Containment Policy

McDougall outlines eight US traditions of diplomacy and foreign policy, which he identified in the process of reviewing previous conceptions of these and the primary source they drew from. Given my ongoing reflections on US grand strategy [for Plot Politics] and the fact that I am a sucker for attempts at comprehensive thematic frameworks, I thought I would outline and compare the traditions he identified. Thus, as a book summary, this article will take a modest amount of time to read but is certainly shorter than reading the book. While I do not fully agree with some of his characterizations of, or issues with some of these traditions, I do believe that the eight traditions are a valid way of conceptualizing the history of U.S. diplomacy and foreign policy. More importantly, they are invaluable for those attempting understand the many contradictions of U.S. rhetoric and policy. I also throw in my two cents at the end regarding the third century of US diplomacy and foreign policy.

ÖZET
İkinci Dünya Savaşı’nın ardından Amerika Birleşik Devletleri (ABD) ve Sovyet Sosyalist Cumhuriyetler Birliği (SSCB) süper güç olarak ortaya çıkmıştır. İkinci dünya savasında müttefik devletler olan SSCB ile ABD, soğuk savaş döneminde güç mücadelesi yarışına girmiştir. Bu nedenle ABD, SSCB’yi çevrelemek adına güvenlik politikalarını oluşturmuştur. Çevreleme Politikası soğuk savaş döneminde benimsenen temel güvenlik politikalarından olmakla birlikte, ABD’nin Asya- Pasifik politikası olan Domino Teorisinin de çıkış noktasıdır. Soğuk savaş dönemi her ne kadar barış dönemi olarak adlandırılsa da Asya-Pasifik bölgesinde yaşanan krizler iki süper gücü karşı karşıya getirmiştir.
Bu çalışmanın amacı soğuk savaş dönemi sırasında ABD’nin Asya-Pasifik bölgesinde Soğuk Savaş döneminin kritik savaşlarından olan Vietnam savaşının, ABD ve dünya açısından nedenleri ve sonuçları incelenmiştir.
Anahtar kelimeler: ABD, Vietnam, Çevreleme Politikası, Domino Teorisi, Vietnam Savaşı, Asya-Pasifik Bölgesi, Soğuk Savaş Dönemi.

This paper discusses the application of the containment strategy in combating terrorism in North East Nigeria. To achieve this aim, secondary data in the form of written texts, journal articles, newspaper reports and internet webpages are utilized. This research is pertinent for the Nigerian Armed Forces is yet to discover a befitting strategy at quelling terrorism in the north east region. Also, the retrogressing effects of the current strategy adopted by the Nigerian government makes the findings of this work a compelling alternative to the existing strategy. A detailed hypothesis on how the containment strategy can be applied in the north east region has been attempted in this work. There is, however, a necessity for further needs analysis and more specific and elaborate study by strategists and tacticians of the Nigerian armed forces to weigh the potency, strength, weakness, the opportunity cost and the threats of this idea in regard to the general and peculiar Boko Haram conflict context.

ในทัศนะของนักวิชาการความสัมพันธ์ระหว่างประเทศจำนวนมาก ภูมิภาคเอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงใต้เป็นตัวแบบที่ประสบความสำเร็จในการส่งเสริมสันติภาพ เสถียรภาพ และการบูรณาการสำหรับประเทศกำลังพัฒนา อย่างไรก็ตามบทความนี้เสนอว่าเอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงใต้ยังคงห่างไกลจากสภาวะดังกล่าว หากแต่เอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงใต้ควรถูกพิจารณาในฐานะเขตอิทธิพลของมหาอำนาจ คือ จีนและสหรัฐอเมริกา แม้ว่ารัฐในภูมิภาคจะประสบความสำเร็จในการบูรณาการเศรษฐกิจขององค์การอาเซียน โดยการใช้ข้อพิพาทเหนือทะเลจีนใต้ระหว่างจีนกับฟิลิปปินส์ และการตอบสนองของสหรัฐฯเป็นกรณีศึกษา บทความนี้สรุปว่าเอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงกลายเป็นพื้นที่ซึ่งมหาอำนาจแย่งชิงกันสร้างเขตอิทธิพลของตน ดังนั้นแล้วทฤษฎีเขตอิทธิพลจึงควรนำมาใช้ในการศึกษาการเมืองระหว่างประเทศของเอเชียตะวันออกเฉียงใต้

For many International Relations scholars, Southeast Asian region is seen as a successful model for developing countries that promotes peace, stability and integration. Nevertheless, this study argues that Southeast Asia is far from such conditions. Rather, it should be considered as a sphere of influence of great powers, namely China and the United States, notwithstanding achievement of ASEAN economic integration. By taking the territorial disputes between China and the Philippines over the South China Sea and the US reaction as a case study, this study concludes that Southeast Asia has become a place where
the great powers compete to create their sphere, and thus a sphere-of-influence theory should be adopted in studying international politics of Southeast Asia.

Çevreleme Politikası (Containment Policy) ABD’nin Soğuk Savaş’ın ilk yıllarından başlayarak izlediği ve SSCB’nin II. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında artan etkisini sınırlamayı hedefleyen doktrine verilen isimdir. Düşünsel temelleri ABD’li diplomat George S. Kennan tarafından 1946’da Moskova’dan Washington’a gönderilen ‘Uzun Telgraf’ ile atılan Doktrin, yayılmacı eğilimleri durdurulduğunda komünist yönetimlerin çökmelerinin kaçınılmaz olacağını ileri sürüyordu. Kennan, Rusların tarihsel olarak kuşatılma kaygısı taşıdıklarını belirterek, Sovyetlerin sergilediği yayılmacı eğilimlerin bu kuşatmayı engellemek için geliştirilen bir tepki olduğunu ve Marksist-Leninist ideolojinin de bu yaklaşıma entelektüel içerik kattığını ileri sürmüştür. Kennan’a göre, Rus yayılmacı eğilimlerinin önü “uzun erimli, sabırlı, ancak kararlı ve uyanık bir çevrelenme” yoluyla alınabilirdi. Politikasının ilk somut örneği 12 Mart 1947’de açıklanan Truman Doktrini olmuş, Soğuk Savaş boyunca ABD’nin küresel politikalarına biçim vermeyi sürdürmüştür.

This paper begins from the present condition of migrant workers in the district of Foggia, southeastern Italy, one of the largest agro-industrial enclaves in the country, employing tens of thousands of workers who live and labour in conditions of extreme precarity and exploitation. Techniques of containment of such labour force range from the spatial to the juridical and symbolic, through interlacing discourses and their material dimensions and outcomes, in which migrants are constructed as a security (and health) threat or a humanitarian emergency. Drawing on over nine years of engaged participant research and on archival and secondary sources, I reconsider the genealogies of such "dispositifs", which date back to pre-unification projects of agrarian and penal reform and to the emergence of a racialist paradigm in the post-unitary Italian context, in relation to criminal anthropology. In particular, I examine their application to carceral regimes of labour in projects of land reclamation, which have shaped many agro-industrial enclaves (and especially that of Tavoliere, in the district of Foggia). The current materialities of migrant containment can thus be shown to bear the stratified, spectral traces of past projects and modes of governance.

The South China Sea is not only a strategic geographical location, but also has great potential of reserve in resources such as oil and natural gas, making it a hotspot for conflicts among the neighboring states and the US. One major reason regarding the conflict experienced in the South China Sea is the drive for control of natural resources. Also, the US strategy in the region seems to jeopardize any chances of a resolution. The US has turned attention to Asia and the main reason for its interest is the growing military and economic power of China. Policymakers inside pentagon came up with a policy that is meant to push America’s interests in SCS and in particular contain Chinese power surge that is threatening USA’s position in global affairs.

This paper discusses the application of the containment strategy in combating terrorism in North East Nigeria. To achieve this aim, secondary data in the form of written texts, journal articles, newspaper reports and internet webpages are utilized. This research is pertinent for the Nigerian Armed Forces is yet to discover a befitting strategy at quelling terrorism in the north east region. Also, the retrogressing effects of the current strategy adopted by the Nigerian government makes the findings of this work a compelling alternative to the existing strategy. A detailed hypothesis on how the containment strategy can be applied in the north east region has been attempted in this work. There is, however, a necessity for further needs analysis and more specific and elaborate study by strategists and tacticians of the Nigerian armed forces to weigh the potency, strength, weakness, the opportunity cost and the threats of this idea in regard to the general and peculiar Boko Haram conflict context. 1.0 Introduction: Terrorism in Nigeria and the Boko Haram Escapades, 1995-2017 1 Terrorism in Nigeria, it appears, is not novel as the Boko Haram menace has made it appear. Indeed, there are traces and actions in the past of which " fear " was utilized for religo-political gains. Terrorism in Africa as well as Nigeria dates back to the era of slavery where violence was employed in the efforts to exploit human resources from the 15 th to the 19 th century by European capitalists 2. Slavery and the means through which slaves were acquired were brutal phenomena. This trade culminated in several deaths, arson, extinction of communities and settlements, internecine wars, banditry, kidnappings, torturing and other violent crimes. The second wave of terrorism in Nigeria was a product of the illegal clamp down on Nigeria's empires, kingdoms and chiefdoms by colonialists. What is popularly termed " gunboat diplomacy " in contemporary literatures is nothing other than a premeditated terror strategy by the colonial overlords aimed at instilling fears and exploiting such scenario for their selfish political gains. As observed by Paul Omeje, not less than 30,000 persons were killed in an onslaught by the British at Sokoto in 1903 3. The terrifying naval vessels and the epitome of terror – the Maxim Guns, were more often than not, used against Nigerian belligerents armed with bow and arrow. One wonders what could be more terrific and what political motive could be more conspicuous than colonialism. The third wave of terrorism was still perpetrated by the colonial masters. As observed by Bukola Oyeniye, colonial rule in Nigeria, dragged down by the need for legitimacy and acceptability, depended on the use of force and the deployment of terror to enforce its policies 4. For instance, 18 and 31 unarmed women at Utu Etim Ekpo and Ikot Abasi (both in present Akwa Ibom State) respectively, were murdered by colonial overlords in 1929 for resisting alien taxation 5. This was nothing but a premeditated horror inflicted as a choreography of deterrence against further uprisings. Similarly, when the socio-cultural group Oku-Ogun resisted colonial taxation, mandatory building of pit latrines and imposed Alaafin suzerainty, the colonial government engaged the

Abstract: Evaluating international political strategy includes critiquing the desired future implied in the strategy. Political strategy focuses on trend alteration regarding prevailing polity perceptions, elite composition, polity attitudes, and polity values to actualize a desired political future regarding the nature of the target of the strategy. Critical evaluation of a strategy focuses on the assumptions and capabilities underpinning this effort by the initiator state at trend alteration. US security challenges in Eurasia are legacy issues from the Cold War. The Cold War containment strategy instruments and interests originally targeting the Soviet threat that the US created and developed continue to shape the political discourse regarding security challenges in the region. Comprehension of the political values institutionalized in these bureaucratic, military, and economic vested interests is useful for understanding the political communication topography today. These vested interests embody the international political trends that set the global political framework for what is today, called globalization. The US Trump administration’s conservative populism politically compels it to maintain and intensify the post-Cold War general thrust of US foreign policy in Eurasia and the world: defense and expansion of unilateral US global hegemonic political predominance. It is manifested in the intensification of pressure against perceived challengers to US global influence. Trump’s populist rhetoric of radical change serves essentially a legitimation function to reinforce the primacy of these vested interests in the US foreign policy making process, thus intensifying this general thrust.

John Ford's "Rio Grande" is based on a short story by James Warner Bellah, which, in turn, refers to an event in history in which the United States Cavalry illegally entered Mexico in order to stop Kickapoo raids into Texas. This paper traces adaptation from history to short story to film in order to show how Ford and screenwriter James Kevin McGuinness used history and Bellah's story as an allegory of the reunification of post-Civil War America. This story, in turn, also reflected on the U. S. in a Cold War just beginning to heat up.

This analysis is closely linked to an article that we, Vision and Global Trends, have published some months ago. That article, entitled “The neverending anti-Iranian containment”, described and explained why – according to us – the United States and Iran are likely to be forever enemies, regardless of the regime in power in Teheran.
In the case of Russia the reason for the neverending containment can be found by having a look at the globe: the Russian Federation is the world-largest country, it is sparsely populated and it is resource-rich. The climate change is set to untap even more resources, which today are hidden under the ice, and to make the arable lands richer in terms of productivity. Napoleon was the first one to understand this reality, and Adolf Hitler, Mackinder, and Karl Haushofer came to the same conclusion. Russia is verily fighting for its own existence.

The novel severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) that causes the Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) is still circulating in 2021 with new mutations and the state of emergency remains in manifold countries. Countries have applied in 2020 nonpharmaceutical interventions to control the diffusion of the novel coronavirus within cities, such as lockdowns that were pursued to safeguard societies and economies, until effective vaccines and therapies are available and wide spread distributed. This study here analyze effects of lockdowns of different duration is some European countries. The policy response of lockdown has in theory the main goal, as containment measure, to reduce the impact of infectious diseases in society, but empirical results here suggest that in the presence of vast pandemics a longer duration of full lockdown has contradictory and not significant effects on reduction of fatality rates but sure it has negative effects on economic systems compared to a shorter length of lockdown. In fact, lockdowns of longer duration have generated negative effects on Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth: contraction of GDP (index 2010=100) from second quarter 2019 to second quarter of 2020 in countries applying a longer period of lockdown (i.e., about two months) is about −21%, whereas it is −13% in countries applying a shorter period of lockdown of about 15 days. In addition, findings here suggest that higher investments in healthcare sector play a vital role to cope with unforeseen pandemics and environmental threats, alleviating negative effects on health of population and mortality in society.

This article argues that Robert Lowell’s employment of techniques of poetic "imitation" - a liberal form of translation - during the composition of the Life Studies poems allows him to simultaneously stage and to conceal his reliance upon foreign poetic sources. Lowell’s Life Studies imitations thus represent an attempt to “cover-up” poetic collusions with foreign sources at a time when cold war “containment culture” and the specter of McCarthyism threatened to render any such collusion increasingly suspect, if not entirely “Un-American.” The Life Studies imitations, by this account, offer furtive testimony to Lowell’s potentially subversive poetic preoccupation and engagement with cold war cultural anxieties circulating around terms such as containment, conspiracy, domesticity, paranoia, security, secrecy.

Is Saudi Arabia important to the national security of the United States? What is there to lose or gain in terms of relative power? This article will set the political context and then make suggestions to first avoid war and then if a conflict, however limited, does break out, for the United States to stay on the sidelines. An already weakened Iran will collapse under the heavy weight of war if Saudi Arabia limited its action to defense.

Continued USA Hegemony in Europe 2022: The fear, or rather hate of the "East", (or the "Other"; Muslim, Berber, Black, Latin American, Slavs, Chinese, Indian) in Western mindsets under the mastership of the USA is causing just another war with unforeseen outcomes in the Ukraine. The choices are not so simple. Either negotiate or act against a megalomaniac Western state, turned dangerous international rogue. The world cannot afford the USA any longer. "Let us trust that in the coming century resort to force and violence shall not be glorified and the essence of political power is compassion and justice externally manifested in a dialogue between civilizations" (President Mohammad Khatami, Iran, 2001). The appeal was made a year before the USA once again invaded a sovereign state, Afghanistan (2002), just after the invasion of Iraq and before NATO destroyed the sovereign state Libya. For the moment we will not discuss sanctions against Cuba or the uncountable deaths in Vietnam due to USA intervention nor assassinations by armed aerial vehicles (AAV) on African and Middle-East soil that transgress the sovereignty of people.

BEGINNINGS OF THE TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY PARTNERSHIP: OUTBREAK OF THE COLD WAR AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE (1945–1949)

Abstract

The aim of this article was to show the origin of the transatlantic security partnership and the process that led to the creation of NATO in 1949. The article draws attention to the aggravation of East–West relations, which resulted in the outbreak of the Cold War and the transformation of the US policy after the Second World War. The worsening of the international situation also led to the initiation of Western European countries’ cooperation and integration in the area of security and defence. The outbreak of the Cold War was the result of a significant transformation of international relations consisting mainly in the emergence of two superpowers, i.e. the United States and the Soviet Union. Due to Moscow’s expansionist policy, after 1945 the United States abandoned its traditional isolationist policy in favour of active involvement in Europe’s problems. The initiatives adopted in 1947 following the new American approach, i.e. the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan and
the containment doctrine are analysed. Western European countries’ actions in the field of security are also taken into account, because the commitment of the United States to defend Europe was dependent on the development of cooperation in this area by the Europeans themselves. This cooperation was reflected in the Treaty of Dunkirk signed by the United Kingdom and France in 1947 and in the Treaty of Brussels signed a year later by the United Kingdom, France, Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg, which led to the creation of the Western Union. The main problems that emerged during the North Atlantic Treaty negotiations and their resolution within the framework of the transatlantic bargain, which is the basis of NATO's functioning, are also analysed.

Key words: NATO, Cold War, Soviet expansionism, policy of containment,
Truman Doctrine, Marshall Plan, security of Western Europe, Treaty of Dunkirk, Treaty of Brussels, North Atlantic Treaty

Next to military means, causing disruption and interdiction, Western and local powers also relied on policies of containment to halt the expansion of the Islamic State’s territorial strongholds. Yet, a Cold War state-based strategy of containment seems not apt to counter a transformed Islamic State. This article, first, examines why containing the Islamic State was successful in the past. Second, the article argues that the Islamic State can still be contained if containment addresses the Islamic State’s hybrid nature rather than convulsively looking for the transferability of past containment aspects. In particular, this requires a focus on the struggle for power of the opponent and a foreign policy of restraint. Finally, the article proposes three angles to contain the Islamic State. Each angle exploits the persisting characteristics of the Islamic State as a revolutionary actor with internal contradictions and promulgating specific narratives which containment can engage.

This paper argues that prominent officials within the American and Australian governments consciously supported the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975 and exercised an amoral, profit-driven policy of realpolitik in the pursuit of economic and strategic interests. It analyzes the interpretations of several figures and scholars with ties to the event to assess existing theories on the motivations behind these two countries' willful ignorance of Indonesia's various treaty and human rights violations. The paper explores first the origins of Indonesia's interest in East Timor, and challenges the legitimacy of the " Communist threat argument " that assessed the Frente Revolucionaria de Timor-Leste Indepente (Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor, FRETILIN) as a Moscow or Beijing-backed Party. It then analyzes the American response to Indonesia's breaking of the 1958 bilateral arms treaty, the American " green light " to Indonesia's invasion plans, and American interests in oil exploitation and strategic waterways. The last section examines the alleged " Australian betrayal " of East Timor and its roots in the Timor Gap's oil deposits. As the paper endeavors to show, Washington and Canberra disregarded international laws and exploited their advantageous positions as global powers to maximize profit at the behest of prominent officials within their respective houses who sought to benefit most from complicity. Vita: Matt Galway is a PhD candidate and Sessional Professor of History at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver, BC, Canada. He is also a fellow of the Center for Chinese Research, and Editor for the Network for Cambodia and Southeast Asia Studies (NCSEAS). His research and publications focus on intellectual history more broadly, with attention to the global diffusion of Maoism across cultures in the post-WWII era. His current project examines the origins of the Communist Party of Kampuchea's (aka. Khmer Rouge) ideology from a genealogical perspective, with a view to a larger regional project on the motive forces behind revolution in the developing world, and how some cases of socioeconomic reconfiguration become violent, sometimes genocidal authoritarian regimes. More than forty years after the 1975 Indonesian invasion of East Timor, declassified diplomatic cables, Australian Senate and Parliamentary papers, and top-secret memoranda provide concrete evidence of American and Australian complicity in events and the interests Western officials pursued. The diplomatic files, published on the websites of George Washington University's National Security Archive and the Australian Parliament, reveal that the United States and Australian governments deliberately lied about their knowledge of Indonesian annexationist plans in East Timor and secretly assisted the invasion in December 1975 to protect their economic and strategic interests. This paper argues that the American and Australian governments consciously supported the Indonesian invasion of East Timor in 1975 and exercised an amoral, profit-driven policy of realpolitik in the pursuit of economic and strategic interests. The first section of this paper explores the origins of Indonesia's interest in East Timor. The second challenges the legitimacy of the " Communist threat argument " in East Timor through an examination of the existing literature. The third section analyzes the American response to Indonesia's breaking of the 1958 bilateral arms treaty, the American " green light " to Indonesia's invasion plans, and the American interests in oil exploitation and strategic waterways. The fourth section examines the alleged " Australian betrayal " of East Timor and its roots in the Timor Gap's oil deposits. The paper also analyzes the interpretations of James Dunn, Jose Ramos

Since the advent of the 1979 Islamic Revolution, the US has pursued a policy of containment towards Iran. In a major shift from Obama's policy of appeasement, the Trump administration has spearheaded the-Maximum Pressure‖ campaign in an effort to contain Iran and coerce it into changing its behaviour. Although the fate of Trump's policy remains a puzzle, it is evident that the US administration's decisions, i.e. the withdrawal from the JCPOA (Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action), reimposition of nuclear-related sanctions and re-securitisation of Iran as well as Tehran's counter-strategies to defy US pressures have exacerbated the enmity between Washington and Tehran. By applying the Regional Security Complex theory and linking it with George Kennan's-containment strategy‖, this article attempts to deconstruct the modus operandi of Trump administration towards Iran and scrutinise the various policy tools the US has employed to implement the maximum pressure doctrine. This research concludes that through exerting vast economic sanctions, maximizing diplomatic pressures and maintaining military deterrence, the Trump administration aims to create the conditions of possibility for regime collapse in the event that Iran refuses to change its behaviour. The article uses an analytical-explanative method and seeks to contribute to the existing academic and policy-oriented research regarding US-Iran relations via employing a hybrid theoretical lens.

The paper discusses the role of the Cold War on European Integration focusing the four interrelated developments between 1950 and 1961: double containment, Franco-German rivalry, German reconstruction and the Marshall Plan. The main argument of the paper is the initial integration efforts in Europe was the result of the different contending economical and political motivations of European countries and the US. Beyond the classic political and military explanations made within the context of the Cold War such as the resctriction of the communist threat, the paper presents a political economy approach to initial European integration efforts during the Cold War period.

En 1945, s’achève la Seconde Guerre mondiale et, avec la victoire de la « Grande Alliance » unissant le Royaume-Uni, les États-Unis et l’URSS, le « suicide de l’Europe. » Le Vieux Continent, harassé, divisé, mutilé, par la succession de deux guerres totales connaissait enfin la paix. Fallait-il du moins que celle-ci soit durable. Très vite pourtant, les antagonismes de l’entre-deux guerres reprirent le dessus. Le monde communiste, sorti considérablement renforcé par son rôle dans la libération de l’Europe, apparut bientôt comme une menace vis-à-vis de ce que la propagande capitaliste nommait le « monde libre. » L’espoir de voir fleurir des « jours heureux » et des « lendemains qui chantent » s’éteignait à mesure que les deux superpuissances, États-Unis et URSS, firent de l’Europe un enjeu central de leurs politiques internationales respectives. Les débats historiques sur les responsabilités du schisme au sein de la « Grande Alliance » demeurent vifs. L’historiographie occidentale fut, longtemps durant, un champ de bataille idéologique entre l’école « orthodoxe » affirmant que l’irruption de la Guerre Froide était due aux ambitions soviétiques en Europe, l’école « révisionniste » dénonçant l’impérialisme américain, et l’école « post-révisionniste » cherchant à comprendre les facteurs transcendantaux qui menèrent les deux camps à la discorde. Entre 1945 et 1947, une rupture historique transforma des Alliés de circonstances en ennemis viscéraux guidés par des idéologies et des intérêts géopolitiques opposés. L’Europe fut progressivement partagée en deux. Pourtant, au sortir de la guerre, l’espoir de revoir l’Europe unie dans la paix était bien réel Des vues antagonistes sur l’avenir du continent allaient pourtant en décider autrement. En 1947, la division fut scellée. La Guerre Froide entre les blocs capitalistes et communistes pouvait commencer.

ظم امنیتی در منطقه خاورمیانه از سال 2011 به این سو دچار تغییراتی ساختاری شده است چراکه قدرتهای فرامنطقه ای به شدت در منطقه نفوذ دارند و همچنین رقابتهای ژئوپولیتیکی میان قدرتهای منطقه ای نیز تعمیق شده است. علاوه بر پیچیدگی بیشتر معمای امنیتی، منطقه خاورمیانه وارد دوره جدیدی از تغییرات موازنه قدرت و ابهامات اساسی شده است. بررسی آخرین تحولات منطقه نشان می دهد که منطقه دچار مداخلات نظامی توسط قدرتهایی مانند روسیه، ترکیه، ایران و آمریکا و در سطح کمتری عربستان، قطر و اسرائیل شده است. با توجه به روی کار آمدن دونالد ترامپ و راهبرد اصلی (اول آمریکا)ی او، این تحولات پیچیده تر هم شده است، به ویژه اینکه دولت آمریکا قصد دارد حضور خود را در خاورمیانه کمتر هم بکند. در همین حال، روابط ایران و آمریکا هم به سمت وخامت می رود و میان تنشهای نظامی غیرمستقیم و گاهی تنش زدایی استراتژیک به سر می برد. دولت ترامپ با مقصر دانستن و سرزنش کردن سیاست مماشات دولت اوباما، به وعده انتخاباتی اش عمل کرد و با خروج از برجام تمام تحریمهای پیش از توافق میان ایران و گروه پنج به اضافه یک را برگرداند. دولت ترامپ توافق هسته ای را با کارزار فشار حداکثری جایگزین کرد. در یک تغییر جهت بنیادین از رویکرد سنتی دولتهای پیشین آمریکا، سیاست این دولت دیگر فقط به دنبال مهار و انزوای جمهوری اسلامی از طریق استراتژی سد نفوذ منفعل یا مذاکره با لایه ¬های میانه روی جمهوری اسلامی نیست، بلکه می‌ خواهد با اعمال سیاست فشار حداکثری، جمهوری اسلامی را براندازی یا دست کم وادار به تغییر رفتار و استراتژی نماید.

This article reads Robert Lowell's Life Studies (1959) against the “confessional” grain for which it is widely celebrated. It argues that Lowell’s appeal to techniques of poetic "imitation" - a liberal form of translation - during the composition of the Life Studies poems allows the poet to simultaneously stage and to conceal his reliance upon foreign poetic sources. In this way, Lowell’s Life Studies imitations betray an attempt to “cover-up” poetic collusions with foreign sources at a time when cold war “containment culture” and the specter of McCarthyism threatened to render  any such collusion increasingly suspect, if not entirely “Un-American.” The Life Studies imitations, by this account, offer furtive testimony to Lowell’s potentially subversive poetic preoccupation with cold war cultural anxieties circulating around terms such as containment, conspiracy, domesticity, paranoia, security, secrecy.

Kosova’nın 2008 yılında tek taraflı bağımsızlık ilanın ardından birçok yeni tartışma gündeme gelmiş ve ‘Kosova Sorunu’, 21. Yüzyıl’da uluslararası sistemde yeni bir kutuplaşmayı ortaya çıkarmıştır. Soğuk Savaş’ın
kazananı ABD, net bir şekilde Kosova’nın bağımsızlığını desteklerken, Soğuk Savaş’ın bir diğer süper gücü Sovyetler Birliği’nin ardılı ve varisi Rusya da Kosova’nın bağımsızlığına net bir şekilde karşı çıkmıştır. Bu
durum, Vladimir Putin sonrası toparlanan ve yeniden süper güç olarak dünya sahnesine geri dönmek isteyen Rusya ile Soğuk Savaş’tan kesin bir zafer ile çıktığına inanılan ABD arasında yeni bir rekabetin oluştuğu
iddiasını ortaya çıkarmıştır. Bu yeni rekabetin ilk ve ciddi sınavı ise Kosova’da verilmiştir. Yugoslavya’nın dağılması ile Balkanların siyasi haritası yeniden şekillenmiştir. Yugoslavya sonrası bağımsız olan yeni
ülkelerin aldıkları pozisyonlar uluslararası sistemdeki güç tartışmasını yeniden canlanmıştır. Yugoslavya savaşı bir anlamda Tarihin Sonu’nun gelmediğini göstermiş ve uluslararası sistemin soğuk savaş sonrası da
önemli krizlere gebe olduğunu ispatlamıştır. Özellikle Bosna-Hersek ve Kosova’da yaşananlar yalnızca bölgesel etki alanıyla sınırlı kalmamış ve Soğuk Savaş sonrası küreselleşme ile birlikte aktörlerin de çoğaldığı
küresel düzeyde de etkili olmuştur. Yugoslavya Savaşı’na Rusya’nın gösterdiği reaksiyon ve ABD’nin soruna NATO aracılılığı ile müdahalesi, ABD ve Rusya arasındaki rekabetin yeni bir boyutunu ortaya koymaktadır.
Rusya’nın Soğuk Savaş sonrası ABD tarafından yeniden çevrelendiğini iddia etmesi ise uluslararası ilişkiler
alanında ‘yeni çevreleme konsepti’ tartışmasını ortaya çıkarmıştır.

The West is always prone to close the eyes to Ankara’s invasion of Syrian lands and its open deals with Islamic terror organizations whereas Russia categorically rejects them. The former bears the consequences of these miscalculations through more mass displacements and a totalitarian regime in Ankara, the latter cuts the knots his way.
Hence, the lesson of the Moscow deal is manifold.
Compromise and appeasement doesn’t work with Erdoğan, only containment does. 
Democracies, perhaps naturally, are very bad at how to talk to non-democracies.
Non-democracies deal more straightforwardly among themselves than with democracies; as the Turkish saying goes “the faithless overmasters the irreligious” or “set a thief to catch a thief”.

In this case study paper, I examine the Korean War through the lens of civil-military relations and strive to extract lessons for modern policymakers to take with them going forward. I conclude that today's civil and military leaders must communicate sufficiently, integrate their respective objectives, and ensure a balance of power that favors civilian control, especially during times of conflict.

Agli inizi degli anni ’90 il Pentagono elabora un concetto di guerra asimmetrica denominato AirSea Battle, con il fine di mantenere il dominio statunitense sulle principali arterie del commercio internazionale, sottraendole ai potenziali concorrenti.

IL DIBATTITO ALL’INTERNO DELL’ESTABLISHMENT AMERICANO È SEMPRE PIÙ SERRATO. IL PESO DEI “TEORICI DEL ROLLBACK” E LE AVVISAGLIE DI GUERRA CONTRO IRAN E CINA.

This paper analyzes how longer and shorter period of national lockdown during the first wave of COVID-19 can affect public health and economy of nations. Results show that a) countries with shorter period of lockdown (about 15 days) have a variation of confirmed cases/population (%) higher than countries with longer period of lockdown (more than one month); b) countries with shorter period of lockdown have average fatality rate lower than countries with longer period of lockdown, whereas variation of fatality rate suggests a higher reduction in countries with longer period of lockdown. However, the study reveals that the impact of longer period of national lockdown, as policy response of governments against COVID-19, pandemic seems to generate rather ambiguous effects on public health, however, this longer period of lockdown has a higher negative impact on economic growth of countries in terms of contraction of gross domestic product growth. Lessons learned can be important to desig...

This paper discusses the application of the containment strategy in combating terrorism in North East Nigeria. To achieve this aim, secondary data in the form of written texts, journal articles, newspaper reports and internet webpages are utilized. This research is pertinent for the Nigerian Armed Forces is yet to discover a befitting strategy at quelling terrorism in the north east region. Also, the retrogressing effects of the current strategy adopted by the Nigerian government makes the findings of this work a compelling alternative to the existing strategy. A detailed hypothesis on how the containment strategy can be applied in the north east region has been attempted in this work. There is, however, a necessity for further needs analysis and more specific and elaborate study by strategists and tacticians of the Nigerian armed forces to weigh the potency, strength, weakness, the opportunity cost and the threats of this idea in regard to the general and peculiar Boko Haram confli...

This article reads Robert Lowell's Life Studies (1959) against the “confessional” grain for which it is widely celebrated. It argues that Lowell’s appeal to techniques of poetic "imitation" - a liberal form of translation - during the composition of the Life Studies poems allows the poet to simultaneously stage and to conceal his reliance upon foreign poetic sources. In this way, Lowell’s Life Studies imitations betray an attempt to “cover-up” poetic collusions with foreign sources at a time when cold war “containment culture” and the specter of McCarthyism threatened to render any such collusion increasingly suspect, if not entirely “Un-American.” The Life Studies imitations, by this account, offer furtive testimony to Lowell’s potentially subversive poetic preoccupation with cold war cultural anxieties circulating around terms such as containment, conspiracy, domesticity, paranoia, security, secrecy.

Willem van Eekelen revisits the famous "long telegram"  as an object lesson for the 21st century. The US former No 2 in Moscow used it to explain the background and main features of the Soviet post-war outlook and their projection not only on official policy but also on policy implemented through 'front' organisations and stooges of all sorts..

The telegram made Kennan famous for his advocacy of a containment policy which would primarily focus on political and economic issues, and much less on military aspects.

This article suggests that the shortcomings of third-party presidential campaigns stem partially from a culture of rhetorical containment tracing back to a redefinition of
third-parties during the 1959 congressional hearings over the equal time provision. After proposing a four-part framework for rhetorical containment, the article examines the case study of oddball perennial presidential candidate Lar Daly and his clash with the Federal Communications Commission, and an effort by the two major parties and
media elite to exploit fears of his influence to portray third-parties as an invading horde of crackpots posing violence to democracy in the United States.

In the first half of 2014, the organization then known as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant swept across north-western Iraq while it simultaneously expanded the territory under its control in adjacent portions of northeastern Syria. The group, which renamed itself the Islamic State (IS) in June 2014, is led by former members of Al Qaeda in Iraq and also includes Sunni Iraqi actors holding grievances against the Shia-dominated government in Baghdad (mostly former members of Saddam Hussein’s regime and alienated Sunni tribes), as well as a wide variety of armed Sunni opposition groups in Syria. Many of them have bandwagonned with IS’s success by either fusing or allying themselves with the group, without necessarily having much affinity with its ideology. As of April 2015, IS either controls or has an effective presence in an area spanning the Syrian-Iraqi border roughly the size of England. Estimates of its strength vary significantly. The CIA has estimated it at between 20,000 and 30,000, though some experts have suggested figures closer to 100,000.
 
By mid-2014, IS threatened to continue to expand the territory under its control in Iraq and Syria. There were even plausible fears that it could cross into neighbouring countries, especially Jordan. Even if IS had chosen consolidation rather than expansion, its presence would have worsened an already disastrous civil war in Syria. Additionally, it would have entrenched sectarian divisions and further weakened the central state in Iraq, and it would have represented a magnet and a safe haven for terrorists in the heart of the Middle East. IS has also openly called for attacks on Western states, including Canada. This is a plausible threat: IS – which can operate either indirectly by inspiring lone self-radicalized actors or directly by planning attacks launched by extremist travellers – has demonstrated both the ambition and the capability to carry through on some of its promises. 

In response, in mid-2014 the U.S. built a broad international coalition to confront IS. In Syria, five Arab states (Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Jordan, Bahrain and Qatar) initially joined the U.S. in launching airstrikes against IS. In Iraq, a dozen Western states have contributed with airstrikes, trainers, and a variety of other assets. In September 2014, Canada announced that it would join this coalition targeting IS in Iraq. Canada committed for an initial period of six months six CF-18 fighter aircraft, two Aurora aerial reconnaissance aircraft, and one air-to-air refuelling aircraft. About sixty-nine special operations troops also launched an advise-and-assist mission with Kurdish Peshmerga militias in northern Iraq. Ottawa announced in March 2015 that it would extend the commitment for an additional twelve months, and that it would expand the area of air strikes to northeastern Syria. 

This paper argues that this approach, even though it is highly flawed, represents the least bad alternative for Canada. This assessment can be separated in five steps: 
 What are Canada’s interests in the fight against IS?
 What is the strategy to counter IS?
 Is this strategy consistent with Canada’s interests?
 Is this strategy working?
 What should the next steps be for Canada?

This paper analyzes how longer and shorter period of national lockdown during the first wave of COVID-19 can affect public health and economy of nations. Results show that a) countries with shorter period of lockdown (about 15 days) have a variation of confirmed cases/population (%) higher than countries with longer period of lockdown (more than one month); b) countries with shorter period of lockdown have average fatality rate lower than countries with longer period of lockdown, whereas variation of fatality rate suggests a higher reduction in countries with longer period of lockdown. However, the study reveals that the impact of longer period of national lockdown, as policy response of governments against COVID-19, pandemic seems to generate rather ambiguous effects on public health, however, this longer period of lockdown has a higher negative impact on economic growth of countries in terms of contraction of gross domestic product growth. Lessons learned can be important to design effective public responses for future waves of the COVID-19 and future epidemics similar to the COVID-19.

Third-party candidates in the United States routinely see a decline in support in the final weeks of presidential campaigns. While political scientists attribute this partially to Duverger's Law, many communication scholars have tied this collapse to media coverage that frames third-party candidates as fringe outsiders, longshots, and spoilers. This study extends these explanations of third-party failure by describing the rhetorical containment of third-party voters. Based on a case study of the 2016 presidential election and public debate about supporters of Gary Johnson and Jill Stein, the essay suggests such voters face a form of marginalization that portrays them as intruders in a two-party race, as immature and uninformed, and responsible for eventual victors, while presenting them a false choice of winning by sacrificing their cause.

In early 2014, the organization then known as the Islamic State in Iraq and the Levant swept across northwestern Iraq while simultaneously expanding the territory under its control in eastern Syria. The group, which renamed itself the Islamic State (IS) in June 2014, is led by members of what used to be al-Qaeda in Iraq. It has incorporated Iraqi Sunnis who hold grievances against the Shia-dominated government in Baghdad (mostly former members of Saddam Hussein’s regime and alienated tribes) as well as a variety of armed Syrian opposition groups. By mid-2014, IS threatened to further expand in Iraq and Syria, while there were plausible fears that it could cross into neighboring countries, especially Jordan. It has entrenched sectarian divisions and further weakened the state in Iraq and has worsened an already devastating civil war in Syria. It represents a magnet and a safe haven for terrorists in the heart of the Middle East.

The United States has developed a three-pillared strategy to confront IS. The first pillar, mostly based on air strikes, seeks to weaken the group but is far from sufficient to defeat it. The second pillar
therefore calls for training and equipping local partners who are to assume responsibility for militarily defeating IS. The third pillar acknowledges that IS is a symptom, not a cause, of the broken politics in Iraq and Syria; any long-term solution must therefore be political. This strategy is far from ideal, but it is arguably the least bad option available. Yet, given that the second and third pillars are in the best of cases long-term endeavors, the approach amounts, in the short term at least, to containment. More important, a failure to significantly boost local partners and find political solutions in Iraq and Syria would de facto lock the United States into a long-term containment strategy. This is not necessarily a bad option, but it does carry significant implications.