- Lawrence Rubin is an associate professor in the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs at the Georgia Institute of ... moreLawrence Rubin is an associate professor in the Sam Nunn School of International Affairs at the Georgia Institute of Technology and a faculty affiliate of the Center for International Strategy Technology, and Policy. His research interests include Middle East politics and international security with a specific focus on Islam and politics, Arab foreign policies, and nuclear proliferation. He has conducted research in Morocco, Egypt, Israel, the UAE, and Yemen.
Rubin is the author of Islam in the Balance: Ideational Threats in Arab Politics(Stanford University Press, 2014). His other work has been published in International Studies Review, Politics, Religion & Ideology,Middle East Policy, Terrorism and Political Violence, Contemporary Security Policy, and the Washington Post. Rubin is a co-editor and contributor Terrorist Rehabilitation and Counter-Radicalisation: New Approaches to Counter-terrorism (Routledge 2011).
Prior to coming to Georgia Tech, Rubin was a Research Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs with the Dubai Initiative in Harvard University’s Kennedy School of Government (2009-2010) and was lecturer on the Robert and Myra Kraft chair in Arab politics at the Crown Center for Middle East Studies, Brandeis University (2008-2009). Outside of Academia, he has held positions at the National Defense University’s Near East South Asia Center for Strategic Studies and the RAND Corporation. Rubin serves as the Associate Editor for the journal Terrorism and Political Violence.
Rubin received his PhD in Political Science from UCLA (2009) and earned degrees from University of Oxford, London School of Economics, and UC Berkeley. His research has been supported by the Hollings Center for International Dialogue, the Institute of Global Cooperation and Conflict, the U.S. Department of Education, Horowitz Foundation for Social Policy, Project on Middle East Political Science, and the Defense Threat Reduction Agency.edit
Presented on September 16, 2013 from 5:00 pm- 6:30 pm in Clough Commons, room 102.Faculty from GT’s Sam Nunn School of International Affairs (INTA) will examine the Syrian crisis from several angles and discuss the implications of US... more
Presented on September 16, 2013 from 5:00 pm- 6:30 pm in Clough Commons, room 102.Faculty from GT’s Sam Nunn School of International Affairs (INTA) will examine the Syrian crisis from several angles and discuss the implications of US policy. Panelists: Dr. Bob Kennedy, Professor, INTA Legalities of military action under international law and US Constitutional issues associated with the use of military force ; Dr. Margaret E. Kosal, Assistant Professor, INTA WMD dimensions and potential US military responses ; Dr. Jenna Jordan, Assistant Professor, INTA Alternative force strategies and Hezbollah ; Dr. Larry Rubin, Assistant Professor, INTA Implications for regional security; Dr. Adam N. Stulberg, Moderator: Associate Professor and Co-Director of CISTP, INTA.Runtime: 99:32 minutes.To intervene or not to intervene: is that the question? What are the strategic, regional, political, and other drivers and consequences of U.S. action amid unfolding events in Syria? Given the recent events surrounding the suspected use of chemical weapons in Syria and contemplation of use of military force, CISTP is hosting a panel discussion on Syrian Crisis, the implications for WMD proliferation and terrorism, and broader security repercussions in the Middle East The purpose of this panel will be to answer questions and to help the audience navigate these difficult policy considerations fostering an informed public debate
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Presented on September 16, 2014 at 5:00 PM in the Clough Undergraduate Learning Commons, room 102.
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In the last few years, the Islamic State, or IS, has become a central focus of public debates about U.S. national security. A May 2016 poll by the Pew Research Center reported that 80 percent of Am...
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The case study for Oman titled “Sultan Qaboos and Operation Eagle Claw” reinforces Gresh’s argument in that news that the United States had used Oman as a way station during the Iranian hostage rescue attempt without informing the Omanis... more
The case study for Oman titled “Sultan Qaboos and Operation Eagle Claw” reinforces Gresh’s argument in that news that the United States had used Oman as a way station during the Iranian hostage rescue attempt without informing the Omanis proved awkward for both the sultan and President Carter. In the end, diplomacy and a bolstered aid package enabled the United States to maintain a small footprint on the island of Masirah at the northwestern end of the Northern Arabian Gulf. Assigned to a Military Sealift Command oiler operating off Masirah during the tanker wars of the mid-1980s, I can attest to the critical role the Masirah facility played in sustaining US Navy operations that kept the Strait of Hormuz open. Perhaps as thought provoking as Gresh’s internal/external security framework are his observations in the concluding section. His first chapter “Oil and War” makes it clear that access to cheap energy sources drove American interests in the region. Now that the United States is reachieving energy independence, how will American foreign policy in the region change? Certainly the United States will want to continue to contain Iranian nuclear aspirations and support efforts to defeat radicalized terrorists. Gresh hints at a coming changing of the guard as China is becoming as dependent on the Gulf for energy supplies. As demonstrated by the Chinese construction of bases in the South China Sea and the opening of a facility in Djibouti, the Chinese are working to secure their sea lanes to and from the region. The forthcoming regional competition between the United States and China need not be confrontational. It’s a coming reality that warrants further examination. Most impressive is Gresh’s use of primary source materials. I found it strange that no bibliography of secondary sources was provided. Instead, secondary sources, when used, are buried in the endnotes. One personal annoyance is that he misidentified me as an employee of the Naval History and Heritage Command (NHHC) and identified the Bahrain book research papers I loaned him as being part of the NHHC archives. There are Winkler Papers at NHHC—the collection of papers associated with my US–USSR Incidents at Sea dissertation. For the near future I intend to retain the Bahrain book papers at my Naval Historical Foundation office.
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A number of recent studies have recognized the importance of status in international politics. While this developing scholarship has largely focused on great and middle powers, the pursuit of status by small states remains underexplored.... more
A number of recent studies have recognized the importance of status in international politics. While this developing scholarship has largely focused on great and middle powers, the pursuit of status by small states remains underexplored. For example, many studies claim that small states such as Qatar ‘punch above their weight’ in international politics in pursuit of status. How do small states without significant military power acquire status? How can we assess change in status over time? This paper argues that small states can acquire status by increasing their involvement in international politics and one way states can do this is through mediation efforts. Acting as a mediator for international conflict can enhance a small state’s status relative to its peers by demonstrating its relevance and importance in the regional and international system. This public act of mediation produces commonly held beliefs that the mediator state is an influential player in the international system...
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Abstract This paper examines Islamic political activism among the Bedouin Arab citizens of Israel who reside in the Negev/Naqab (southern Israel). It describes how a religious-political movement became the dominant political force among... more
Abstract This paper examines Islamic political activism among the Bedouin Arab citizens of Israel who reside in the Negev/Naqab (southern Israel). It describes how a religious-political movement became the dominant political force among the non-Jewish communities of the Negev, in doing so, this paper explores the link between religious-political ideology, represented by the Islamic movement, and tribalism, the dominant social-cultural influence among this population. While this paper is a first cut at trying to understand these linkages, I suggest that Israeli Islamist political leaders have mobilized support in two interconnected ways. First, they have attracted support through dawa (religious education), social-welfare activities, and mobilizing symbols. Second, Islamic political activists have worked within and exploited one of the most salient features of Bedouin life, tribalism, by recruiting support from the lower-status, largely urbanized, and landless tribes. These activities have taken place within the broader context of a changing landscape of identity within these communities of the Negev.
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ABSTRACT This article examines how and why four Arab states, Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, and Egypt, have increased official Islam (OI) to counter the new challenges in the regional environment following the Arab uprisings. It argues that... more
ABSTRACT This article examines how and why four Arab states, Morocco, Jordan, Tunisia, and Egypt, have increased official Islam (OI) to counter the new challenges in the regional environment following the Arab uprisings. It argues that regimes responded to the initial rise of popular Islam as well as the threat from extremist groups by enhancing their support for official Islam. In an effort to control the religious space and legitimize their rule, these regimes have allocated financial resources, political capital, and institutional power to elements of official Islam. Furthermore, these regimes’ survival strategies vary according to the regime type and the presence or absence of inherited religious institutions. For example, we find that Tunisia turned to foreign training of their imams and greater cooperation with religious leaders in other countries. By contrast, Egypt, under President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, further coopted al-Azhar and OI by setting the agenda for how religion institutions should engage society. Meanwhile, Jordan continued its long-standing development of OI while Morocco further expanded and internationalized OI. These similar goals but distinct approaches demonstrate the importance of the understanding the context in which these specific policies are developed.
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ABSTRACT This paper examines the curious case of the Islamic movement in Israel, from its origins in the early 1970s, fragmentation in the mid-1990s, to its present state. It provides an overview of this Islamic movement as a window into... more
ABSTRACT This paper examines the curious case of the Islamic movement in Israel, from its origins in the early 1970s, fragmentation in the mid-1990s, to its present state. It provides an overview of this Islamic movement as a window into an under-examined subject at the intersection of Israeli-Arab and Islamist politics.
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ABSTRACT This paper examines the development of ‘Official Islam’, or state-sponsored religious institutions, in Jordan. We argue that Jordan's development went through three phases. From its independence in 1947 until the... more
ABSTRACT This paper examines the development of ‘Official Islam’, or state-sponsored religious institutions, in Jordan. We argue that Jordan's development went through three phases. From its independence in 1947 until the revolution, the state undertook minimal efforts to develop this institution. After the Iranian revolution, however, the state changed course by developing two such institutions – the Advisory Council of Dar al-Ifta (Department for Issuing Fatwas) and the Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought. These institutional changes set the stage for the regime's new policy of seeking to manage the public religious space. With the rise of Global Jihadism in the late 1990s, however, the state has increasingly empowered both institutions seeking to actively shape the religious space and debate in Jordan.
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... Gerges challenges the conventional wisdom that Ayman Al-Zawahiri, Ossama bin Laden, and others always had a global agenda. The author carefully examines Ayman Al-Zawahiri's own words and actions to demonstrate this point. ...
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How and why has the use of force become a counterterrorism strategy, not just an important tactic? Kinetic options are not the only, or even primary, answer to countering terrorism and often result in suboptimal strategies which weaken... more
How and why has the use of force become a counterterrorism strategy, not just an important tactic? Kinetic options are not the only, or even primary, answer to countering terrorism and often result in suboptimal strategies which weaken U.S. power and lead to a greater loss of American lives.
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As the presidential campaigns launch into full swing, there is little doubt that debating the effectiveness of U.S. efforts to combat ISIS will take center stage. Critics of the current administration's policy have argued that the... more
As the presidential campaigns launch into full swing, there is little doubt that debating the effectiveness of U.S. efforts to combat ISIS will take center stage. Critics of the current administration's policy have argued that the strategy of containment to " degrade and destroy " ISIS has been ineffective. This camp asserts that ISIS is a long way from being destroyed and is not even being contained: ISIS has expanded its reach to other territories, increased its attacks on targets outside its borders, and its ideological appeal shows no sign of decline. Meanwhile, supporters of the current approach remind us that this will be a long war and also point out that Islamic State has lost significant territory, its finances are being depleted, its recruitment is down, and local counter-ISIS forces are getting stronger. Yet both views miss the mark about a crucial aspect of U.S. policy: containment. Cultivated in the early days of the Cold War to prevent the expanding influence of the Soviet Union, a massive state with a strong ideology and robust military, George Kennan's interpretation of containment highlights its limitations within the context of ISIS. Containment cannot be applied the same way it was against ISIS, an elusive adversary that has the characteristics of a state, a transnational terrorist organization and a social movement. Moreover, it is much harder to contain an ideological threat than a military one, as the U.S. experience with the Soviet Union showed. It is essential that policy makers recognize what containment can and can't do against ISIS. Instead, containment should be understood as a way to limit ISIS's territorial expansion in Iraq and Syria, and not as an effort to destroy the organization. This is a tall order during a highly charged election season, where the policy alternatives range from carpet bombing to committing large numbers of troops. Thus, to move the counter-ISIS efforts into the win column, the United States should set three realistic expectations. First, it should make clear that the United States can contain ISIS as a state or an insurgent group, but it cannot contain its ideology. Second, the United States can prevent ISIS's expansion in the peripheral areas by bolstering communal resilience to contain its transnational affiliates. Third, the United States should continue to bolster our defenses against attacks on U.S. soil. What Is Containment? Defined as restricting the activities of an actor to a demarcated territory, containment has been the cornerstone of the administration's strategy to eventually defeat and eliminate ISIS. The logic that undergirds this effort is that it avoids a large scale and costly military intervention that could cause more harm than good.
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... Gates had the long-term goal of moving the CRRC to a consortium. ... These records have already been used as the basis for a number of important publications.4 For a review of two of them, see Lawrence Rubin, 'A Review of: Kevin... more
... Gates had the long-term goal of moving the CRRC to a consortium. ... These records have already been used as the basis for a number of important publications.4 For a review of two of them, see Lawrence Rubin, 'A Review of: Kevin M. Woods. ...
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Islam in the Balance: Ideational Threats in Arab Politics is an analysis of how ideas, or political ideology, can threaten states and how states react to ideational threats. It examines the threat perception and policies of two Arab... more
Islam in the Balance: Ideational Threats in Arab Politics is an analysis of how ideas, or political ideology, can threaten states and how states react to ideational threats. It examines the threat perception and policies of two Arab Muslim majority states, Egypt and Saudi Arabia, in response to the rise and activities of two revolutionary "Islamic states," established in Iran (1979) and Sudan (1989).
Using these comparative case studies, the book provides important insight about the role of religious ideology for the international and domestic politics of the Middle East and, in doing so, advances our understanding of how, why, and when ideology affects threat perception and state policy.
Rubin makes clear that transnational ideologies may present a greater and more immediate national security threat than shifts in the military balance of power: first because ideology, or ideational power, triggers threat perception and affects state policy; second because states engage in ideational balancing in response to an ideological threat.
The book has significant implications for international relations theory and engages important debates in comparative politics about authoritarianism and Islamic activism. Its findings about how an Islamist regime or state behaves will provide vital insight for policy creation by the US and its Middle East allies should another such regime or state emerge.
Using these comparative case studies, the book provides important insight about the role of religious ideology for the international and domestic politics of the Middle East and, in doing so, advances our understanding of how, why, and when ideology affects threat perception and state policy.
Rubin makes clear that transnational ideologies may present a greater and more immediate national security threat than shifts in the military balance of power: first because ideology, or ideational power, triggers threat perception and affects state policy; second because states engage in ideational balancing in response to an ideological threat.
The book has significant implications for international relations theory and engages important debates in comparative politics about authoritarianism and Islamic activism. Its findings about how an Islamist regime or state behaves will provide vital insight for policy creation by the US and its Middle East allies should another such regime or state emerge.
... The Egyptian case, presented by Dr. Lawrence Rubin in Chapter 3, contains important similarities and differences. ... Rohan Gunaratna, head of the ICPVTR, International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, and Ustaz... more
... The Egyptian case, presented by Dr. Lawrence Rubin in Chapter 3, contains important similarities and differences. ... Rohan Gunaratna, head of the ICPVTR, International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research, and Ustaz Mohamed Feisal Bin Mohamed Hassan, a ...
ABSTRACT This paper examines the development of Of cial Islam , or state-sponsored religious institutions, in Jordan. We argue that Jordan s development went through three phases. From its independence in 1947 until the revolution, the... more
ABSTRACT This paper examines the development of Of cial Islam , or state-sponsored religious institutions, in Jordan. We argue that Jordan s development went through three phases.
From its independence in 1947 until the revolution, the state undertook minimal efforts to develop this institution. After the Iranian revolution, however, the state changed course by
developing two such institutions the Advisory Council of Dar al-Ifta (Department for Issuing Fatwas) and the Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought. These institutional changes set the stage for the regime s new policy of seeking to manage the public religious space. With the rise of Global Jihadism in the late 1990s, however, the state has increasingly empowered both institutions seeking to actively shape the religious space and debate in
Jordan.
From its independence in 1947 until the revolution, the state undertook minimal efforts to develop this institution. After the Iranian revolution, however, the state changed course by
developing two such institutions the Advisory Council of Dar al-Ifta (Department for Issuing Fatwas) and the Royal Aal al-Bayt Institute for Islamic Thought. These institutional changes set the stage for the regime s new policy of seeking to manage the public religious space. With the rise of Global Jihadism in the late 1990s, however, the state has increasingly empowered both institutions seeking to actively shape the religious space and debate in
Jordan.
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The purpose of this paper is to explore the role of soft power in Middle East politics by laying out a basic typology, identifying the sources of soft power, and illustrating its importance for regional politics. I present three related... more
The purpose of this paper is to explore the role of soft power in Middle East politics by laying out a basic typology, identifying the sources of soft power, and illustrating its importance for regional politics. I present three related arguments. First, the decline of two major Arab powers, Egypt and Iraq, has created political opportunities for the non-Arab states of Turkey and Iran to appeal to Arab domestic audiences; Iran’s and Turkey’s hard power has enabled these states to pursue policies that enhance their soft power. Second, this shift in regional structures, combined with dramatic changes in information technology, transportation and trade has enabled smaller states to play a larger role in regional politics than they had in the past. Third, although these descriptions of soft power illustrate its diversity as a concept and currency, the paper highlights the darker side of soft power; namely, how soft power has been used as coercive foreign policy tool and how it triggers threat perception.
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A Review of: “Kevin M. Woods. The Mother of All Battles: Saddam Hussein's Strategic Plan for the Persian Gulf War. Kevin M. Woods with Michael R. Pease, Mark Stout, Williamson Murray, and James Lacey. The Iraqi Perspectives Report: Saddam's Senior Leadership on Operation Iraqi Freedom from the Of...more
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Page 1. Ideological Reorientation and Counterterrorism: Confronting Militant Islam in Egypt LISA BLAYDES Department of Political Science, Stanford University, Palo Alto, California, USA LAWRENCE RUBIN Department of ...