- Avenida Paulista, 1471
São Paulo, Brazil
01311 200
Praia de Botafogo, 190
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil
2253 000 - SP: 55 11 3799 3755; RJ: 55 21 3799-5946;
- Associate Professor at Fundação Getulio Vargas in São Paulo/Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). Other details @ www.matiasspektor.comedit
Research Interests:
"Kissinger e o Brasil" (2009). This book is the first detailed study of US engagement with any large developing country under Henry Kissinger’s watch. Drawing on newly declassified archives and interviews, Kissinger and Brazil goes... more
"Kissinger e o Brasil" (2009).
This book is the first detailed study of US engagement with any large developing country under Henry Kissinger’s watch. Drawing on newly declassified archives and interviews, Kissinger and Brazil goes behind the diplomatic scene to show how Kissinger tried to transform Brazil from distant neighbor into close ally. By examining the strategic relationship between the two sides, the book reveals the startling degree to which Kissinger accommodated Brazilian demands and the various diplomatic techniques the Brazilians employed to manipulate a far stronger partner to their own advantage.
This book is the first detailed study of US engagement with any large developing country under Henry Kissinger’s watch. Drawing on newly declassified archives and interviews, Kissinger and Brazil goes behind the diplomatic scene to show how Kissinger tried to transform Brazil from distant neighbor into close ally. By examining the strategic relationship between the two sides, the book reveals the startling degree to which Kissinger accommodated Brazilian demands and the various diplomatic techniques the Brazilians employed to manipulate a far stronger partner to their own advantage.
Brazil in the early 2000s underwent a process of perceived ascent in the global pecking order, leading scholars to explore the statecraft and strategy behind it. Now that Brazil’s fortunes in world politics have reversed it is time to... more
Brazil in the early 2000s underwent a process of perceived ascent in the global pecking order, leading scholars to explore the statecraft and strategy behind it. Now that Brazil’s fortunes in world politics have reversed it is time to dissect the purported strategies for upwards mobility of that time. This article draws on the concept of Strategic Diplomacy advanced in this special section to review the literatures on rising Brazil in the English language with a focus on four sets of questions. What kinds of international power and purpose did ‘rising Brazil’ pursue? How did successive administrations framed long-term objectives? How did domestic institutional design condition Brazil’s international aspirations? And what role did individual leaders play in shaping strategy? The article then lays out key areas where future work may contribute to improving our understanding of the conditions under which effective diplomatic strategizing in Brazil might occur.
Research Interests:
In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil posed a growing proliferation risk, and they proposed to target Brazil with a new set of nonproliferation policies that included the denial... more
In the aftermath of India's first nuclear explosion in 1974, U.S. officials concluded that Brazil posed a growing proliferation risk, and they proposed to target Brazil with a new set of nonproliferation policies that included the denial of fuel-cycle technologies. However, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger expressed doubt that such an approach would curb Brazilian nuclear ambitions. Pushing back against influential voices in the U.S. Congress, the State Department, and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, Kissinger argued that Brazil should be allowed to proceed with its plans to master the nuclear fuel cycle in exchange for U.S. assistance and new nonproliferation commitments. He justified this attitude on the grounds of alliance politics (Brazil was too important a pillar of U.S. Cold War policy in Latin America) and the interests of key domestic constituencies (U.S. private companies eyed Brazil's burgeoning nuclear industry). The Brazilian government responded well to Kissinger's approach and would have struck a deal if the transition to the Carter administration had not rendered the bargain untenable.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The John F. Kennedy administration took a bet on the incoming president of Brazil, João Goulart, as he took office on September 8, 1961. Goulart was not a radical socialist, but his opponents portrayed him as an unpredictable nationalist... more
The John F. Kennedy administration took a bet on the incoming president of Brazil, João Goulart, as he took office on September 8, 1961. Goulart was not a radical socialist, but his opponents portrayed him as an unpredictable nationalist who might unadvisedly fuel the flames of social upheaval and radical revolution, turning Brazil into a second Cuba. Yet, the White House estimated that Goulart was someone they could do business with and sympathized with the idea of Reformas de Base (Goulart's program of " basic reforms "), which included the extension of labor protections to rural workers, redistributive agrarian reform, and universal suffrage. United States support for Goulart materialized in the form of economic aid, financial assistance via the IMF, and development assistance via the Alliance for Progress partnership. Within a year, however, the tide turned as Goulart failed to comply with American demands that he ban leftists from his cabinet. In a matter of months in 1962, the White House abandoned any hopes of engagement with the Brazilian president. While the crisis that led to Goulart's fall in March 1964 was the making of domestic political actors within Brazil—as was the military coup to unseat the president—the likelihood and success rate of the golpe grew as the United States rolled out successive rounds of targeted actions against Goulart, including diplomatic and financial pressure, threats of abandonment, support for opposition politicians, collusion with coup plotters, signaling future military support for the plotters in the eventuality of civil war, and the granting of immediate diplomatic recognition for the incoming authoritarian military leaders after the coup. After Goulart, Brazil remained under authoritarian rule for two consecutive decades.
Research Interests:
... Política e Relações Internacionais Departamento de Relações Internacionais RUPTURA E LEGADO: O COLAPSO DA CORDIALIDADE OFICIAL EA CONSTRUÇÃO DA PARCERIA ENTRE O BRASIL EA ARGENTINA (1967-1979) Matias Spektor Dissertação apresentada ...
Research Interests:
Abstract: This paper makes a preliminary contribution to existing knowledge about the role of ideas in Brazil's regional policy. Which ideas have mattered and how? In what ways have they interacted with other factors? This paper... more
Abstract: This paper makes a preliminary contribution to existing knowledge about the role of ideas in Brazil's regional policy. Which ideas have mattered and how? In what ways have they interacted with other factors? This paper shows the extent to which the recent pattern of ...
... 5 Antonio Jorge Ramalho da Rocha Passing the Boolean frontier: the next dimension of International Relations theories ... do Estado sobre as exportações de minerais radioativos; 26/12 Iniciadas negociações entre Brasil e EUA sobre a... more
... 5 Antonio Jorge Ramalho da Rocha Passing the Boolean frontier: the next dimension of International Relations theories ... do Estado sobre as exportações de minerais radioativos; 26/12 Iniciadas negociações entre Brasil e EUA sobre a venda de areias mona-zíticas e outros ...
Publikationsansicht. 54341950. O Mundo de Oscar Camilión (2001). Spektor, Matias. Details der Publikation. Download, http://hdl.handle.net/10438/4175. Herausgeber, UnB. Archiv, Biblioteca Digital da FGV (Brazil). Keywords, Política... more
Publikationsansicht. 54341950. O Mundo de Oscar Camilión (2001). Spektor, Matias. Details der Publikation. Download, http://hdl.handle.net/10438/4175. Herausgeber, UnB. Archiv, Biblioteca Digital da FGV (Brazil). Keywords, Política Externa, Argentina. Typ, Article. ...
Abstract: This paper makes a preliminary contribution to existing knowledge about the role of ideas in Brazil's regional policy. Which ideas have mattered and how? In what ways have they interacted with other factors? This paper... more
Abstract: This paper makes a preliminary contribution to existing knowledge about the role of ideas in Brazil's regional policy. Which ideas have mattered and how? In what ways have they interacted with other factors? This paper shows the extent to which the recent pattern of ...
Research Interests:
However, from its very beginnings, Brazil' s South American project has been tentative and partial. Brasilia embraced the region in fits and starts, and while Brazilian politicians of all stripes make a rhetorical commitment to the idea... more
However, from its very beginnings, Brazil' s South American project has been tentative and partial. Brasilia embraced the region in fits and starts, and while Brazilian politicians of all stripes make a rhetorical commitment to the idea of a united South America, they have been deeply ambivalent about the implications of such a policy in terms of commitments and resources. It is perhaps no wonder, then, that today the project shows unquestionable signs of strain. After a decade of high hopes and a plethora of initiatives, the actual results are decidedly mixed. Even the most fervent believers of the South American strategy now speak of it as an aspiration rather than a reality. And many believe that some of its achievements are at risk. Whoever wins the presidential election in October will have to grapple with the challenges besetting Brazil' s current regional policies. Populism, ethnic nationalism, narcotics, guerrilla warfare , deforestation, unlawful pasturing, economic decay, and political upheaval in the region all stand to deeply harm Brazil' s own national interests, as well as those of its neighbors. Because levels of interdependence are too high to ignore, Brazil can hardly afford to do without a policy framework to manage its relationship with the rest of South America. The first section of this paper describes the main characteristics of Brazil' s regional strategy. The second explains the core factors driving the approach, with reference to geopoli-tics, ideology, and domestic politics. At the end, I turn to an assessment of future prospects.
Este curso oferece uma introdução à análise de risco político a partir do estudo da intersecção entre política e economia. Nos debates, será dado maior enfoque à construção de fundamentos teóricos e à aplicação destas ferramentas a... more
Este curso oferece uma introdução à análise de risco político a partir do estudo da intersecção entre política e economia. Nos debates, será dado maior enfoque à construção de fundamentos teóricos e à aplicação destas ferramentas a questões relevantes da atualidade. O curso familiariza os alunos com os meios pelos quais as teorias de ciência política, complementadas por outras áreas, sobretudo economia e economia política, podem servir de base para estudar a influência da política sobre atores econômicos. Entre outros aspectos, estudaremos como lidar com incertezas, como a geopolítica influencia decisões de negócios, a relação entre estabilidade política e mercados de capital, risco regulatório e questões específicas como corrupção, terrorismo e expropriação, todas as quais implicam em riscos distintos para investidores internacionais. No final do curso, vamos focar a influência da situação política no Brasil — e da Operação Lava Jato — sobre desenvolvimentos econômicos e vice-versa. METODOLOGIA Oliver Stuenkel irá lecionar a primeira metade do curso, composta por uma introdução sobre o tema de risco político e apresentação de alguns dos grandes desafios envolvendo riscos internacionais, como terrorismo e tráfico de drogas. Matias Spektor será responsável pela segunda metade do curso, em que serão discutidas as origens de risco político e haverá análises do Estado brasileiro atual e sua influência global. O curso será composto de aulas expositivas, debates, casos e exercícios em sala de aula.
Combining international relations theory with contemporary history, Brazil in Transition: Global Perspectives on a Changing Nation will give students a new perspective on the country's transformation from military dictatorship to market... more
Combining international relations theory with contemporary history, Brazil in Transition: Global Perspectives on a Changing Nation will give students a new perspective on the country's transformation from military dictatorship to market democracy. The first half of the course will introduce theoretical approaches to the key themes of globalization in the final decades of the twentieth century, including economic globalization and development, the human rights revolution, and democratization. The second part will apply these theories to the experience of Brazil in the 1970s through to the 1990s, as it grappled with the cross-cutting demands of these transnational forces in a globalizing world.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Jair Bolsonaro fez campanha prometendo romper com a política externa dos governos que o antecederam. As críticas por ele feitas à época da corrida presidencial não se limitaram à diplomacia do pt, mas também do psdb. Eleito, Bolsonaro... more
Jair Bolsonaro fez campanha prometendo romper com a
política externa dos governos que o antecederam. As críticas por
ele feitas à época da corrida presidencial não se limitaram à diplomacia
do pt, mas também do psdb. Eleito, Bolsonaro sinalizou sua
pretensão de chacoalhar a postura internacional do país em temas
sensíveis, tais como as relações com Cuba e Venezuela, Israel e o
mundo árabe, Nações Unidas e China, direitos humanos e a mudança
do clima, Irã e Estados Unidos. Em todas essas áreas, Bolsonaro
deixou claro seu compromisso inequívoco com uma profunda
guinada na condução das relações exteriores. Essa mudança
ocorre num momento de transformação do sistema político brasileiro,
do qual tratam outros capítulos neste livro, mas também
em meio a movimentos profundos nas placas tectônicas das relações
internacionais. Mais especificamente, a chegada de Bolsonaro
ao poder coincide com o acirramento da competição geopolítica
entre Estados Unidos e China, o enfraquecimento progressivo de
instituições internacionais como a onu e a União Europeia, e o
ressurgimento do nacionalismo não cooperativo, quiçá a maior ameaça em uma geração ao ordenamento internacional estabelecido
depois do fim da Guerra Fria.
política externa dos governos que o antecederam. As críticas por
ele feitas à época da corrida presidencial não se limitaram à diplomacia
do pt, mas também do psdb. Eleito, Bolsonaro sinalizou sua
pretensão de chacoalhar a postura internacional do país em temas
sensíveis, tais como as relações com Cuba e Venezuela, Israel e o
mundo árabe, Nações Unidas e China, direitos humanos e a mudança
do clima, Irã e Estados Unidos. Em todas essas áreas, Bolsonaro
deixou claro seu compromisso inequívoco com uma profunda
guinada na condução das relações exteriores. Essa mudança
ocorre num momento de transformação do sistema político brasileiro,
do qual tratam outros capítulos neste livro, mas também
em meio a movimentos profundos nas placas tectônicas das relações
internacionais. Mais especificamente, a chegada de Bolsonaro
ao poder coincide com o acirramento da competição geopolítica
entre Estados Unidos e China, o enfraquecimento progressivo de
instituições internacionais como a onu e a União Europeia, e o
ressurgimento do nacionalismo não cooperativo, quiçá a maior ameaça em uma geração ao ordenamento internacional estabelecido
depois do fim da Guerra Fria.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Há trinta anos, os governos argentino e brasileiro revolucionaram as relações internacionais da América do Sul, evitando uma escalada competitiva na área nuclear. Diante de três crises – a construção da hidrelétrica de Itaipu, o... more
Há trinta anos, os governos argentino e brasileiro revolucionaram as relações internacionais da América do Sul, evitando uma escalada competitiva na área nuclear. Diante de três crises – a construção da hidrelétrica de Itaipu, o enriquecimento de urânio numa instalação secreta na Argentina e a revelação de um suposto campo para testes nucleares na serra do Cachimbo –, José Sarney e Raúl Alfonsín ¬zeram uma aposta arriscada.
Em vez de aumentar a intensidade da competição, investindo em mais tecnologia nuclear, eles montaram um esquema inédito de construção de confi-ança mútua. Por meio de gestos pessoais calculados, eles aproximaram seus países em ritmo acelerado. Ao fazê-lo, encontraram resistência dentro de seus próprios governos e correram o risco de um estrondoso fracasso. Juntos, porém, evitaram uma disputa nuclear com sérias implicações geopolíticas.
Este livro apresenta a primeira conferência na qual os negociadores nucleares de ambos os países tiveram a oportunidade de comparar suas memórias à luz de documentos recém-abertos ao público.
Rodrigo Mallea, Matias Spektor e Nicholas J. Wheeler (orgs.)
Em vez de aumentar a intensidade da competição, investindo em mais tecnologia nuclear, eles montaram um esquema inédito de construção de confi-ança mútua. Por meio de gestos pessoais calculados, eles aproximaram seus países em ritmo acelerado. Ao fazê-lo, encontraram resistência dentro de seus próprios governos e correram o risco de um estrondoso fracasso. Juntos, porém, evitaram uma disputa nuclear com sérias implicações geopolíticas.
Este livro apresenta a primeira conferência na qual os negociadores nucleares de ambos os países tiveram a oportunidade de comparar suas memórias à luz de documentos recém-abertos ao público.
Rodrigo Mallea, Matias Spektor e Nicholas J. Wheeler (orgs.)
Research Interests:
Thirty years ago, the governments of Argentina and Brazil revolutionized the international relations of South America by averting a competitive spiral in the field of nuclear-technology acquisition. As they faced three consecutive crises... more
Thirty years ago, the governments of Argentina and Brazil revolutionized the international relations of South America by averting a competitive spiral in the field of nuclear-technology acquisition. As they faced three consecutive crises – the dispute over the Itaipu dam, Argentina’s announcement of its uranium-enrichment capabilities, and the revelations of the Cachimbo shafts in Brazil – presidents José Sarney (Brazil) and Raúl Alfonsín (Argentina) took a leap of faith by deciding to trust one another.
Rather than intensify their competition by investing more in acquiring sensitive nuclear technologies, they built an unprecedented system for confidence building. Through calculated personal gestures and symbolism, they promoted fast-paced rapprochement between their countries. In the process they faced uncertainty, the risk of failure, and some resistance at home. Together, however, they avoided a potential escalation with serious geopolitical implications.
This e-book presents the first critical oral history conference where negotiators from both sides have an opportunity to share their memories on the back of newly-released secret documents and with the support of a group of academics.
Rodrigo Mallea, Matias Spektor e Nicholas J. Wheeler (orgs.)
Rather than intensify their competition by investing more in acquiring sensitive nuclear technologies, they built an unprecedented system for confidence building. Through calculated personal gestures and symbolism, they promoted fast-paced rapprochement between their countries. In the process they faced uncertainty, the risk of failure, and some resistance at home. Together, however, they avoided a potential escalation with serious geopolitical implications.
This e-book presents the first critical oral history conference where negotiators from both sides have an opportunity to share their memories on the back of newly-released secret documents and with the support of a group of academics.
Rodrigo Mallea, Matias Spektor e Nicholas J. Wheeler (orgs.)
Research Interests:
This book introduces the reader to contemporary politics in Africa, and the continent's place in international relations today.
Author: Philippe Hugon.
Author: Philippe Hugon.
As Brazil begins to flex its diplomatic muscle in the world, what defense policies should it adopt? Can Brazil sustain an upwardly mobile trajectory in international relations if it fails to project military power abroad? Author: João... more
As Brazil begins to flex its diplomatic muscle in the world, what defense policies should it adopt? Can Brazil sustain an upwardly mobile trajectory in international relations if it fails to project military power abroad?
Author: João Paulo Soares Alsina Júnior (Foreign Ministry and Defense Ministry of Brazil).
Author: João Paulo Soares Alsina Júnior (Foreign Ministry and Defense Ministry of Brazil).
Do Brazil, Russia, India and China make up a coherent group? What role can they play in global order today? This edited volumes examines the logic driving the BRIC countries collectively and individually. Authors include Maria Regina... more
Do Brazil, Russia, India and China make up a coherent group? What role can they play in global order today? This edited volumes examines the logic driving the BRIC countries collectively and individually.
Authors include Maria Regina Soares de Lima, Monica Hirst, Neil MacFarlene, Amrita Narlikar, Andrew Hurrell and Rosemary Foot.
Authors include Maria Regina Soares de Lima, Monica Hirst, Neil MacFarlene, Amrita Narlikar, Andrew Hurrell and Rosemary Foot.
"This edited volume looks at the core dynamics shaping US-Brazil relations since the Cold War. It includes chapters by Monica Hirst (Di Tella, Argentina) and an extended analytic essay by Andrew Hurrell (Oxford).
"
"
"Em linguagem clara e acessível, o livro oferece interpretações sofisticadas sobre o impacto da China nas relações internacionais do século XXI. Alguns dos maiores especialistas no tema debatem as fontes do poder chinês, suas estratégias... more
"Em linguagem clara e acessível, o livro oferece interpretações sofisticadas sobre o impacto da China nas relações internacionais do século XXI. Alguns dos maiores especialistas no tema debatem as fontes do poder chinês, suas estratégias na Ásia, seu engajamento com normas internacionais e o papel da China na construção da ordem global. Trata-se de uma leitura obrigatória para todos aqueles interessados em entender a complexa transição de poder que o mundo vive nos dias de hoje.
Organizadores: Matias Spektor e Dani Kaufmann Nedal"
Organizadores: Matias Spektor e Dani Kaufmann Nedal"
Research Interests:
External threats and state capacity have been at the center of the scholarly study of alignments in world politics. This article describes an alternative path to alignment between two states that is rooted in the strategic interaction... more
External threats and state capacity have been at the center of the scholarly study of alignments in world politics. This article describes an alternative path to alignment between two states that is rooted in the strategic interaction between individual political leaders. We present a theory of bandwagoning for survival in which the leader in the dominant state provides side payments to help the incumbent in the secondary state survive in office in return for compliance. The theory specifies the mechanism through which leader preferences produce alignment, and alignment, in turn, generates international order. We test these ideas by checking the presence of our hypothesized mechanism in three historical cases, and by providing transparent access to detailed historic evidence to substantiate our claims.