Yulia Antonyan

This article is about the practices of family business in the Armenian politico-economic system in the period of 1991-2018, from gaining independence until the Velvet Revolution of 2018. Family business structures had been one of the main pillars of the parallel ‘oligarchic’ economy, monopolized by oligarchs to illegally leach off the state budget and infrastructures since Armenia ushered in the post-socialist capitalism era. Why did this system exist? In order to tackle that question I will emphasize cultural specifics, functions and roles of family, kinship and relatedness networks in Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia. Although the principles of strong paternalism, solidarity, reciprocity and loyalty may be widespread in kinship structures in general, they are particularly salient in the economic and political sphere in Armenia. In Armenia, family and kinship networks were important factors of survival/prosperity under socialist economic conditions and they appeared to function quite well in the informal systems that remained closed and impermeable for outsiders and the law. The author will try to demonstrate how some extended families gradually turned into political and business ‘organizations’ and how traditional perceptions and practices of reciprocity, matrimonial ties and cooperation between the families could help them resolve serious inner disputes, as well as business and political conflicts that emerged periodically. At the same time, the article is an attempt to investigate some cultural and gender-specific practices and values that were underpinning the functionalism of illegal or semi-legal structures of big family economy and politics. Matrimonial alliances, blood kinship, affinal kinship and agnatic networks were fully involved in the process of building a specific social and economic environment that would be reciprocally supported by political forces in power. The basis of reciprocity was the exchange of business privileges and legal coverage ensured by the government for political support and a guaranteed number of votes (both real and falsified) during local and national elections, which were usually provided through the same family and kinship networks. Although the whole system of oligarchic economy and falsified democracy had been perceived negatively by the population in general, traditional big family values such as loyalty, reciprocity and paternalism were effectively working for it in many individual cases.

In this article, the author tries to trace the trajectories of Soviet and post-Soviet transformations of vernacular religiosity in Armenia, in particular, the cult of shrines. She argues that the cult of shrines and related manifestations of vernacular religion were consistently reconceptualized, first, in the period of Soviet secularization and modernization, and, secondly, in the period of post-Soviet and post-secular transformations of the Armenian society. The Soviet modernity led to 'neo-archaization' of vernacular religious practice by instrumentalizing some pre-institutional forms and manifestations of religiosity. The post-secular reconceptualization of vernacular religion draws upon new realities, such as mobile/virtual religiosity, new religious materiality, commodification and consumerism, and a new, modernized interplay between institutional and non-institutional dimensions of religion(s).

Along with other globalizing forces such as migration and proselytism, religious markets have played a key role in the transformation of religious practices in Armenia. This article focuses on the intersection of mobility and markets through mobile fairs, which are temporarily organized at shrines on pilgrimage days. Market vendors tend to travel from shrine to shrine across Armenia throughout the year, each following his or her own trajectory. In this article I examine how such markets are organized, how and by whom they are run and controlled, how small-scale mono-confessional markets become part of transnational globalization processes, and how the marketplace is embedded in the pilgrimage ritual, changing and modernizing its traditional meanings and structure.

"Construction of religion in the Armenian neo-paganism". The article is addressing the process of the invention of a religion by the Armenian neo-pagans. It reveals the main stages of the process and the attempts to find out its social and cultural background. The article is in Russian, published in a volume entitled "Izobretenie religii. desekulyarizatsiya v post-sovetskom kontexte" (Invention of religion. Desecularization in a post-soviet context"), SAint-Petersbourg, European University in SpB, 2015.

The Social Semiotics of the " Migrant " Churches in Armenia Yulia Antonyan — Yerevan State University (Armenia). yuliaantonyan@ysu.am Based on a field study of the Gegharkunik region of Armenia, the research addresses the process of construction of new churches in the context of contemporary social and economic life of the Armenian village. Main characters of the research are  founders and sponsors of newly constructed churches, which are represented by several social types and, in particular, by the type of an affluent (nearly always male) migrant, who thus wants to be represented at his home village with a new status. Building a church usually becomes a social project, through which migrants construct the positive image of themselves, strengthen the personal and family influence among local authorities and business people, thus joining to the local elites, even in case they are almost always physically outside of their home town. Each new church gets a " legend ", which makes clear the motives of a donator with reference to such values as piety, mystical connection to the saints, deference to the memory of ancestors, and compassion to people's needs. Due to the localized functions and the individual character of construction, newly‑constructed churches in some cases take over the  functions of  family shrines and are attended mostly by members of the family of a sponsor and its neighbors.

The paper discusses a phenomenon of constructing a cult of the contemporary Hero and a related mythology in the context of the Armenian neo-paganism movement. It is about the myths of Garegin Nzhdeh (1886-1955), a famous Armenian politician and military commander of the first half of 20th century. The mythological cycle makes a part of the neo-pagans' sacred book so called "Ukhtagirk" (the Book of Vows), authored by the founder of the neo-pagan movement in Armenia, Slak Kakosyan. The book also includes some added and re-interpreted excerpts of the Nzhdeh’s ideology of the Armenian Nationalism called "Tseghakron", literally the "Cult of Nation". The paper argues possible sources, reasons of emergence and current development trends of the Nzhdeh's cult and mythology. The Nzhdeh’s cult and mythology are viewed in the context of cults of politicians and leaders of 20th century. The author employs a concept of neo-mythology to designate those myths that are being created as religious ones, but are secondary in relation to existing motives and forms.

Abstract: This article is about realities embedded in the notions of “religiosity” and “Armenian religious
identity” in contemporary Armenia. It is focused on some patterns of the Armenian national religion and offi
cial forms of Armenian Apostolic Christianity. In particular, the article discusses links, attitudes, interrelations,
contradictions and mutual infl uences of doctrinal Armenian Apostolic Christianity and its vernacular versions.
The Armenian version of vernacular Christianity includes the religious practices of worshipping local saints,
magic, healing and divination. An attempt to outline three conventional models of religiosity within the Armenian
Apostolic Christian identity, those of “grassroots”, “privatized”, and “fundamental”, has been made in the paper,
and the main patterns of attitudes among these models are discussed. In fact, these models of religiosity represent
different religious subcultures, with different systems of signs and different patterns of religious mentality, though
sharing the symbols, values, and priorities of Armenian Apostolic Christian identity at the national level.

Summary
Memories of the Past: things in a system of the Armenian Soviet Culture
The paper is pursuing multiple goals. Firstly, it is an attempt to initiate studies of every day culture of Soviet Armenia, which seems to be completely and unfairly ignored by Armenian social researchers. In the meantime, most of phenomena of current socio-cultural situation cannot be understood if not embedded into the previous soviet context.  Secondly, I am trying to reveal and highlight the gap in the Armenian Museums of History and Ethnography that have included the soviet period of the Armenian History and Culture in their expositions. Thirdly, the paper is representing a kind of research experiment. The core part of it has been written in a form of free-style essays representing my own memories and memories of people in my circle and initially published in one of the Internet social networks, the Life Journal. The publication intended to attract comments of potential readers (about 150, mostly Armenians from Soviet Armenia or other post-soviet space). The paper also includes my comments on readers' comments placed in my Life Journal pages. These comments have shaped a discoursive field representing an artificially generated and textualized collective memory on soviet times.  Following Maurice Halbwachs’ idea, a man usually has to resort to memories of other people in order to recall his own past. In fact, my own memories shared with other people are legitimized by others through their comments thus being turned into collective memory. 
Essays’ content is focused on things, i.e. objects utilized in our everyday life like clothes, food, furniture, personal car, books, etc. However, this paper is not just about consumption mechanisms or ethnographic interpretation of material objects in the system of soviet culture.  It’s about practices of everyday life engendered or shaped around things and objects that serve to be key points for memorialization of the world of so called «homo sovieticus» which in reality was so different from that created and promoted by the soviet propaganda. The Soviet society had been oriented towards the very peculiar style of consumption and the very word of it used to be a subject for ideological criticism. Empty shop shelves, complicated social and economic mechanisms of «getting» things, especially those imported from abroad, all this did create a very special attitude towards the Thing and placed it in an intricate system of social and personal hierarchies of the soviet epoch of «deficit», pictured in the essays below.
Home libraries. Books had not only been signs of high social and intellectual status, or symbols of identity. Good books were difficult to get as they couldn't be found in bookstores. Distribution of newly editions was provided through soviet hierarchic channels and books, especially prestigious multivolume editions served as additional markers of social power. 
Collections. Most soviet people used to practice collecting various things like coins, postcards, stamps, badges, match boxes, etc. Soviet industry and cultural policies encouraged this hobby trying to keep leisure time of soviet people organized and controlled. Alongside of traditional collections, other types of them were popular such as those of things of everyday consumption «made in» somewhere abroad (soap, cigarette boxes, alcohol drinks, bear cans, pens, pencils, candies, bubble-gums, dolls, etc.). They were estimated too high because of being of better quality than their soviet analogues and rarely found. Such collections used to become a part of apartment's interior design and subjects of special pride of their owners. 
China, debts, presents. Good china was hard to «get». People used to buy it mainly in Moscow or Leningrad. If someone had come across the china or some other deficit goods he should have bought it whatever it cost, because next time he might not be that lucky. Borrowing big amounts of money at no interest from friends and relatives was a usual soviet practice. Soviet society provided various mechanisms of mutual financial help. Lending money inside Armenian clans did not mean necessarily to get it back after an agreed while. The debt could be paid off later, in bigger or lesser amount or another form of assistance. China and cut glass ware used to be displayed at surfaces of shelves, tables, cupboards and bookcases being a symbol of well-being and social prestige. They were also considered a good present. Presents were always bought beforehand, because one might not be able to get anything in the shops at the very moment he/she really needed it.
Food and holidays. In memories of soviet people, special taste of everyday food is often highlighted. Another myth is related to the imagined cheapness of soviet goods. On the other hand, deficit of goods forced soviet people to be always «armed» with money and bags in case they come across any of food products that should be immediately bought in big amounts for future use. On holidays, party and organizational structures distributed some deficit food such as sausage, candies, etc. at their real cost. Being a part of distribution process was prestigious and signified the high social status of a receiver.
Shops of our dreams. Any Thing was endowed with special status and significance depended on the way of obtaining it. The higher status was given to foreign goods brought from abroad, bought in so called «certificate shops» («certificates» replaced foreign currency in soviet times) or in «commisionka» shops, where they were sold as second-hand ones, or, finally, goods bought in Moscow shops that were supplied comparatively better that any other shops in provinces.
«Make it yourself». In 80-ies every woman in Yerevan used to knit and sew. Thus, they tried to fill the enormous gap left by the soviet cloth industry. Even though some of them were capable to produce chef-d'oeuvres, the status of hand-made goods was always much lower than that of goods of mass production especially foreign ones. Another realm of hand-made production was baking. Every woman in Armenia should have been able to bake cakes bearing strange and «foreign» names such as «mikado», «napoleon», «senator's», etc. to be qualified as a good bride and wife.   
Sacred word of «Repair». Every man in Soviet Armenia was imposed with a responsibility to provide acceptable living conditions for his family that is to repair the apartment and make it closer to informal esthetics of soviet everyday life. One of its main principles was imitation of luxury. It could be reached through making everything «shine»: polished floor and furniture, cut glass ware, silk and atlas coverings and curtains, infinite mirrors and lamps, golden and bronze surfaces as well as almost ritual cleanness of rooms. Walls were painted as if they were embellished with columns, chapiters, bas-reliefs, etc., recalling those of a palace, or at least, museum. Central rooms were given foreign names such as “hall”, “zal” (hall in Russian). The other, peripheral parts of the apartment were not given much attention in terms of special design.
Car stories. Having a car in Soviet Union was linked with a number of practices of acquiring and taking care of it. A car was considered a personal property, which also should be controlled by the state. One could not buy a car in a car shop. Cars were distributed through organizations and enterprises people worked in. This process had been a part of soviet hierarchic system of distribution of goods. The other specific practice was taking care of the car that is washing and repairing it. Washing and repairing a car was a part of social activities of the Armenian urban yards and were marked by mutual assistance of inhabitants of a yard. 
Comments and post-scriptum. The essays were commented by readers of author's life journal page. Comments not only added to the text, but also appeared as its continuation and development of a discourse around the topics aroused. Most of comments expressed agreement,  «recognition» or in some cases disagreement with essays or interpretations of a particular piece of information. Many readers supplied their impressions with anecdotal cases completing the text or their own memories. Thus, internet communication seems to be an interesting and original of generation of discourses for social and cultural research of memorialization of the past and many other topics.

The paper addresses the origins of a healing practice named "Chopchutiun", which is wide-spread among Armenians of Syunik and Artsakh.  "Chopchi" healers are specialized on children deceases mainly, healing them by blowing  "chop"-s, i.e. seeds, chips, pieces of paper out of a child's throat. They are gifted this skill by saints through dreams or visions. Through a comparative study of the healing practices and beliefs of a number of Caucasian cultures, the author has come to a conclusion that the chopchi practice is likely to be originated from a cult of Choppa god, historically worshiped by khazars and then adopted by a number of Caucasian peoples the Armenians historically have been in cultural contacts with.

This paper is about the new pagans’ movement in Armenia. This is an attempt of anthropological analysis of origin, development mechanisms, ideology, structure, symbolism and ritual of new paganism in Armenia. It would help to deeper understand such unique phenomenon of a post-industrial epoch, which is a reconstruction of ancient, pre-Christian religious traditions that take place in many developed countries. In Armenia, the new paganism movement has much to do with a national revival, search of new national identity and spirituality other than Armenian Apostolic and any Christian Church could provide. Armenian new pagans call themselves “Arordineri Ukht”, which means the The Order of Children of Ari. It was founded in 1991 by Slak (previously Edik) Kakosyan. Slak Kakosyan was exiled from USSR in 1979 for his nationalist ideas. Being in USA, he established contacts with followers of famous Armenian nationalist, founder and ideologist of “Tseghakron” (literally Worchip of a Nation) movement Garegin Nzhdeh. Slak borrowed much of his doctrine, re-interpreting it as a religious system. He also was anointed as a Supreme Priest by followers of Nzhdeh. As soon as he came back to independent Armenia, he started developing his ideas on religion, nationalism, Armenian cults into a system. His relatives, close friends and previous students gathered around him and made the skeleton of the new pagans’ community. They began celebrating pagan festivals in the famous pagan temple in Garni (1 century, reconstructed in 1975). The new pagans’ community is currently being gradually enlarged. Unlike first members of the community mainly attracted by nationalist approaches and romanticism of old Armenian beliefs, some of last adherents accepted paganism because of mystic reasons. They began believing in ancient Gods, because got mystic help from them.
The Aryan myth plays a significant role in Armenian new pagans’ ideology. It has a long history with Armenian nationalist movements starting the end of 19th century. For instance, Armenians had to prove their Aryan origins not to be annihilated during the Second World War. The new pagans gave new birth to the Myths, telling that Ara is a God of Aryans, Ari was the first man in the Earth, Armenians are the only heirs of Aryans, therefore Armenia/Ararat is a country of their origin. This Myth is told in a Book of Vows (Ukhtagirk), the sacred book of new pagans, written by Slak Kakosyan. The Book of Vows represents myths on Creation, Origin of Aryans and, then, Armenians, Myths on Ancient Gods, the Symbolarium of  the Armenian Language, which is a sacred language of Aryans/Armenians, according to the Book, and other chapters. It is compiled of transformed, added and/or re-interpreted stories from the Bible, the History of Armenia by Movses Khorenatsi (the Armenian historian of 5th century), and “Tseghakron” doctrine by Garegin Nzhdeh. Nzhdeh himself is presented as a man-god in the separate chapter of the Book. One of the central motives of the Book of Vows and the whole ritual of new pagans is the Birth of Vahagn, the ancient God of War. The small extract of the epic poem about Vahagn was conveyed to us by Movses Khorenatsi. It became a sort of a “mantra” for the new pagans. The most significant festival of new pagans, the New Year or the Festival of the Birth of Vahagn is started with this poem.
The new pagans celebrate their festivals in the pagan temple in Garni or at other archeological monuments of pre-Christian times (Metsamor, Argishtikhinili, Erebuni, Zorats karer). The territory of the Garni templ e is being gradually “adapted” by the new pagans. They planted a sacred apricot-tree there and set up a water source, flowing from the gravestone made in the memory of the late Slak Kakosyan. Both the gravestone and the tree became important parts of the ritual. The structure of festivals reminds celebrations of state festivals at soviet times, whereas many details of ritual practices are borrowed from the Armenian church. New pagans celebrate only those festivals of the Armenian folk calendar that are mentioned in the Book of Vows and have mythological origin, according to it (Terndez, Amanor/Birth of Vahagn, the Easter, Vardavar, Navasard, etc.). In some sense, the ritual practices of Armenian new pagans remind role games (Indians, hobbits), as they exist in other countries.
In fact, the Armenian new paganism is a symbiosis of ideology, religion and game, which is peculiar to many of contemporary religious movements.

The paper considers magic and healing practices and practitioners in a context of urban anthropology. Field data proves that this is a phenomenon, which is significantly affected and influenced by typical urban environment and contemporary urban processes. Two main types of practitioners of  magic and healing are differentiated in urban sub-culture: traditional ones, who get the healing and divination “gift” through dreams and visions and those who has acquired magic knowledge through graduation from western or Russian type training courses in so called bioenergetic healing or/and divination and got “diplomas”. 
Field observations show that the localization of practitioners is in a certain connection with the specifics of the urban landscape of Yerevan, Gyumri and Vanadzor. Their life path and activities are thus closely linked to the specifics of community they belong to. In particular, a part of them are localized in the country type districts, with one or two-store houses and strong inter-community links. Practitioners are formed there independently, though in a way very close to the rural environment. Another part resides in peripheral urban type districts with multi-store buildings where the population has mainly moved from the villages and kept in touch with their country relatives, thus directly conveying rural healing and divination traditions into the urban milieu, then trying to adapt it to the new conditions. Some practitioners working in “salons”, divination offices located only in Yerevan and in the center of the city and use contemporary techniques and business-like working style. 
We encountered a certain variety of religions the practitioners adhere (Armenian apostolic Christianity, Russian orthodox Christianity, Adventists, Yezidism, Catholicism, etc.). All of them highlight the importance of faith and religiosity as key notions for their activities but never accentuate specifics of their confessions. That makes practitioners meta-religious and capable to serve everyone regardless of a confession. However, practitioners of ethnicity and religion other than Armenian Apostolic are believed to be stronger or practice black magic.
Most of practitioners assured they assisted some of current politicians and governmental employees in getting their places in a magical way. Thus the mythology of specific relationships between practitioners and authorities is created. 
Urban practitioners unlike the rural ones professionally organize their job, using contemporary business management techniques: they have fixed working days and hours; some of them are registered as private entrepreneurs and pay taxes; they use business accessories such as business cards, mobile telephones to make appointments, printed instructions for clients, advertisements of the reception hours and days. To improve their image and attract clients practitioners publicize themselves through mass media and informally during the séances by using and simultaneously creating myths and cultural stereotypes regarding their persons. As such, money also is a part of their system of symbols and values. Traditionally it is perceived as gratitude expressed in exchange of healing or divination. Therefore, healers/diviners at least pretend not to lust for money, and clients, on a contrary, feel obliged to pay for the services otherwise they are afraid of being magically harmed by an unsatisfied practitioner. Several years ago advertising magical services in mass media was common and popular, however, it gradually diminishes, conceding to traditional ways of dissemination of information through rumors, friends, and relatives. 
Besides a community of relatives and neighbors which are more or less involved into the practitioners activities, the rest of society can be conceptually divided into potential clients and potential opponents despite their social and ethnic characteristics. The main criteria of assessment is a belief in reality of magic and magical (or, alternatively, bio-energetic) healing, which is the first level of assessment; and in personal power and abilities of separate practitioners, which is the second level of assessment. There are some common stereotypes regarding the specifics of clientele of healers, sorcerers and diviners. The sphere itself is considered rather female. Women and children make majority of clients. Even in cases when a man is affected, the first visit to the practitioner is sometimes made by his wife, sister or mother. Practitioners often work at a distance, helping clients from outside by phone or through photos. This circumstance is frequently used for mythologisation of practitioners’ power and abilities. 
The practices of urban healers, sorcerers and diviners are more various and eclectic than in rural area. Many of our informants use not only traditional Armenian practices, but also adopt western-style and Slavonic practices as well. This is especially true for diviners and healers “with diplomas”. To be closer to and understandable for clients, they attempt to find Armenian equivalents for the terminology they learned to use; interpret “scientific”, as they say, terms in a popular way; and adopt some traditional practices in addition to those they learned in schools of magic and healing.
Relationships between media and practitioners is one of the most interesting aspects of the research. Media in some sense influence practitioners’ activities providing them with images, topics, stereotypes. It also provides opportunities for a virtual dialogue between practitioners and different layers of society. Media supports creation of positive or negative images for some practitioners. Therefore, there are different attitude models towards media. Some practitioners reject any contacts to journalists, the other are open to any interview or journalists’ visit. It depends on their past experience, and other motivations.
Thus, though globalization processes affected the sphere of magic and healing in urban environment in some way, however, traditions are sill strong. In some cases being traditional means being closer to clients, therefore not only traditional rural practices are being adapted to the urban milieu, but also innovative Western and Russian-style ways of doing magic and healing accept some features of traditional healing, sorcery and divination.