, where.he was taken sick and spent several weeks recuperat
ing and instructing the people of the oasis in the faith. In the
following year he reached Tripoli by the desert route. On his
way to Qabis from that town he heard of the new French
advances in his homeland and decided in view of them to return
to Tripoli and thence to Banghazi. It would appear therefore*
* Ibid., p. 6; Adams, op. cit., p. 22.

* Carlo Gigiio, La Confraternity Senussita dalle sue Origini ad Oggi, 1932,
p. 17.
^ A. Le Chatelier, Les Confreries Musulmanes du Hedjaz, 1887, passim.
that he did not choose Cyrenaica as his field of labour but was
compelled to settle in Libya for a time because the road to the
west was closed by the French and the road to the east by the
authorities in Cairo and Mecca. The Grand Sanusi was a
cosmopolitan, a townsman, and more at home in the schools
and libraries of Fez, Cairo, and Mecca than amid the lentisk and
jimiper of the C5n:enaican plateau or the thyme and wormwood
of its rolling plains. Even after founding in 1843 what has
become the Mother Lodge of the Order, al-Zawiya al-Baida, on
the central Cyrenaican plateau, not far from the ancient city
of Cyrene, and while the Sanusi movement was still young in
the country, he returned in 1846 to Mecca and stayed there till
1853. Altogether he spent only about ten years of his teaching
life in Cyrenaica, whereas he spent some twenty years in the
Hijaz.
On his return to Cyrenaica he seems to have felt the need for
greater solitude. He was then nearing seventy years of age and
doubtless felt that what was left to him of life should be given
to contemplation, prayer, and study. It may be true also, as is
commonly stated in books written by Europeans, that he desired
to place a wide stretch of desert between himself and the Turkish
authorities who, as the Sanusiya movement grew, began to take
greater interest in it. He therefore first went to live for a short
while at al-'Azziyyat on the southern edge of the plateau, where
he built a zawiya, and afterwards at Jaghbub, about 160 km.
from the sea.
Jaghbub, now to become the centre of the Order and the seat
of an Islamic University second only in Africa to al-Azhar, was
till 1856, when the Grand Sanusi made it his seat, an un
inhabited oasis, in which the water was brackish, highly
sulphurous, and insufficient to irrigate more than a small area
of gardens. It was not a place for luxurious living, though it
seems to have been healthy and, unlike Siwa, free from malaria;
but it had certain political advantages. It was out of reach of
the Turkish, French, or Egyptian governments, it was on the
main pilgrimage route from North-west Africa through Egypt
to Mecca, and this pilgrimage route bisected at the oasis one
of the trade routes from the coast to the Sahara and the Sudan.
Moreover, since Cyrenaica is a peninsula, it was the most
central point he could have chosen at that time to be in equal
touch with the lodges of his Order in Cyrenaica, Tripolitania,
the Western Desert of Egypt, and the Sudan.
In moving the seat of his Order to Jaghbub, the Grand
Sanusi was probably most influenced by his decision to direct
his missionary propaganda southwards. It is understandable
that he should have made this decision. His was a missionary
Scale
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Saukna Ja|u ^6)
I \ F E Z Z A N “ (legs) E G Y P T
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^ 1. . /—
Kawar
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ANGLO
KANEM ENNEDI EGYPTI
r g v p t t ;AN
FRENCH 5UDAN
$A H A R A CHAO
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DARFUR
Thin a rro w s indicate Sanusiya expansion

Thick arrow s in d ica te movem ents o f European Pow ers
The Spread of the Sanusiya in North Africa.
mind and the Order he had founded a missionary Order, and

the pagan and semi-pagan countries of the Sahara and the
Sudan, and of Equatoried Africa beyond them, offered endless
scope for conversion to the faith. Moreover, his Order was
already reaching the limits of its expansion in North Africa.
It had won over the nomad and semi-nomad Bedouin tribes of
Cyrenaica, Tripolitania, and Egypt, and the oases folk rmder
their influence, but was not making, and was not even in its
heyday to make, much impression on the peasants and towns
men up against whom it now found itself in Northern Tripoli
tania and the Nile Valley. Dammed to west and east the Order
i6 ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF THE SANUSIYA
poured its vitality southwards along the trade routes to the
interior of Africa, into Fazzan and the various regions that are
to-day called the French Sahara and French Equatorial Africa.
Until France opened up the Atlantic seaboard, much of the
Central African trade found its way along the oases-routes to
the ports of Cyrenaica and Tripolitania and there were, there
fore, well-established social connexions running from the
Bedouin tribes of Cyrenaica and southern Tripolitania through
the oases-dwellers to the tribes of the interior, for the nomads
of Libya controlled the routes and to a large extent supplied the
transport for the caravans. These connexions allowed an easy
ingress to the Sanusiya. The two Cyrenaican tribes who chiefly
traded with the Sahara, the Majabra and the Zuwaya of the
oases of Jalu and al-Jikharra, had already been won over to
the Order. The Zuwaya, who had date groves in the distant
oasis archipelago of Kufra, over 700 km. to the south of
Jaghbub, had already promised the Grand Sanusi a liberal
donation of palms and water if he would build a zawiya there,
and he had sent one of his followers to supervise the erection at
al-Jauf of a lodge which became known as Zawiyat al-Ustad.
Also, the Order had gained a foothold in the Wadai. While
still a student at Mecca the Grand Sanusi had made friends with
Muhammad Sharif, a prince of the Wadai, who in 1838 became
Sultan of that country and furthered the interests of the Order
there. It is said also that the Grand Sanusi bought a caravan of
slaves on its way from the Wadai through Jaghbub to the coast
and, having freed and educated them, sent them back to the
Wadai as his missionaries.^ The Order was also infiltrating from
Mizda in southern Tripolitania, where a lodge was founded in
1845, and from the lodges in the oases of the Sirtican hinterland
into Fazzan.
In Jaghbub oasis the Grand Sanusi set about the construc
tion of his headquarters, a large mass of stone buildings, some
of them two-storied, enclosing a mosque and school which were,
for Cyrenaica, on an imposing scale. Around these central
buildings and courts were the houses of the Ikhwan, many of
them teachers in the school, of the students, of whom Shaikh
Muhammad ‘Uthman says that there were over 300,^ and of the
Sayyid’s family. There were also guest-rooms, quarters for the
* Duveyrier, op. cit., pp. 18-19. * Op. cit., p. 88.
'\ 'u n T O M B O F T H E G R A N D S A N U S T ( H A S A N A I N PASHy V)
slaves, kitchens, and wells. The oasis depression was studded
with date palms and just outside the main entrance to the village
were small irrigated gardens and wind-mills. The people had
to use the brackish water for ordinary purposes, but sufficient
fresh water for tea was obtained from infrequent showers by
hollowing out cisterns in the rocks at the top of the western
escarpment of the oasis.
The Grand Sanusi was not only a very learned man and a
writer of distinction but also a bibliophile with a fine library of
some 8,000 volumes,^ mostly works on Islamic law and juris
prudence, mysticism, philosophy, history, koranic exegesis,
poetry, and astronomy and astrology. Round him were many
men capable of making good use of this substantial library.
Indeed, it would have been difficult to have found anywhere in
the Islamic world at that time, outside Cairo, a circle of better
scholars. Poetry was one of the arts most cultivated at the oasis
and I have been told by Arabs that it reached a high level of
excellence. Shaikh Muhammad *Uthman, himself a poet, wrote
that at Jaghbub one meets 'literary men of distinction, whose
writings eclipse those of the poets of Iraq and of Andalousia'.^
The whole community at Jaghbub may have numbered
round about 1,000, but it is not possible to make more than a
guess at the figure. As the oasis produces little except dates,
the supply problem must have been considerable, and we know
that the Grand Sanusi kept herds of camels to the west of the
oasis, where there is scrub grazing, and at al-'Azziyyat, to
transport supplies from the coast. The community lived very
largely on the surplus revenues, mostly goods in kind, sent
annually by all the zawiyas of Cyrenaica.
The community was centred round the University. It was,
in fact, almost purely a University society, and its importance
as such in the history of the Sanusiya Order is very considerable.
Here, under his personal supervision and the supervision of his
disciples, far from worldly distractions, the Grand Sanusi was
able to train the future leaders of the Order. The Shaikhs of
the lodges of the Order were appointed by him from among his
intimate circle of disciples, many of whom had followed him
* Duveyrier, op. cit., p. 24; Muhammad bin ‘Uthman, op. cit., p. 88; Sir
Richard Burton, Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to al-Madinah and Meccah
(Memorial Edition), 1893, vol. ii, pp. 24-5. ^ Op. cit., p. 88.
40^6 Q
i8 ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF THE SANUSIYA
from Algeria and the other countries of the Maghrib on his
travels backwards and forwards to Arabia. He found in
Cyrenaica a tribal structure of a simple kind on which it was
possible to build a missionary organization, but not out of
which it could be built. He brought this organization with him
to Cyrenaica, a band of devoted followers whose allegiance had
been tried by many vicissitudes. It must be remembered also
that these intimates of the Grand Sanusi were foreigners to the
Bedouin of Cyrenaica, with whom they had no ties of kinship,
so that they stood always outside the tribal system and were
not involved in the ancient loyalties and feuds inherent in
Bedouin society. The missionary organization, the Sanusiya
Order, was separate from the tribal system, and by centring
it in the distant oasis of Jaghbub the Grand Sanusi prevented it
from becoming identified with any one tribe or section of the
coimtry, as it might have become had it been centred in Cyrenaica
proper. As we will see, it was the local attachment of the tribes
to the zawiyas in their territories, and the attachment of the
Shaikhs of these zawiyas to the Head of the Order, which made
the Order so effective a missionary Body, and eventually
enabled it to become a political force.
The Grand Sanusi died at Jaghbub on 7 September 1859 and
was buried there. Later a magnificent shrine, furnished with
ornate trappings, was erected over his bones and was sur-
moimted with a white cupola, which gleams several miles away
as one approaches the oasis. The shrine is of Egyptian craft-
manship and seems incongruous in its desert surroundings and
unfamiliar among a simple people.
There can be no gainsaying that al-Sayyid Muhammad bin
'Ali al-Sanusi was a great man and his life’s work a great
achievement. He is said to have been tall and of a distinguished
appearance, an eloquent speaker, and a wise teacher.^ His
religious personality may be estimated by the fact that many
Algerians, Tunisians, and Moroccans were so inspired by his
teaching and example that they left their homes and followed
him on his travels and at his orders went as missionaries into
new lands, and by the fact that the Bedouin of Arabia and
Libya, who are a reserved and unheeding people, accepted him
as their guide in things both spiritual and temporal.
* Adams, op. cit., p. 10.
The mere physical achievement of the man was remarkable.
He had studied assiduously since he was a small boy in the
Koranic school of his home and in other schools of North Africa
and Arabia, and was still acquiring and sifting knowledge in his
library at Jaghbub up to his death. He had taught in the schools
in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Tripolitania, Cyrenaica, Egypt,
the Hijaz, and the Yaman. Months of his life had been spent
•in travelling by the slow camel caravans of those days. He had
thrice made the pilgrimage to Mecca. In spite of these activities
he had found time to write a number of treatises. He had
started his career as the head of a new missionary Order late in
life— he was about 50 years of age when he founded his first
zawiya in Arabia, and in the next twenty years he had made the
Sanusiya the dominant Order in western Arabia and in North
Africa from the Nile Valley to the borders of Tunisia and from
the Mediterranean to the Sahara. When he died it was stiU
intensifying its activities in the areas where it was already
dominant, building evevywheve new lodges, and was still
expanding, mainly into the Sahara and the Sudan.
IV
When the Grand Sanusi died his two surviving sons, ai-
Say3ud Muhammad al-Mahdi and al-Sayyid Muhammad al-
Sharif, were minors, so a regency of ten Shaikhs was appointed
to control the affairs of the Order till the elder, Muhammad
al-Mahdi, was old enough to take over their direction. When he
did so he dealt primarily with the general affairs of the Order,
leaving religious instruction in the hands of his brother.
The Grand Sanusi had been typical of the great itinerant
teachers of his day: international in outlook and intent on the
pursuit of holiness and learning rather than guided by secular
distractions and ambitions. Mecca was the centre of his world
and to it he tended always to gravitate. The Sayyid al-Mahdi
was more definitely a Cyrenaican. Bom in 1844 in a cave at
Massa, near the Cyrenaican Mother Lodge of al-Baida, he was
brought up among the religious families of the country and
among the Bedouin. He studied under his father, the emdite
Moroccan Sidi Ahmad al-Rifi, Sidi 'Ali bin 'abd al-Maula, Sidi
‘Umran bin Baraka, and others of his father's circle of pupil-
al-Sayyid Muhammad bin *Ali al-Sanusi
(1787-1859)
al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Mahdi al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Sharif

(1844-1902) (1846-1896)
al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid

Muhammad Idris Muhammad al-Rida Ahmad al-Sharif Muhammad *Abid ‘Ali al-Khattab Muhammad Muhammad
(1889- ) (1890- ) (1873-1933) (1881-1939) (1888-1918) Hilal Safi al-Din
(1893-1929) (1895- )
al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sa3yid

al-Saddiq al-Hasan Shams al-Din al-Hasan
(1908- ) (1913-1938) (1908- ) (1913- )
savants, and later at Mecca. He is said to have been an eloquent
and inspiring leader and he was evidently an able organizer.
Unlike his father the Grand Sanusi and his nephew Sayyid
Ahmad al-Sharif he has left no writings behind and he seems
to have had less interest than they in literature and speculation.
He lived an austere life and was considered by his followers to
have been a saint and worker of miracles as great, or greater,
than his father.
The Order expanded considerably imder Sayyid al-Mahdi's
leadership, particularly into the Sahara and the Sudan, and its
greatly extended missionary enterprises demanded his personal
attention. The conversion of the heathen and semi-heathen
tribes of these regions created political problems and the trading
activities of the Order required organization. The trade routes
through the Libyan oases to the coast had increased in im
portance since the rise of the Sudanese Mahdi in 1881 had closed
the Nile route. Personal direction was difficult from Jaghbub,
so in 1895 Sayyid al-Mahdi moved the seat of the Order to
Kufra, a more central position than Jaghbub in the theocratic
empire being slowly built up. He first went to live at the
zawiya of al-Ustad but shortly afterwards built a new zawiya,
in which he resided, on a site which became known as al-Taj.
He departed from Jaghbub amid the lamentations of his
followers, only some of whom he was able to take with him to
Kufra, leaving the rest behind at Jaghbub, with his nephew al-
Sayyid Muhammad 'Abid as his titular representative there.
There are few places in the world so remote as Kufra oasis,
but it was at the centre of the Sanusi empire and the meeting-
place of a number of important desert routes Before Sayyid
al-Mahdi made it the seat of his Order, Kufra had been little
more than a watering place for caravans and the centre for the
wandering Tibbu tribes of the region, though the Zuwaya of
al-Jikharra went there each year to collect dates. It now became
an emporium through which caravans were constantly passing
and exchange was carried on. The Sanusiya profited both
by directly engaging in trade and transport and through
customs dues.
The little village of mud and palmwood houses at al-Taj also
became a centre of religious life and propaganda. The mis
sionary efforts of the Order intensified all over Fazzan and into
the territories of Kawar, Tibesti, Borku, Ennedi, Darfur,
Wadai, Kanem, Chad, the Azger, the Air, and Baghirmi. Its
teachings were spread as far as Senegal. The work of organizing
this propaganda fell largely to Sayyid al-Mahdi's two principal
lieutenants. Sidi Muhammad al-Barrani operated in Kanem,
where he founded a lodge at Bir Alali on the route to Chad and
organized bands among the Aulad Suliman, Zuwaya, Majabra,
Tibbu, and especially the Tuwariq, to oppose the advance of
the French into Central A frica; and afterwards in the Borku.
Muhammad al-Sunni, and his son al-Mahdi, operated in Bornu
and Baghirmi, where he entered into relations, politically un
fruitful, with the Sultans of those countries, and in the Wadai,
where he strengthened the good relations existing between the
Sultan of that country and Sayyid al-Mahdi. In 1899 Sayyid
al-Mahdi transferred the seat of his Order to Qiru (or Quru)
oasis, between Borku and Tibesti, to direct better its propaganda,
to administer the extensive regions won to it, and to organize
resistance to the French.
It is sometimes said in European books that one reason why
Sayyid al-Mahdi went from Jaghbub to Kufra was his desire
to increase the distance between himself and the Turkish
Administration of Cyrenaica, but I have not found any evidence
to support this view. On the other hand there can be no doubt
that he was alarmed by the military and political activities of
the French, about which he seems to have been well informed.
The French were hastening to reach the limits of the sphere
allotted to them by the agreements with England of 1898 and
1899 about the partition of Central Africa. In January 1902
they seized Bir Alali (Kanem) and destroyed the Sanusiya
zawiya there. A t the end of May, or at the beginning of June,
in the same year Sayyid al-Mahdi died. His brother, Sayyid
Muhammad al-Sharif, had predeceased him at Jaghbub in
1896.
In general the energies of the Sayyid al-Mahdi had been
directed to the Sahara and the Sudan and the main events during
his headship of the Order took place off the Cyrenaican stage.
I have not thought it necessary, therefore, to give more than a
brief summary of his career and of the political history of the
Order in Central Africa. He saw the Order his father had
founded rise under his direction to the height of its expansion
and political importance. Except for two or three lodges
founded after his death the distribution of the lodges shown on
the map— two in Algeria, and some elsewhere which were not
completed, are not marked— ^is that of 1902. All the Bedouin
of C5rrenaica and of the Sirtica, and most of those in the
Western Desert of Egypt, followed the Order and there was no
part of these regions which had not established in it a Sanusiya
lodge; and even in the towns of Cyrenaica it had an influential
following in the more cultured administrative and commercial
circles. In southern Tripolitania the Order had slowly increased
its authority and advanced it to the west, while it was the
dominant power in Fazzan and in the central Sahara. It had
retained a powerful following among the Bedouin of the Hijaz.
After Sayyid al-Mahdi's death the fortunes of the Order
declined. This was chiefly due to the attack on it by the powers
of Europe whose greed for possessions in Africa and Asia was
bringing them rapidly to disaster. For his part Sayyid al-Mahdi
showed himself anxious to avoid any action which might enable
these powers to accuse him of political designs. He wished only
to be left alone to worship God according to the teachings of his
Prophet, and when in the end he fought the French it was in
defence of the religious Hfe as he understood it. In its remark
able diffusion in North and Central Africa the Order never
once resorted to force to back its missionary labours. Shaikh
Muhammad 'Uthman says of Sayyid al-Mahdi that the only
orders he gave his followers were to pray and to obey God and
His Prophet, that he avoided making any show of his power,
considerable though it was, and that he held himself apart from
political questions, fleeing from all considerations of that kind.^
The Sanusiya Order co-operated with the Turks in the ad
ministration of Cyrenaica, although the Sanusi family and the
Brothers of the Order disapproved of their way of life, but it
resisted Turkish demands for assistance in their war of 1876-8
against the Russians. It refused the aid asked for by 'Arabi
Pasha in Egypt in 1882, and by the Sudanese Mahdi in 1883,
against the British. Sayyid al-Mahdi likewise rejected diplo
matic overtures by the Italians and Germans. But when the
French invaded its Saharan territories and destroyed its
religious houses, and when later the Italians, also without
* Op. cit., pp. 118-19.
CYRENAICA 32 Dariyana
33 Asqafa
I al“Jarfan 34 Banghazi
2 Umm Rukba 35 Umm al-Shakhanab
3 Janzur 36 al-Tailimun
4 al-Marassas 37 Msus
5 Umm al-Razam 38 al-Qatafiya
6 Umm Hafain 39 Aujila
7 Martuba 40 al-‘Arq
8 Dama 41 al-Libba
9 al-*Azziyyat 42 al-Jikharra
lo Mara 43 al-Khatt
I I Khashm Rzaiq 44 Marada
12 Maraziq 4 5 Jaghbub
13 Bishara
14 Tart
15 Shahhat EGYPT
16 al-Fayidiya 46 al-Akhsab
17 al-Makhili 47 al-Shih (Barrani)
18 al-Nayyan 48 al-Mithnan
19 al-Hamama 49 Shammas
20 al-Haniya 50 Najaila
21 al-Zawiya al-Baida 51 Umm al-Rakham
22 Qafanta 52 Baqush (Sidi Harun)
23 al-‘Arqub 53 ^Ailat
Bin Musa
24 al-Qasrain 54 Fuka
25 Talmaitha 55 al-‘Awama
26 Anbalu al-Huwaiz 56 al-Jamaima (al-Dhaba)
27 Mirad Mas’ud 57 Abu-Shinaina
28 Qarabarbi 58 al-Hammam
29 al-Marj 59 Sidi Musa
30 al-Qasur 60 Yadim al-Abairish
31 Taukra 61 al-Ghait
Another Random Document on
Scribd Without Any Related Topics
(mie) ia B.
[l. 169] (avoir l’experience) wanting F. In original of A B misled by
‘choses’ preceding.
[l. 176] (a moy) followed by a moy B.
[l. 179] (seur) honneste B.
[l. 183] (que la chose peust) de la chose qu’elle peust F.
[l. 185] (et plus) ou pour plus F.
[l. 187] (qui ne) que F.
[l. 189] (dit) dist F as usual.
[l. 193] (mie) wanting F.
[l. 194] (et) ou B.
[l. 216] (on) wanting B.
[l. 219] (c’est comme) c’estat F.
[l. 224-5] (on en doye) ou s’en doye A.
[l. 225] (on en peut) on ne puet A.
[l. 231] (tu soustiens auec ycelle) tu auec soustiens celle F.
[l. 244] (cy) ya F.
[l. 245] (l’en) on F.
[l. 250] (ce) si F.
[l. 254] (fust) feust B.
[l. 261] (chacié) chaciee B chastier F.
[l. 262] (dis) dit F.
[l. 269] (ad) a F.
[l. 279] (mie) pas F.
[l. 280] (mie) wanting F.
[l. 285-6] (par dieu) wanting F.
[l. 286-7] (que honte ne t’en garde) wanting F.
[l. 289] (tel) ce F.
[l. 299] (philosophe ou) wanting F.
[l. 301] (et Salemon) et wanting F.
[l. 302] (corigier) wanting F.
[l. 303] (cours) followed by et F.
[l. 306] (ycellui) celluy F.
[l. 307] (fust) fut F.
[l. 311-12] (a folement amer) a fole amour B.
[l. 322] (en) wanting B.
[l. 328] (deffendi) deffend A, descendy F.
[l. 331] (se) ce F.
(il) followed by a, F.
(son) soy F.
[l. 334] (que) qui F.
[l. 335] (jeu) gieu B dieu F.
[l. 339] (c.) six F.
[l. 340] (delicteux) delicieux.
[l. 344] (mes) wanting B.
[l. 345] (comme) quant F.
[l. 346] (2. les) wanting B.
[l. 349-50] (et entremeslent diuers metaulx et matieres) wanting F.
[l. 355] (de nulle) followed by de nulle (sic) F.
[l. 358] (quant) Mss. quans.
[l. 360] (faire) wanting F.
[l. 365] (lairay) laray B.
(conuenir) wanting F.
(bien t’en scara respondre) bien t’en sara conuenir B, bien se
sera respondre et deffendra F.
[l. 370] (estre) precedes tous deux F.
[l. 377] (oncques) wanting F.
(esté) estre F.
[l. 382] (solucions) followed by et arguments F.
[l. 393] (sa) la sienne F.
[l. 394] (deceu) followed by et F.
(C’est assauoir) followed by de F.
[l. 396] (dit) followed by de F.
[l. 400] (parles a voulenté) parles et de voulanté F.
[l. 400-1] (c’est du propre) n’est ce du propre? F.
[l. 403] (hardiement dire) dire hardiement F.
[l. 408] (en brief) en bien brief F.
[l. 413-14] (Tu trouueras) followed by les histoires B.
[l. 414] (dame) wanting B.
[l. 420] (maniere d’effait) mauvais effait F.
[l. 429] (un seul) followed (beyond ordinary line) by ieune enffant A.
[l. 436] (plus tost) tost F.
[l. 441] (brebis) berbis A.
[l. 442] (pour les condicions) wanting F.
[l. 444] (meurs) condicion F.
[l. 446] (pensee) pense A pansee F.
(cuide) cuiday B.
(ainsi) aussy F].
[l. 447] (que) wanting F.
[l. 450] (oncques) followed by ne F.
[l. 457] (mains aultres) aultres mains F.
[l. 458] (sens) wanting F.
(corps) followed by scens F.
[l. 459] (ce) followed by telz F.
[l. 460] (feroies ycy) diras y a F.
[l. 463] (mesmement) bonnesment B.
[l. 466] (dame Eloquence, qui parle de Fol Amoureux dont Meun parle)
wanting F.
[l. 468] (bien) bon F.
[l. 470] (lo) l’ay F.
[l. 472] (des) de F.
[l. 478] (fallacieux) falieux F.
[l. 481] (telz) tieulx B.
(titres) fais F.
[l. 492] (a) en F.
[l. 496] (quoy) followed by en ce que ie re (sic) repprens F.
[l. 497] (dis) wanting F.
[l. 498] (Si te) se je F.
[l. 499] (acoustré) acoultre F.
[l. 507] (trop) tres F.
[l. 510] (t’en passes) trespasses B.
[l. 511] (comme) followed by ie F.
[l. 518] (ou langaige) en lengage B.
(est) wanting F.
[l. 519] (leu) veu B.
(grigneur) greigneur B F.
[l. 521] (homme) followed by homme F.
(volontaire) volomptaire F.
[l. 523] (rauales) trauailles B.
[l. 528] (qui) wanting F.
(femmelette) followed by qui F.
[l. 533] (periller) perillez A.
(en voye de periller) en peril de perillier F.
[l. 536] (je) followed by me B.
(conseilles) conseiller B.
[l. 540] (errachier) esracher B, erragier F.
(les) le A.
[l. 544] (jeu) gieu B F.
[l. 546] (telz) tieulx B.
(il les) il F.
[l. 547] (a) de F.
[l. 552] (ou autant) et tant F.
[l. 555] (comme son office) comme passionné A.
(oncques) aucques A, auques B.
[l. 556] (vituperer) vituperez A F.
[l. 559] (passe) pense B.
[l. 564] (dis) vuelz dire F.
[l. 565] (s’en) se F.
[l. 566] (telles) celles F.
[l. 570] (t’en) toy F.
[l. 574-5] (que tu dis qu’il parle comme jaloux) wanting F.
[l. 577] (t’en fai) te fais F.
(t’en) fais B.
[l. 584] (oppinions) l’oppinion F.
[l. 590] (en) ou B.
[l. 592] (et attrayans) ot attrayans B.
[l. 595] (en) es F.
[l. 610] (comme) comment B.
[l. 611] (ne) wanting F.
(sobzrie) souscie F.
(ia) ie A.
[l. 614] (aux) wanting A B.
[l. 616] (lit) list F.
(enseignemens) enseignement B.
[l. 619] (aussi) ainssy F.
[l. 621] (deuoz) deuote F.
(plairont) plairoit F.
[l. 627] (a) au F.
[l. 629] (car) preceded by Et F.
[l. 634] (l’aucteur) acteur F.
[l. 643] (a) de F.
[l. 648] (vice) vices F.
[l. 651] (Salomon) wanting F.
[l. 656] (veoir) wanting F.
[l. 657] (aussy) ossy F.
[l. 658] (qui) followed by y B.
[l. 662] (ou) et F.
[l. 666] (1. bien) mau F.
(2. bien) mal F.
[l. 671-2] (estre bone telle lecture qui honnestement ne puet) wanting
A B.
[l. 679] (que) perhaps que [oïl] etc.
[l. 685] (tu puis) tu F.
(parolles) nouuelles B.
[l. 691] (lieux) followed by par F.
[l. 700] (nuit) nuist F.
[l. 701] (c’est) ceste F.
[l. 709] (toute maniere) toutes manieres B.
[l. 711] (vaincre) vanitee A, vaintié F.
[l. 712] (Et se) wanting F.
[l. 713] (fu) fut F.
[l. 714] (monnoye) malicieuse B.
(faite) faire A.
[l. 719] (encore) ancores B.
(la) le B.
[l. 724] (tres)enorme thus F, B reads innorme, A norme.
[l. 726] (fussez) feusses B.
(auisé,) followed by tu F.
[l. 733] (fu) fut F.
[l. 735-6] (pour cause de jalousie. Et comme tu dis) wanting F.
[l. 736] (aprés) followed by dis F.
[l. 743] (t’assauldroit) t’asaulrois F.
[l. 744] (seroit) feroit B.
[l. 748] (veulx) vueil B, voeil F.
[l. 758] (toudis) wanting F.
[l. 759] (fausse) faulse et B.
[l. 762] (ces) les B.
[l. 766] (Apprenez donc) Apprenez F.
[l. 768] (nulle n’eschappe) nulles n’eschappent F.
[l. 772] (maistre) sire F.
[l. 775] (lui) wanting F.
[l. 777] (ie) wanting A.
[l. 779] (appresté) presté F.
[l. 783] (a Bouece) a Boué B, a Besce F.
[l. 785] (aies) ailles B F. Two letters are erased in A.
(baillié) bailler B.
[l. 794] (lit) list F.
[l. 799] (celle) telle F.
[l. 804] (m’en) mais F.
[l. 805] (estuet) jeteus F.
[l. 807] (peux) puis F.
[l. 809] (amours) amour F.
[l. 810] (vous) followed by en B.
(dit) dist F.
[l. 812] (demonstrer) demonstre F.
[l. 814] (bonne) bon A.
[l. 815] (qu’il) qu’i A.
(s’en) se F.
[l. 823] (enseigner) enseigneur A.
[l. 825] (s’en) se F.
[l. 827] (suit) suist F.
[l. 828] (si se) se il se B, s’il F.
[l. 830] (On) Mss. read il.
[l. 831] (l’oit) l’ait F.
[l. 834-5] (et les vices pour les fuir) wanting B.
[l. 836] (ces) ses F.
[l. 844] (excercitent) exerciteront B.
[l. 847] (de paradis) des uns B.
(l’un) l’oing F.
[l. 849] (dist) dit B.
[l. 851] (plusgrant) plus F.
[l. 858] (profiter) preceded by plus F.
[l. 861] (Dyables) deable B, dyable F.
[l. 862] (li) lui B.
(liurer) donner F.
[l. 867] (susdictes) dessusdictes F.
[l. 868] (un) bien B.
[l. 872] (et) ne B.
[l. 878] (maniere) followed by ains dist plainement et alulie toutes
pour tous et tous pour toutes F.
[l. 880] (le) les F.
[l. 882] (deffault) dessout F.
(et est) c’est F.
[l. 883] (voise son cours) coure contre val F.
[l. 887] (hors) followed by de B.
[l. 907] (parlons) parliens F.
[l. 914] (si) wanting F.
[l. 915] (mariage) followed by et F.
(quant il dist, que) wanting F.
(1. and 2. dist) dit B.
[l. 916] (y a) wanting F.
(y a ... voulonté qui) conte quonque il neust nul quelque grant y
eust voulenté quil ne B.
(grant) wanting F.
[l. 920] (mais) followed by il F.
(tout) wanting A.
(ne il n’appert) que il appert A.
[l. 923] (louer) leur F.
[l. 926] (pour plaire a sa femme) wanting B.
[l. 932] (ainsi comme dit le prouerbe commun) wanting F.
[l. 933] (gloses) choses F.
[l. 934] (tieuxte) followed by comme dist le prouerbe comun F.
[l. 935] (aultre) wanting B.
[l. 937] (mot a mot) de mot en mot F.
[l. 938] (ia anuye) ia m’anuye A.
[l. 940] (propres) propos B.
[l. 944] (que il dit parmi le mal. Tu n’oblies mie) wanting B.
[l. 950] (ve la) veez B.
[l. 952] (que) ne F.
[l. 954] (qui) quil B.
[l. 956] (croiray) croire F.
[l. 959] (gart de eulx) garde d’eulx B.
[l. 962] (part) parti F.
[l. 966] (telle) celle F.
[l. 967] (ses) ces F.
[l. 969] (temps) tends B.
[l. 971] (aux) a A.
[l. 975] (si y a) si a A.
[l. 977] (honorable) honorables A F.
[l. 979] (arbre) abre A.
(estirpé) escripte A.
[l. 982] (1. qui) error for comme(?)
(ne) wanting F.
(tout estirper) tout esciper A, wanting F.
[l. 984] (eletes) esles B.
[l. 990] (a) wanting B.
[l. 991] (maintes) saintes B.
[l. 992] (souffisentez) souffisantes B F.
(ou) en B.
(herreur) erreur B.
[l. 995] (celle) Heloiyse du Paraclit F.
[l. 996-7] (cellui que elle aimeroit par amours) maistre Pierre Abalart F.
(cellui) celle A.
(ameroit) amoit B.
[l. 997] (que estre royne ... raisonnables) wanting B.
[l. 1001] (rigle) riche F.
[l. 1003] (herbe, mais) herbe, mais en plusieurs choses B F.
[l. 1007] (deisses) deusses A.
[l. 1009] (veismes) vismes F.
[l. 1014] (ignorance) l’ignorance F.
[l. 1018] (mie) aucune B, nulle F.
[l. 1020] (auoir) wanting F.
[l. 1021] (je te promet) wanting B.
[l. 1023] (toult) oste F.
(de l’estat) d’estat B.
[l. 1024] (parquoy) pourquoy B.
(suis) followed by ne B.
[l. 1028] (bien) biaux F.
(et les quiers et cerche) et les quiers et les cerche B.
[l. 1033] (dampnacion) preceded by la B.
[l. 1035] (de traire) doctrine B, dactraire F.
[l. 1043] (pardessus) par sus B.
[l. 1044] (tasche) tause F.
(d’un bouchon) du ciel d’ung bouion F, d’un bougion B.
[l. 1047] (buschete) bouchee F.
[l. 1050] (m’adioins) me imputes B.
[l. 1052] (lancé) lengage B.
(sur) sus B.
[l. 1054] (buschete) bouchee F.
[l. 1055] (chose) wanting B.
[l. 1057] (i’ame) je ayme F, i’aime B.
[l. 1057-8] (et excerciter) wanting F.
[l. 1064] (se) ce B.
[l. 1065] (soit) fait F.
[l. 1066] (pour) wanting B.
[l. 1074] (mal) mauuais B.
[l. 1076] (d’auenture) wanting F.
(de) la B.
[l. 1077] (g’y eusse) ie y eusse B.
[l. 1078] (ie) te B.
[l. 1081] (la) wanting B F.
[l. 1082] (de) et F.
[l. 1085] (eu) wanting A.
[l. 1087] (attendoit) attendroit A, preceded by elle F.
[l. 1090] (une) followed by petite F.
[l. 1093] (gaires) after n’auoit F.
(oncques) after n’auoit B.
[l. 1096] (mieulx) followed by qui pourra F.
(pense) followed by a A.
[l. 1098] (Non mie) nonne A.
[l. 1101] (plaist) followed by a B.
(mieulx) wanting B.
[l. 1111] (conduis) condis F.
(celestiele) celle stille(?) F.
[l. 1116] Christine de Pizan F.
[119] Cf. “Vous vous tuez com fait le pellicant.” E. Deschamps, V. 33.
[120] Evidently Gerson: “Tractatus contra Romantium de Rosa.” See
above.
[121] This of course, did happen. Cf. Introduction.
[122] Bertrand du Guesclin, the famous Constable of France. Cf.
Chronique du Bertrand du Guesclin by the trouvère Cuvelier pub.
by E. Charrière, Paris 1839 (Siméon Luce).
[123] Morise de Trisguidi, whose dates I have been unable to find,
was a Breton companion-in-arms of Du Guesclin. He is mentioned
in A. Le Moyne de la Borderie, Histoire de Bretagne, Rennes, 1906
(cf. iii. 517 and iv. 28) as having been a squire at the celebrated
Combat of the Thirty. We have the following reference to him in the
Mandements et Actes Divers de Charles V. (Léopold Delisle, Paris,
1874) p. 896. “... Morise de Trezeguidi, chevalier, capitaine de
Hembont en Bretaigne, au nombre de vint et cinq hommes d’armes,
et soixante dix frans pour son estat par moys,” which reference to
the garrisoning of Brittany for the King shows that de Trisguidi had
risen in rank, and was a trusted defender of the Crown.
[124] (“Ne vous vueil, etc.”) cf. Michel, Roman de la Rose, t. 2, p. 74.
“Je vous di bien avant le cop,

Ne vous voil mie en amour metre,
Mès s’ous en volés entremetre,
Je vous monsterrai volentiers
Et les chemins et les sentiers
Par où ge déusse estre alée
Ains que ma biauté fust alée.”
[125] Cf. Michel, op. cit., t. 2, p. 75, l. 13944.

[126] Cf. Michel, op. cit., t. 2, p. 292, l. 20868 sqq.
[127] Cf. Michel, op. cit., t. 2, p. 103, l. 14862.
[128] Gerson.
[129] Cf. Michel, op. cit., t. 1, p. 293, l. 9570 sqq.
XIV.
PIERRE COL’S REJOINDER TO THE FOREGOING.
(Fragment)
A FAME DE HAULT ENTENDEMENT DAMOISELLE CHRISTINE DE PIZAN
Combien que tu aies proposé de n’esc(r)ire plus

reprehension
ou blasme contre la compilacion du Romant de la
Rose, comme sage et rauisee qui ses et appersois que
humaine
chose est de pechier mais perseuerence est euure de
deable,
5 pourtant ne retarderas tu ma plume qu’elle ne te refrene;
car apres tant de reprehencions et duplicacions par toy
proposees
et escriptes contre si notable escripuain, raison de droit
et bonne coustume ensemble m’ottroient replique, qui
comme
disciple dudit escripuain ay fait une seule responce,
combien
10 qu’il n’en fust besoing pour ce que selonc que mon petit
entendement le peut concepuoir la seule lecture de tes
euasions
est assés solucion, et n’ofusque ne [noirçoie] en riens la
verité
que je soustiens, ne tasche aucune empraingnent a la
treschere
renommee maistre Jehan de Meung tes palliacions
extrauagans
15 et ornemens de langaige, et croy que point ceste cause
t’a
laissié a respondre le preuost de Lisle. Je mesme en fu
esmeus
par aucun espace de temps de ne te respondre point, et
pour
ce aussy que j’auoye bien ailleurs ou entendre.
Toutesuoyes
par maint desbat pour aprendre et moy excerciter je
respondray
20 a aucuns fais particuliers et euasions mises en ton
epistre responsiue a moy presentee le xxxe jour d’octobre
et te prie que tu tiengnes pour repetees mes excusacions
mises en mon aultre responce.
JA SOIT CE QUE TU DIS ung pou deuant la fin de ta
25 darreniere response que ce N’EST MIE HONNEUR DE SOT PENDRE
A TOY QUE ES LE PLUS FOYBLE PARTIE ET QU’ON DEUST
DEROMPE LA GROSSE TIGE NON PAS SOY ARESTER AUX PETITES
BRANCHES, VEU QUE DE TON OPPINION SONS PLUSSEURS SAGES
DOCTEURS, GRANS PRINCES DE CE ROYAUME, ET CHEUALIERS.
30 Si n’ay je sceu personne qui l’ait blasmé par auant

toy ne
par aprés, se non celuy qui a composee la plaidoierie
dame
Eloquance et touteuoyes me reprens tu de ce que j’ay ozé
reprendre a euure de si notable clerc, qui sonne
contradicion
et (ne te desplaise) ci et ailleurs tu trebuches en la fosse
que tu
35 m’auoyes appareillié. C’est assés de dit et de desdit quant
tu
dis c’on se deust prendre aux autres, et tu me reprans de
ce que
je n’y suis prouins (prins?) QUANT IE PANSE a celle petite
branchette il me souuient du prouerbe commun que l’en
dit:
ce blasme te vault ung grant los. O DONLE DIEU
tresglorieux!
40 quantes gens sont qui jamais n’appetissent leur los,
ou se blasment aucunement se n’est pour eulx magnifier.
Vescy que tu t’appelles petite branchette et
touteuoyes.......
.....................................................................................
.........
.....................................................................................
.........
APPENDIX.
LETTERS OF JEAN DE MONTREUIL
(Amplissima Collectio de Dom Martene, tome II., pp. 1419-21, 22.)
Epistola LIV.
Ad quemdam causidicum[130]
Petit ut ea quae adversus Johannem de Magduno dixerat
retractet
Quo magis magisque perscrutor, vir acutissime,

mysteriorum
pondera, ponderumque mysteria operis illius profundi
ac memoriæ percelebris, a magistro Johanne de Magduno
editi, et ingenium accuratius revolvitur artificis, totus
quippe
5 in ammirationem commoveor et accendor, quo instinctu
quove
spiritu seu mente, tu praecipue qui inter civiles actiones
omni
die versaris, quae maxime ex electione sana pendent, et
ubi praecipitur
tarde et cum gravitate de rebus ferre sententiam,
eumdem
dissertissimum et scientificissimum actorem leviter
10 nimis, scurriliterve, aut inepte loquutum fuisse censuisti.
Et
quasi in praetorio causam ageres, nudius tertius contra
mortuum
verba faciens, debacchando jurgabatis, in inventionem
nihilominus atque claritate, proprietateque et elegantia,
magistrum Guillelmum de Lorris longius anteponens; de
quo
15 tunc certa motus consideratione exclamare praetermisi, et
nunc linquam. Sed si a modo serio dixisse fatearis, dic
quo
pignore certes, veniam, ut ait Virgilius, quocumque
vocaris;
ut qui magistros et benefactores meos ad extremum
usque
singultum non desero, aut suo in honore, quoad potero
20 sinam laedi. Sin vero, ut potius reor, joco protuleris,
aut forsan motus aliunde, non adeo feroces sumus, ut
quae sit
in disputando libertas ignoremus, aut linguae vertibilitati
non
noverimus indulgere; immo quia altercando scitur veritas,
aurumque probatur in fornace, de industria ingenuissimi
doctoris
25 hujus concedo disputare. Da tamen ut nihil in posterum
cum obstinatione adversus imitatorem nostrum asseveres.
Vale, et intimato super hoc quid intendis. Qui si pergis de
praeceptore nostro[131] ulterius male loqui, non est quod
dissimulare
queamus. Hanc ex nunc pro diffidentia suscipito. Sunt
30 etenim, ne in dubium revoces, pugiles et athletæ non
pauci,
qui scripto voceque et manu pariter ut est posse, causam
istam
defensabunt.
NOTES
[130] Gerson, according to A. Thomas.

[131] Cf. Epistola XLI: Ad Petrum et Gontherum suos præceptores.
Epistola LVI.
Ad quemdam amicum[132]
Hortatur ut Johannis de Magduno librum, quem quam
plures damnabant doctores, defendat.
Scis me, consideratissime magister atque frater, jugi

hortatu tuo et impulsu nobile illud opus magistri Johannis
de
Magduno, Romantium de Rosa vulgo dictum vidisse: qui
quia de admirabili artificio, ingenio ac doctrina rerum
sisto,
5 et irrevocabiliter me fateor permansurum, a plurimis
scholasticis
non parvae auctoritatis viris supra quam credibile tibi
foret, male tractor et arguor amarissime, ut si ulterius
defendere
coner, plane me probare velint, ut dicunt, haereticum.
Nec praetendere prodest te totque viros alios valentes
scientificos
10 et perdoctos illum tanti fecisse pene et colerent, utque,
quam eo, carere mallent camisia, et nihilominus nostris
correctoribus
anteponere suos aemulos, qui, si quid reprehensionis
inesset, adeo magni erant, ut librum suum vivere
nequaquam
permisissent una hora. Nec eos juvat insuper obsecrare,
quod
15 jus omne poscit, ut prius videant notentque quamobrem,
qua
dependentia et occasione dicat res, quas vel personas
introducat,
quam damnetur tantus auctor. Sed confestim verba
intercipiunt mea, interrumpuntque, ut labra movere vix
audeam, quin mihi anathematis opprobrium comminentur,
20 ac ferme judicent reum mortis. Quid vis dicam? tantis
quod me magis urit, magistrum nostrum prosequuntur
maledictis,
ut ignem potius quam lecturam meruisse attestentur,
seque inexpiabili scelere contaminari existimant, si
quidquam
audierint. Cumque rursus jure humanitatis submissius
expostulo,
25 ut non prius damnent, quam universa cognoverint,
ostendendo quod etiam sacrilegis, et proditoribus,
veneficisque
potestas defendendi sui datur, quodque nec praedamnari
quemquam, incognita causa, licet; nihil agimus tamen,
frater
honoratissime, sed tempus terendo incassum aera
verberamus,
30 nec est quod speremus posse aliquid impetrare, tanta est
hominum pertinacia. Hi sunt mores, ea dementia; timent
enim ne a nobis revicti manus dare aliquando clamante
ipsa
veritate cogantur. Obstrepunt igitur, ut ait Lactantius, et
intercidunt ne audiant, oculos suos opprimunt, ne lumen
35 videant quod offerimus, morem Judaeorum adversus
Salvatorem
nostrum observantes, penes quem inimici facti sunt
judices. Sic doctor noster emeritissimus condemnatur,
quod vetant leges omnes, innocentissimus non auditus,
ab
his qui perfecto coram vivente mutire non tentassent,
40 eumdem tamen, et quod molestius ferendum est, male
visum perscrutatumque et notatum ignominiose
despiciunt
nostri correctores, execrantur et impugnant. O
arrogantiam,
temeritatem, audaciam, opus tantum, tot diebus
ac noctibus, tanto cum sudore et attentione digesta
45 elaboratum et editum, hi qui superficie tenus nec eodem
contextu,
aut ex integro se legisse profitentur, subito instar eorum
qui mensae inter crapulas omnia ut libet et fert impetus
accusant,
reprehendunt atque damnant. Paulo magis ponderis in
stateram ponentes tantum opus, quam lucis unius
Cantilenam
50 histrionis. Quorum praetextu in alterum istorum
patronorum
scripto tenus invexi, sicut videbis per eam quam tibi fert
epistolam
is bajulus. Tuum ergo erit, dux, princeps, rectorque
hujus præcepti laudatissimum et amantissimum
imitatorem
tuum defensare et hos malesanos et deliros conculcare,
ac
55 ratiunculas meas indigestas disertiae tuæ acumine
validare,
comere et linire, quatenus ego qui auxilii tui confidentia et
ingenii ope fretus campum hunc duelli introii, alias non
facturus.
Scio enim quod ubi obdormientes sui sensus
expergiscentur,
et calamus jacens exeret se, non praevalebunt adversus
60 nos isti veritatis inimici; sed eos cum voles non dubito
efficies oves mites et mutos, reddes per omnia tamquam
truncos.
Vale, nec amicos sinas, quoad potes, sic injuste, vafre,
pernitiose et inique pessum dari.
.....................................................................................
.........
NOTE
[132] Gontier Col probably.
Epistola LVII.
Ad quemdam anonymum.[133]
Ut retractet ea quæ de Johanne de Magduno dixerat.
Etsi facundissimus, si copiosus, si eloquens et abundans,

sed, quod scribendi fons est, sapiens es, vir insignis; vides
tamen veritate vincente ac pariter conscientia
remordente,
adversus satiricum illum perseverum magistrum
Johannem
5 de Magduno, nihil te ulterius mutire audere, aut disserere
posse. Ipsius quippe veritatis tanta vis est, ut ei nullius
rhetoris industria sese aequet, illo assentiente, qui dicit:
Veritas manet in aeternum; falsa non durant. Redi ergo
ipsius doctoris et praeceptoris carissimi in gratiam, nec
quia
10 facile prorupisti verearis. Illico enim cum voles, veniam
impetrando noster eris, modo de resipiscentia tua ex fideli
promissione nullus apud nos scrupulus remaneat. Non
enim
latet nos quousque disputandi progrediatur licentia, et
quod
disputationi serotinae saepe numero matutina contradicit.
15 Scis insuper, vir experte, Originem et una Lactantium
erravisse,
et pariter Augustinum, plerosque magni nominis atque
famae alios revocasse doctores. Non igitur pudeat nimis
liberte dicta et attentata obnoxius reparare. Forsitan vero
quae damnas perfunctorie vidisti, nec recenter; quae duo
20 maxime judicium perverterunt, ac te praecipitem
dederunt
in errorem, non fidei quidem vel iniquitatis, aut malitiae;
sed
in quem nonnulli praedictorum ipsius de Magduno
superficie
tenus viso pede tecum ruunt. Neque praesentem
monitionem
nostram parvi pendas, aut existimes caritate fraterna
vacare,
25 vel me gratis prioribus nostris in litteris te de amantissimis
defensoribusque philosophi praelibati animadvertisse.
Sunt
enim quorum calcaria auro fulgent, magnisque
dignitatibus
potiuntur, qui pro tuitione nostri propositi pulchram petunt
cum Marone per vulnera mortem, nec acceptius
quidquam
30 Deo agere putarent, quam in eos irruere, qui nostrum
coarguunt
instructorem de syllaba solum parvula sive coma.
Atqui te quid facturum censeam a me quaeris? Id quod
propheta
simul et rex non erubuit suppliciter confiteri hortor
dicas: Delictum meum cognitum tibi feci, et injustitiam
35 meam non abscondi. Quod si tractatum super inde
conficeres,
interim per amicitiam nostram precor, taedio tibi
nequaquam
adveniat tuo huic mandare quampiam praeposito
remissivam,
quae levatio praesertim sit nostrae expectationis et tuae
intentionis
nuntia in aliquo, cum psalmista, Laetabor ego super
40 eloquia tua, quasi qui invenit spolia multa. Vale.
NOTE
[133] Gerson, according to A. Thomas.
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Prefatory Note.
2
I. INTRODUCTION. 3
II. MANUSCRIPTS. 10
III. BIBLIOGRAPHY. 12
IV. THE DOCUMENTS. 16
I. “Epistre au Dieu d’Amours” of Christine
De Pizan. 16
II. “Dit de la Rose” of Christine. 16
III. The Treatise of Jean de Montreuil. 16
IV. Christine to Jean de Montreuil. 17
V. Gontier Col to Christine, Asking for a Copy
of No. IV. 29
VI. Gontier Col to Christine, Reproving Her 30
For Her Attitude Towards the Roman
de la Rose.
VII. Christine’s Reply to No. VI. 32
VIII. Christine’s Dedicatory Epistle to the
Queen of France. 34
IX. Christine’s Dedicatory Epistle to Guillaume
de Tignonville. 35
X. Gerson’s Tractatus. 38
XI. Pierre Col’s Letter Replying to Christine
and to Gerson. 56
XII. Gerson’s Reply to Pierre Col. 77
XIII. Christine’s Reply to Pierre Col. 83
XIV. Pierre Col’s Rejoinder to the Foregoing. 112
APPENDIX.
114
Epistola LIV. 114
Epistola LVI. 115
Epistola LVII. 116
Transcriber's Notes
Textual notes in the original are not numbered but start with the
line number and the word(s) to which they apply, such as
4. Treschier sire] wanting F.
indicating that those words do not appear in manuscript F. In the
transcription the line numbers have been placed in square brackets
and the pertinent word(s) in round brackets:
[l. 4] (treschier sire) wanting F.
All notes have been placed at the end of each document. In a
few places the order of the notes has been silently corrected.
Where appropriate, punctuation and French accents have been
silently corrected, and in a few places italics have been silently
adjusted. Also, confusions between u and v and between f and s in
the French texts have been silently corrected.
Spelling variations such as œuure/oeuure/euure have not been
harmonized, but obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
Such corrections in the text are underlined with blue dots. When
placing the cursor on such words the original text appears.
A table of contents has been added.
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FIRST EDITION 194 9

LIST OF M A P S ................................................................. viii

I. ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF THE SANUSIYA

II. TH E BEDOUIN OF CYRENAICA . . .2 9

V II. T H E S E C O N D IT A L O -S A N U S I W A R (1923-32) . 157

(2) The Sayyid Ahm ad al-Sharif (Macaluso) . „ ,, 128

(3) The Say}dd Muhammad Idris . . . ,, ,,144

(4) Sidi *Umar al-Mukhtar (Graziani) . . . „ 168

Distribution of Sanusiya lodges in North Africa and Arabia . 24

Distribution of forest (after M anzoni); Pastoral zones . .32

The chief tribes of Cyrenaica (after De Agostini) To face p. 35

The chief Sanusi Bedouin tribes of Tripolitania (after Canevari) . 52

The divisions of the Hasa tribe (after De Agostini) . * 5 7

Distribution of Sanusi forces in March 1923 (after Piccioli) . 174

The Italian conquest of Cyrenaica (after Tomaso Sillani) . .184

The ItaUan conquest of Tripolitania (after Tomaso Sillani) . 186

The Itahan plan for the colonization of northern Cyrenaica (from

ORIGIN AND EXPANSION OF TH E

T he Sanusiya is an Order of Sufis or, as they are sometimes

* Ibid., p. 6; Adams, op. cit., p. 22.

Thin a rro w s indicate Sanusiya expansion

The Spread of the Sanusiya in North Africa.

mind and the Order he had founded a missionary Order, and

al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Mahdi al-Sayyid Muhammad al-Sharif

al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid

al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sayyid al-Sa3yid

“Je vous di bien avant le cop,

[125] Cf. Michel, op. cit., t. 2, p. 75, l. 13944.

A FAME DE HAULT ENTENDEMENT DAMOISELLE CHRISTINE DE PIZAN

Combien que tu aies proposé de n’esc(r)ire plus

30 Si n’ay je sceu personne qui l’ait blasmé par auant

LETTERS OF JEAN DE MONTREUIL

(Amplissima Collectio de Dom Martene, tome II., pp. 1419-21, 22.)

Quo magis magisque perscrutor, vir acutissime,

[130] Gerson, according to A. Thomas.

Scis me, consideratissime magister atque frater, jugi

[132] Gontier Col probably.

Etsi facundissimus, si copiosus, si eloquens et abundans,

[133] Gerson, according to A. Thomas.

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