- Fryske Akademy
Post Box 54
8900 AB Leeuwarden NL - +31582343036
Johannes A Mol
Fryske Akademy, History, Faculty Member
- Hans Mol was born in Kapelle, the Netherlands, in 1954. He studied history at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, wher... moreHans Mol was born in Kapelle, the Netherlands, in 1954. He studied history at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, where he specialized in medieval history and historical geography. He obtained his Ph.D. (with honours) at the same university in 1991 on a thesis on the Frisian Houses of the Teutonic Order. Since 1986 he is attached to the Fryske Akademy in Leeuwarden as research fellow. In June 2003 he was appointed extraordinarius professor of the medieval history of the Frisian Lands at Leiden University (part time) on behalf of the Fryske Akademy (emeritus since 5/12/2020). On 13 December 2024, he was awarded the Cross of Merit of the Ridderlijke Duitsche Orde, Balije van Utrecht. He is co-editor of De Vrije Fries, yearbook on the history, archaeology, art and literature of Friesland. Furthermore, he is “Schriftführer” of the board of the Internationale Kommission zur Erforschung des Deutschen Ordens and chairman of the (Nederlandse) Vereniging voor Landbouwgeschiedenis.edit
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of paper 0601 presented at the Digital Humanities Conference 2019 (DH2019), Utrecht , the Netherlands 9-12 July, 2019.
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The Count in the Moor. On large landholdings and the steering of medieval reclamations in South-west Friesland. This essay focuses on the question whether and to what extent the full-medieval peatland reclamations in Friesland have been... more
The Count in the Moor. On large landholdings and the steering of medieval reclamations in South-west Friesland. This essay focuses on the question whether and to what extent the full-medieval peatland reclamations in Friesland have been directed by s supra-regional power. So far, the prevailing view was that the agricultural occupation of the peat bogs here, unlike in the southern part of Holland and the province of Utrecht, was exclusively a matter of free settlers. There would have been no government direction on it. To test this assumption, we reconstructed the ‘documentatively petrified’ large land holdings acquired by monasteries and parish churches in the peat bogs of south-west Friesland. Most of these belonged to the Benedictine St Odulfus Abbey of Staveren and were operated by its monks until the 14th century in granges: farms of an extraordinarely large size. An analysis of their layout makes it clear that they came into the monastery's hands as pre-existing reclamation blocks of three or more contiguous peasant farms. It can be made plausible that these blocks came from supra-regional patrons: that is, from the count, the bishop as count (as such appointed by the king) or the bishop as high church leader, who had then in turn been gifted goods from the king or the count for the development of monasteries and parishes. Given the dating of the oldest of these reclamation blocks in the 11th century, this points to a leading role of the successive secular rulers of the Billung and Bruno families rather than that of the Utrecht bishop during the period when he was exercising comital rights in Friesland. In any case, with regard to the peat reclamation for agricultural use in Friesland, there seems to have been direction by the count, whether or not with the involvement of local vassals.
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Report on the pre-cadastral expansion possibilities for address and house number reconstruction within the Amsterdam Time Machine infrastructure, departing from the cadastre of 1832, both back in time to 1647 and back to 1943
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Inventory of church property in Friesland in the middle of the 16th century.
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Early Benedictine monastic farms in southwest Friesland At Hemelum in southwestern Friesland, a monastic farm was excavated in 2017, dated dendrochronologically to 1155- 1157, which made it the oldest known monastic farm in the... more
Early Benedictine monastic farms in southwest
Friesland
At Hemelum in southwestern Friesland, a monastic farm
was excavated in 2017, dated dendrochronologically to 1155-
1157, which made it the oldest known monastic farm in
the Netherlands. It belonged to the Benedictine nunnery of
Hemelum, which was under the St Odulfus abbey of Staveren.
This essay compares its size and layout with those of another
monastic farm identified as a grange of the Staveren abbey,
which, founded in 1132, is considered the oldest monastery in
Friesland. Both farms, like other monastic granges, appear to
have been agricultural centres of outsize scale that were operated under the management of the monks themselves with the
help of lay brothers. The main research question was whether
the Benedictines in Friesland applied the grange system earlier
than the Cistercians did. A comparison with granges of other
orders makes it possible to answer this question in the affirmative. A second question was whether the excavation results
could also help us determine the hitherto unknown foundation
date of the Hemelum convent. An analysis involving the mother
house of Staveren and Hemelum, Oostbroek abbey near Utrecht
(founded ca. 1122), and Vrouwenklooster near De Bilt (1138),
which was dependent on it, leads to the conclusion that the
Hemelum convent, as a women’s dependency of Staveren, dates
from the same time as the excavated convent farm. It may be
assumed that the convent was established simultaneously with
the farm in the years 1155-1157.
Friesland
At Hemelum in southwestern Friesland, a monastic farm
was excavated in 2017, dated dendrochronologically to 1155-
1157, which made it the oldest known monastic farm in
the Netherlands. It belonged to the Benedictine nunnery of
Hemelum, which was under the St Odulfus abbey of Staveren.
This essay compares its size and layout with those of another
monastic farm identified as a grange of the Staveren abbey,
which, founded in 1132, is considered the oldest monastery in
Friesland. Both farms, like other monastic granges, appear to
have been agricultural centres of outsize scale that were operated under the management of the monks themselves with the
help of lay brothers. The main research question was whether
the Benedictines in Friesland applied the grange system earlier
than the Cistercians did. A comparison with granges of other
orders makes it possible to answer this question in the affirmative. A second question was whether the excavation results
could also help us determine the hitherto unknown foundation
date of the Hemelum convent. An analysis involving the mother
house of Staveren and Hemelum, Oostbroek abbey near Utrecht
(founded ca. 1122), and Vrouwenklooster near De Bilt (1138),
which was dependent on it, leads to the conclusion that the
Hemelum convent, as a women’s dependency of Staveren, dates
from the same time as the excavated convent farm. It may be
assumed that the convent was established simultaneously with
the farm in the years 1155-1157.
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Calenda fraternities were religious associations of clergy and lay people, which were relatively widespread in medieval North-Western Europe. They were so called because they met at least once a year on a calenda, which is the first day... more
Calenda fraternities were religious associations of clergy and lay people, which were relatively widespread in medieval North-Western Europe. They were so called because they met at least once a year on a calenda, which is the first day of the month. According to the hitherto accepted views of post-war German medievalists, these were fraternities of various kinds, of which those in the cities were founded in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries to provide intercession for deceased members. The older literature, however, speaks of associations of pastors, always linked to a central mother church. Their members would have been charged with ecclesiastical administrative and legal tasks within the deaneries or sub-deaneries as well as with each other's memorials. If this is correct, the calenda brotherhood would be an ancient institution, dating from the time of the massive church foundations in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The (urban) memorial calenda fraternities of the late Middle Ages would then have originated from it. In this article all data on rural calenda associations in the Frisian lands between Vlie and Weser are examined and mapped in order to answer the question of continuity and discontinuity. The focus is on Munsters and Utrecht Frisia, areas that have not been included in the discussion of this topic so far. The research shows that almost every deanery or sub-deanery in Frisia boasted such a fraternity, mainly consisting of clergymen. In addition to celebrating masses for deceased members, some of them were still performing ecclesiastical administrative duties in the fifteenth century. This suggests that the older literature is correct in assuming a development from a systematically set up organisation per church district.
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In de populaire historiografie worden de middeleeuwen en de vroegmoderne tijd bij uitstek beschouwd als gewelddadige periodes. Studies van goed gedocumenteerde Noordwest-Europese steden hebben aangetoond dat het geweldsniveau daar... more
In de populaire historiografie worden de middeleeuwen en de vroegmoderne tijd bij uitstek beschouwd als gewelddadige periodes. Studies van goed gedocumenteerde Noordwest-Europese steden hebben aangetoond dat het geweldsniveau daar relatief hoog was. Voor het platteland is weinig onderzoek gedaan. In dit essay wordt voor een periode van zes jaar in de vroege zestiende eeuw het fysieke en verbale particuliere geweld op het Friese platteland geanalyseerd aan de hand van rekeningen waarin rechters verslag doen van de inkomsten die zij uit boetes haalden. Deze bronnen zijn beschikbaar voor ongeveer de helft van de gemeenten in het gebied tussen Vlie en Lauwers en blijken gelijkmatig verdeeld. Voor een juiste interpretatie wordt veel aandacht besteed aan de bedoeling ervan, de rechtsgang en de toepassing van de relevante strafrechtelijke bepalingen, zoals vastgelegd in de Saksische ordonnantie van 1504. Een belangrijke conclusie is dat binnen het totale misdaadspectrum de overgrote meerderheid van de zaken betrekking had op geweldsdelicten. Dit was niet anders voor de rijke gebieden op de kleigronden bij de kust, maar voor de arme gebieden op het zand en in de heidegebieden in het achterland. Het is echter ook duidelijk dat het geweld in deze laatste regio's "bloediger" was. De moordcijfers voor de heide- en veengebieden blijken vergelijkbaar te zijn met die van steden als Leeuwarden en Sneek. Dit patroon lijkt in overeenstemming met wat bekend is over het geweldsniveau in laat zestiende-eeuws Drenthe. Het waarom vereist nader onderzoek. Mogelijk heeft een rol gespeeld dat in deze relatief egalitaire gebieden, met hun beperkte mogelijkheden tot vermogensopbouw, langer dan elders is vastgehouden aan de traditie van gerechtelijke zelfhulp bij particuliere conflicten.
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In this paper, a retrogressive model is developed starting from the 16th-century farm, and going back in time to the high Middle Ages. It shows compellingly that farming in the clay regions of Frisia throughout this period was an... more
In this paper, a retrogressive model is developed starting from the 16th-century farm, and going back in time to the high Middle
Ages. It shows compellingly that farming in the clay regions of Frisia throughout this period was an independent family enterprise
that generally focused on both livestock and arable farming. Large landholdings, in the hands of an indigenous elite, certainly
existed; however, these were not large concentrated estates but aggregates of individual family farms. The distribution among the
farms of arable land, pastureland and meadowland varied from area to area since it was dependent on local landscape metrics
in the sense of the quality of the different parts, the evenness of their pattern and their distance from the settlement. However, the
aim was always to ensure that the farms were mutually similar. For this purpose, and for optimum drainage, the nearby arable
land, pastureland and meadowland were split into several parcels with ditches. The use of ‘loose’ lands will have stimulated this
subdivision. The distribution of the more remote, initially still wild or communally used lands over the individual farms will
not have taken place until the late 12th and 13th centuries. Although speculative in nature, the model is also relevant for a large
part of the early Middle Ages and even for earlier periods.
Ages. It shows compellingly that farming in the clay regions of Frisia throughout this period was an independent family enterprise
that generally focused on both livestock and arable farming. Large landholdings, in the hands of an indigenous elite, certainly
existed; however, these were not large concentrated estates but aggregates of individual family farms. The distribution among the
farms of arable land, pastureland and meadowland varied from area to area since it was dependent on local landscape metrics
in the sense of the quality of the different parts, the evenness of their pattern and their distance from the settlement. However, the
aim was always to ensure that the farms were mutually similar. For this purpose, and for optimum drainage, the nearby arable
land, pastureland and meadowland were split into several parcels with ditches. The use of ‘loose’ lands will have stimulated this
subdivision. The distribution of the more remote, initially still wild or communally used lands over the individual farms will
not have taken place until the late 12th and 13th centuries. Although speculative in nature, the model is also relevant for a large
part of the early Middle Ages and even for earlier periods.
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De Friese adel van de late middeleeuwen opereerde in een niet-feodaal gebied dat lange tijd geen landsheer kende. Hadden de leden, hoofdelingen genaamd, zich uit de boerenstand omhooggewerkt of vormden ze vanouds een gesloten stand? Hoe... more
De Friese adel van de late middeleeuwen opereerde in een niet-feodaal gebied dat lange tijd geen landsheer kende. Hadden de leden, hoofdelingen
genaamd, zich uit de boerenstand omhooggewerkt of vormden ze vanouds een gesloten stand? Hoe zat het met hun vermogen? Dit boek zoomt in op Rienck Hemmema en zijn vrouw Ath Roorda. Zij exploiteerden in de jaren 1569-1573 een boerderij in Hitzum onder Franeker. Uit Riencks Rekenboeck blijkt dat hij geen eigenerfde boer was, maar een edelman met een
royale levensstijl en meer inkomsten dan uit die ene boerderij. Een ruimtelijke reconstructie van zijn bezit en dat van zijn voorgeslacht toont hoe agrarisch kapitaal per generatie werd gevormd en overgedragen. Dit beeld wordt getoetst aan een Quote 200 uit 1513 en huwelijksakten uit 1450-1550. Een belangrijke conclusie is dat de Friese adel getalsmatig omvangrijk was, met veel families die leefden van twee of drie boerderijen. De figuur van de edelman-boer kwam dus vaak voor
genaamd, zich uit de boerenstand omhooggewerkt of vormden ze vanouds een gesloten stand? Hoe zat het met hun vermogen? Dit boek zoomt in op Rienck Hemmema en zijn vrouw Ath Roorda. Zij exploiteerden in de jaren 1569-1573 een boerderij in Hitzum onder Franeker. Uit Riencks Rekenboeck blijkt dat hij geen eigenerfde boer was, maar een edelman met een
royale levensstijl en meer inkomsten dan uit die ene boerderij. Een ruimtelijke reconstructie van zijn bezit en dat van zijn voorgeslacht toont hoe agrarisch kapitaal per generatie werd gevormd en overgedragen. Dit beeld wordt getoetst aan een Quote 200 uit 1513 en huwelijksakten uit 1450-1550. Een belangrijke conclusie is dat de Friese adel getalsmatig omvangrijk was, met veel families die leefden van twee of drie boerderijen. De figuur van de edelman-boer kwam dus vaak voor
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In popular historiography, the Middle Ages and early modern times are pre-eminently regarded as violent periods. Studies of well-documented northwestern European cities have shown that the level of violence there was relatively high.... more
In popular historiography, the Middle Ages and early modern times are pre-eminently regarded as violent periods. Studies of well-documented northwestern European cities have shown that the level of violence there was relatively high. Little research was done for rural areas. In this essay, for a period of six years in the early sixteenth century, the physical and verbal private violence in the Frisian countryside is analyzed on the basis of accounts in which judges report on the income they earned from fines. These sources are available for about half of the municipalities in the region between Vlie and Lauwers and appear to be evenly spread. For the correct interpretation, much attention is paid to their intent, the judicial process and the application of relevant criminal law provisions, as laid down in the Saxon Ordinance of 1504. A main conclusion is that within the total crime spectrum the vast majority of cases related to violent crimes. This was no different for the rich regions on the clay soils near the coast but for the poor ones on the sand and in the moors in the hinterland. However, it is also clear that violence was more ‘bloody’ in the latter. The homicide rates for the heath and peat regions appear to be comparable to those of cities like Leeuwarden and Sneek. This pattern appears to be in line with what is known about the violence level in late sixteenth-century Drenthe. The why requires further research. It may have played a role that in these relatively egalitarian areas, with their limited possibilities for property accumulation, the tradition of judicial self-help in private conflicts has been adhered to longer than elsewhere.
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Book review of Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker en Rolf H. Bremmer Jr (red.), Geleefd geloof. Het geloofsleven van boeren en burgers in Friesland en de Ommelanden van Groningen 1200-1580 (Zutphen: Walburg Pers 2021).
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The extensive literature so far devoted to Redbad lacks a spatial approach. Our article wants to provide this, on the basis of the question where to look for the core goods of Redbad in Frisia and how his reign could have been built on... more
The extensive literature so far devoted to Redbad lacks a spatial approach. Our article wants to provide this, on the basis of the question where to look for the core goods of Redbad in Frisia and how his reign could have been built on them and around them. According to our analysis based on the boundaries of the first territorial parishes from the late tenth century, the oldest Frisia consisted of the residential areas along the coast. These formed the nuclei of pagus districts, the rear boundaries of which had been drawn across the original watersheds of the peat bogs behind them. For the Franks, Frisia around 700, seen from the south and east, could not have been any different from the North Sea coast lands behind the moorland wilderness. Frisia Citerior had to coincide with the then temporarily or permanently by Frisian kings controlled central Dutch river area on this side (east) of the peat bogs. When Redbad, the most famous of the Frisian kings, was defeated by Pepin of Herstal in a battle near Dorestad in 695, he lost his direct rule over Frisia Citerior. The fact that afterwards he remained upright as an independent monarch, means that he had his core area elsewhere. We locate this in West-Frisia north of the Maas estuary. Already early in the eighth century the Frankish king there favoured the Church with large parts of large estates that were acquired by confiscation. The (nuclei) of this pre-Franconian royal estate are not found east of the Vlie in that shape and size. This leads to the hypothesis that in the seventh century the most important West-Frisian landowner was able to extend his power range from the coastal zone to a part of the Central Rivers area. However, he was and remained a Frisian monarch, an independent ruler, who not only looked at the Frankish world but also had to take into account the rest of the coastal region east of the Vlie and other areas around the North Sea. This non-Christian world was of great importance to him culturally, economically and militarily, if only because he was considered king within it. This explains the historical ambivalence of Redbad. The Frisians from the areas east of the Vlie will have wanted to support him as a Frisian prince against the Frankish threat but at the same time expected that he would not convert to Christianity. Redbad, for his part, will not have wanted to alienate this strategic and tactical back-up, which attitude then manifested itself in his legendary rejection of baptism. It is likely that as long as Redbad lived, Pepin and Karel Martel were content with their dominance in the Scheldt and Meuse region, and they preferred an agreement with Redbad to a subjugation of all Frisians. They respected his non-Christian interests by directing Willibrord and his family to the areas south of the great rivers.
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Over oude kerken kunnen we veel te weten komen door hun bouwsporen na te trekken. Maar die zeggen niet alles, en helpen ons in veel gevallen onvoldoende verder wanneer we op zoek zijn naar de oudste fasen. Onze blik daarop blijft beperkt... more
Over oude kerken kunnen we veel te weten komen door hun bouwsporen na te trekken. Maar die zeggen niet alles, en helpen ons in veel gevallen onvoldoende verder wanneer we op zoek zijn naar de oudste fasen. Onze blik daarop blijft beperkt zolang archeologisch onderzoek niet in elke kerk voldoende resultaat heeft kunnen boeken. Daarom zijn we mede aangewezen op wat de historische bronnen zeggen over het verband achter de verschillen de kerkstichtingen. De gegevens over dat grotere verband zijn echter moeilijk toegankelijk omdat ze verspreid zijn over verschillende documenten en archieven. Met andere woorden, het bij elkaar zoeken is een enorme klus. Voor de drie noordelijke provincies is er de gelukkige omstandigheid dat de in 2017 over leden Groninger genea loog en historicus Otto Roemeling over een reeks van jaren werkelijk alle informatie uit tekstbronnen heeft ver zameld over de heiligen die er werden vereerd en de geestelijken die aan de kerken verbonden waren. Dit levens werk, dat eerder deels openbaar werd met het verschijnen van Roemelings dissertatie over de Friese kerken, is nu vanaf 19 oktober 2019 ook voor Groningen en Drenthe ontsloten, via de site www.corpusroemeling.nl. In dit artikel vragen we aandacht voor de opzet en geven we een toelichting op het belang. Met heiligen en heren langs middeleeuwse parochiekerken Otto Roemelings gegevensbestand voor Groningen en Drenthe tot omstreeks 1640 1 Van voorreformatorische interieurs is in de meeste kerken maar weinig overgebleven. In Groningen is Holwierde een van de uitzonderingen. Daar is nog het laatgotisch doksaal aanwezig, net als de 16e-eeuwse herenbanken. Foto Duncan Wijting.
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Regional and local history go back a long time in the various provinces of the Netherlands. Focusing on the provinces of Friesland, Noord-Brabant, and Limburg this article shows how after a long and slow development, scientific... more
Regional and local history go back a long time in the various provinces of the Netherlands. Focusing on the provinces of Friesland, Noord-Brabant, and Limburg this article shows how after a long and slow development, scientific historiography there only developed after the 1950s, leading to the establishment of research institutes and funded chairs. Nevertheless, the rise of the heritage field, the demand for valorization, and budget cuts may threaten their positions. Yet, doing regional history should be an integral part of national history and is
ever more relevant in a globalizing world, which demands for glocalization, that is, the interaction of globalization with the local living environments and their idiosyncratic local structures, cultures, and histories.
ever more relevant in a globalizing world, which demands for glocalization, that is, the interaction of globalization with the local living environments and their idiosyncratic local structures, cultures, and histories.
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De bisschop van Utrecht heeft in Friesland en Groningen een grote bijdrage geleverd aan de uitbouw van het parochiewezen sinds ca. 950. De bisschop lijkt daarbij planmatig te werk te zijn gegaan samen met de lokale adel. Hij liet... more
De bisschop van Utrecht heeft in Friesland en Groningen een grote bijdrage geleverd aan de uitbouw van het parochiewezen sinds ca. 950. De bisschop lijkt daarbij planmatig te werk te zijn gegaan samen met de lokale adel. Hij liet parochiegebieden afbakenen en deelde oude en nieuwe moederkerken een centrale rol toe in de zielzorg, kerkelijke rechtspraak en kerkelijke belastingheffing. Waar in de Karolingische tijd de kerken als missiecentra nog los naast elkaar fungeerden, werden ze nu door hem gaandeweg in een districtsverband ondergebracht. De vraag is nu of en hoe de bisschop ook in het ‘Hollandse’ Friesland de territoriale parochie heeft geïntroduceerd.
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Medieval peat reclamation near St. Ursula Southeast of the town of Workum in the province of Friesland, human remains and a fragment of a sandstone sarcophagus were found at or near the site, according to a local myth, of a lost medieval... more
Medieval peat reclamation near St. Ursula
Southeast of the town of Workum in the province of Friesland,
human remains and a fragment of a sandstone sarcophagus
were found at or near the site, according to a local myth, of a lost
medieval convent. This convent was said to have been dedicated
to St. Ursula, the virgin saint after whom a neighbouring canal
and a small lake were named. In this study it is argued that St.
Ursula was indeed a local patron saint, be it not of a convent
but of a parish church, which was founded in the 11th century.
The founding of this church is linked to the start of extensive
agrarian peat reclamations. It served the colonists of the whole
region south of the small river Larts until the late 12th century,
when the peasants at the front of the reclamations, who had
moved far away from the base at Saint Ursula’s, built a church
of their own called Osledewald or Ursulawoude, also known
as Oudega. St. Ursula’s church itself did not survive for long,
probably because of the poverty of its remaining parishioners.
Increasing drainage problems caused by peat reclamation in the
wider area resulted in deteriorating environmental conditions.
The parish of St. Ursula’s was merged with that of St. Gertrud of
Workum after 1200. This search for St. Ursula’s sheds new light
on the landscape and occupation history of a fairly large part of
southwestern Friesland.
Southeast of the town of Workum in the province of Friesland,
human remains and a fragment of a sandstone sarcophagus
were found at or near the site, according to a local myth, of a lost
medieval convent. This convent was said to have been dedicated
to St. Ursula, the virgin saint after whom a neighbouring canal
and a small lake were named. In this study it is argued that St.
Ursula was indeed a local patron saint, be it not of a convent
but of a parish church, which was founded in the 11th century.
The founding of this church is linked to the start of extensive
agrarian peat reclamations. It served the colonists of the whole
region south of the small river Larts until the late 12th century,
when the peasants at the front of the reclamations, who had
moved far away from the base at Saint Ursula’s, built a church
of their own called Osledewald or Ursulawoude, also known
as Oudega. St. Ursula’s church itself did not survive for long,
probably because of the poverty of its remaining parishioners.
Increasing drainage problems caused by peat reclamation in the
wider area resulted in deteriorating environmental conditions.
The parish of St. Ursula’s was merged with that of St. Gertrud of
Workum after 1200. This search for St. Ursula’s sheds new light
on the landscape and occupation history of a fairly large part of
southwestern Friesland.
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recensie van: Bas van Bavel, Manors and Markets: Economy and Society in the Low Countries, 500-1600 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2010). In www.contactgroepsignum.eu 2012
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The present day clay district of the Northern Netherlands once was an open salt marsh where people had to erect their houses on clay platforms in order to protect themselves against high tides and floods. These artificial dwelling mounds... more
The present day clay district of the Northern Netherlands once was an open salt marsh where people had to erect their houses on clay platforms in order to protect themselves against high tides and floods. These artificial dwelling mounds are called terps, in Dutch terpen or wierden. The High Middle Ages saw the last phase of this traditional way of living.
Since c. 850, that is well before the whole coastal region was embanked, many terps were greatly enlarged for agricultural use, by which they got the character of raised arable fields. This specific process of terp extension reached its momentum in the tenth century and slowed down after the middle of the eleventh century. However, the year 1050 does not mark the end of the terp period. The so-called buurten (neighbourhoods) – small clusters of non-agricultural dwellings –developed during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, on platforms of their own or on the edge of older agricultural terps, in most cases next to or near a church.
It has become clear that as the terps were gradually raised and broadened, the farms which had their original location at the centre of the mounds moved to the edges, to become fixed there at a certain point. The form and structure of a terp as arable elevation and the position of the farms on it seem to have been tailored to the specific relief of the surroundings, as the terp may be situated e.g. on a high sandy salt marsh ridge or in a lower part of the salt marsh. In general, the principle was followed that the farmsteads had to be mutually equal. On this basis and depending on the landscape, the form of the arable mound could vary from a circle shape with a radial allotment division to a square appearance with rectangular-shaped par¬cels (and several forms in between).
As in many other regions in Europe, the formation of villa¬ges started with the foundation of parish churches. The overall shape of the first villages depended therefore on the location of the churches, as a church could be built at a distance of or just very near an older agrarian settlement. The early church buil¬ders apparently chose to spare the raised arable fields when they looked for an apt site, since the mother churches of the tenth century are never found to have been erected right at the centre of a large terp. Most of them were built on small, already exis¬ting one-farm terps or on separate new clay platforms.
One of our new insights is that the later developments in church building did not take place in the same way and at the same time in the various parts of the coastal area. Landscape conditions played a major role in this process. The first daughter churches that branched off the mother parishes and were yet built on top of a mound, are found only on the higher ridges of the salt marsh and in the vicinity of newly silted up land, that is land with favourable conditions for arable farming outside the terps. For the churches that were founded in the lower parts of the salt marsh, elevated sites next to the large arable mounds were still preferred. However, in the twelfth century the change sketched above occurred here as well: the new daughter chur¬ches of that time often got a location on the very top of the terps concerned.
The fact that after c. 1050 the terps gradually lost their ara¬ble space to houses and allotments of non-agricultural villagers had multiple causes. Continued embankment construction by then made arable farming on the flat land outside the terps – although widely practiced before - significantly less risky. The large-scale reclamation of the adjacent peat areas, which star¬ted off in the tenth century, also may have contributed to the decline of the value of fields on the terps for agriculture. At least in their initial phase, these reclamations led to an additional supply of bread grain to the market.
Since c. 850, that is well before the whole coastal region was embanked, many terps were greatly enlarged for agricultural use, by which they got the character of raised arable fields. This specific process of terp extension reached its momentum in the tenth century and slowed down after the middle of the eleventh century. However, the year 1050 does not mark the end of the terp period. The so-called buurten (neighbourhoods) – small clusters of non-agricultural dwellings –developed during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, on platforms of their own or on the edge of older agricultural terps, in most cases next to or near a church.
It has become clear that as the terps were gradually raised and broadened, the farms which had their original location at the centre of the mounds moved to the edges, to become fixed there at a certain point. The form and structure of a terp as arable elevation and the position of the farms on it seem to have been tailored to the specific relief of the surroundings, as the terp may be situated e.g. on a high sandy salt marsh ridge or in a lower part of the salt marsh. In general, the principle was followed that the farmsteads had to be mutually equal. On this basis and depending on the landscape, the form of the arable mound could vary from a circle shape with a radial allotment division to a square appearance with rectangular-shaped par¬cels (and several forms in between).
As in many other regions in Europe, the formation of villa¬ges started with the foundation of parish churches. The overall shape of the first villages depended therefore on the location of the churches, as a church could be built at a distance of or just very near an older agrarian settlement. The early church buil¬ders apparently chose to spare the raised arable fields when they looked for an apt site, since the mother churches of the tenth century are never found to have been erected right at the centre of a large terp. Most of them were built on small, already exis¬ting one-farm terps or on separate new clay platforms.
One of our new insights is that the later developments in church building did not take place in the same way and at the same time in the various parts of the coastal area. Landscape conditions played a major role in this process. The first daughter churches that branched off the mother parishes and were yet built on top of a mound, are found only on the higher ridges of the salt marsh and in the vicinity of newly silted up land, that is land with favourable conditions for arable farming outside the terps. For the churches that were founded in the lower parts of the salt marsh, elevated sites next to the large arable mounds were still preferred. However, in the twelfth century the change sketched above occurred here as well: the new daughter chur¬ches of that time often got a location on the very top of the terps concerned.
The fact that after c. 1050 the terps gradually lost their ara¬ble space to houses and allotments of non-agricultural villagers had multiple causes. Continued embankment construction by then made arable farming on the flat land outside the terps – although widely practiced before - significantly less risky. The large-scale reclamation of the adjacent peat areas, which star¬ted off in the tenth century, also may have contributed to the decline of the value of fields on the terps for agriculture. At least in their initial phase, these reclamations led to an additional supply of bread grain to the market.
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In the 15th century the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order was internally divided by a long-lasting con ict between two groups of knight brethren, the Westphalians and the Rhinelanders, who were united according to regional origin.... more
In the 15th century the Livonian branch of the Teutonic Order was internally divided by a long-lasting con ict between two groups of knight brethren, the Westphalians and the Rhinelanders, who were united according to regional origin. They each strived to control the most important offces, though their discord indirectly also concerned the
political course of the Order state. The central question in this paper is how the brethren from the Netherlands – not clearly being tied to Westphalia or the Rhineland – fared in this strife for predominance within Livonia. It is shown that the brethren from the Low Countries got access to central positions by joining the Rhineland group, who – with support of Grand Master Paul von Rusdorf in Prussia – gained the upper hand for some time, especially after one of them, Cisse van den Rutenberg, was appointed Livonian Master in 1424 The result was that the ‘Dutch’ could increase their number, counting for about one sixth of the Livonian knights around 1435. Looking more closely at the background of the Rhinelanders we have to conclude that these, originating from regions at relatively great distance from each other, did not constitute a cohesive party but must have made up a broad non-Westphalian rest category. The members might have tended to seek each other’s help against exclusion by a Westphalian core group. When the Westphalians succeeded in regaining the leading position in 1438, they reinforced their grip on the recruitment and advancement of the knight brethren. For the ‘Dutch’, this meant that they lost all career
perspectives, with the result that their number decreased greatly after 1450.
political course of the Order state. The central question in this paper is how the brethren from the Netherlands – not clearly being tied to Westphalia or the Rhineland – fared in this strife for predominance within Livonia. It is shown that the brethren from the Low Countries got access to central positions by joining the Rhineland group, who – with support of Grand Master Paul von Rusdorf in Prussia – gained the upper hand for some time, especially after one of them, Cisse van den Rutenberg, was appointed Livonian Master in 1424 The result was that the ‘Dutch’ could increase their number, counting for about one sixth of the Livonian knights around 1435. Looking more closely at the background of the Rhinelanders we have to conclude that these, originating from regions at relatively great distance from each other, did not constitute a cohesive party but must have made up a broad non-Westphalian rest category. The members might have tended to seek each other’s help against exclusion by a Westphalian core group. When the Westphalians succeeded in regaining the leading position in 1438, they reinforced their grip on the recruitment and advancement of the knight brethren. For the ‘Dutch’, this meant that they lost all career
perspectives, with the result that their number decreased greatly after 1450.
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... gewesen sein. lnwieweit eine derartige Kulti-vierung auch das friesische Klei-und Moorland einbezog, mü1Ste noch von Kloster zu Kloster untersucht werden. Dabei ... wird. Abgesehen von 3 VgI. Cornelis Dekker, Zuid-Beveland. De... more
... gewesen sein. lnwieweit eine derartige Kulti-vierung auch das friesische Klei-und Moorland einbezog, mü1Ste noch von Kloster zu Kloster untersucht werden. Dabei ... wird. Abgesehen von 3 VgI. Cornelis Dekker, Zuid-Beveland. De historische ...
In the late Middle Ages and early modern times, able-bodied men between sixteen and sixty years of age were called upon all over Europe to participate in raids, sieges and battles, for the defense of home and hearth. Because they are... more
In the late Middle Ages and early modern times, able-bodied men between sixteen and sixty years of age were called upon all over Europe to participate in raids, sieges and battles, for the defense of home and hearth. Because they are regarded as amateurs, military historiography has paid little attention to their efforts. This book aims to change that by studying the mobilization, organization and weaponry of popular levies for a time when war was frequently waged between states in the making. The composition and development of the rural and urban militias in Friesland are central to the book. These are dissected in a comparative Northwest European perspective. It is also examined why the self-defense of the Frisians ultimately failed in their efforts to preserve their political autonomy. The main source is an extensive series of muster lists from 1552 that have survived for six cities and fourteen rural districts.
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Dissertatie Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam
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German translation of the dissertation De Friese huizen van de Duitse Orde. Nes, Steenkerk en Schoten en hun plaats in het middeleeuwse Friese kloosterlandschap, which was defended at the Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam 6 November 1991
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Edition of last wills from Friesland west of the Lauwers before 1550
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At the beginning of March 1428, a politically charged murder took place in the south-west of Latvia near Libau (Liepaja). With a number of armed men the Teutonic Order official Goswin von Ascheberg, Vogt of Grobin, attacked there an envoy... more
At the beginning of March 1428, a politically charged murder took place in the south-west of Latvia near Libau (Liepaja). With a number of armed men the Teutonic Order official Goswin von Ascheberg, Vogt of Grobin, attacked there an envoy of clergymen who had set out from Riga on behalf of four dioceses of Livonia towards Rome to complain to the pope about their treatment by the Teutonic Order. Ascheberg read their letters, robbed them of money, goods and clothes, and drowned them in Lake Liepaja as traitors. In this paper we try to deduce some insights from the way the Teutonic Order behaved towards the chief perpetrator, the main question being whether Ascheberg acted at the behest of his superiors. To this end Ascheberg's trail is followed from the beginning of March 1428, leading the reader via Rome, Biesen in present-day Belgium to the Order house of Dieren near Arnhem in the Netherlands and the commandery Arsta in Sweden, ending finally in the convent of Narva in Livonia in 1451.
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Paper read at the symposium 'De toekomst van onze agrarische collecties', ter gelegenheid van het afscheid van Henk Dijkstra als directeur van het Fries Landbouwmuseum, Goutum 9 december 2022
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Report on the pre-cadastral expansion possibilities for address and house number reconstruction within the Amsterdam Time Machine infrastructure, departing from the cadastre of 1832, both back in time to 1647 and back to 1943
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A b s t r a c t Five late-medieval historical chronicles from Frisia present a series of legends about the Frisians, concerning their origin and the acquisition of their freedom. Each of these legends opens with a concrete parallel from... more
A b s t r a c t Five late-medieval historical chronicles from Frisia present a series of legends about the Frisians, concerning their origin and the acquisition of their freedom. Each of these legends opens with a concrete parallel from the history of the Jewish people, to make clear that the Frisians, too, enjoyed God's exceptional protection. This article tries to establish when and why these works were written. The many divergences between the texts demonstrate that many more versions and copies were once in circulation. The chronicles especially intended to reach the inhabitants of Frisia west of the Lauwers. It can be shown that the base versions of the vernacular editions were written between 1464 and 1479. One of the places where editing of these took place was the Cistercian abbey of Klaarkamp. But the author of the Latin base text, the Historia Frisiae, does not seem to have been a monk, since his work has a more militant character than the popular versions. All of the texts, however, were intended to reinforce of the patriotic awareness of the Frisians at a time when their political autonomy was threatened by the dukes of Burgundy.
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Boekbespreking van Jan Hosten, De Tempeliers in de Lage Landen (Amsterdam 2020)