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ב־ 8במארס 2022 אישרה הממשלה הסעודית את "חוק המעמד האישי." החוק החדש, העוסק בנישואין, גירושין, משמורת על ילדים ואפוטרופסות, אמור להגביל את שיקול הדעת של השופטים בפסיקות בעניינים אלה ואת חוסר העקביות המאפיינת אותן. עבור הנשים הסעודיות... more
ב־ 8במארס 2022 אישרה הממשלה הסעודית את "חוק המעמד האישי." החוק
החדש, העוסק בנישואין, גירושין, משמורת על ילדים ואפוטרופסות, אמור להגביל
את שיקול הדעת של השופטים בפסיקות בעניינים אלה ואת חוסר העקביות המאפיינת
אותן. עבור הנשים הסעודיות חקיקתו של החוק היא בשורה של ממש, שכן בלעדיו,
ובהיעדר מסד של תקדימים בבתי משפט שרעיים, מקרים דומים זכו לפסיקות שונות.
מהלך זה נתפס כשיאן של רפורמות מגדריות־משפטיות שמוביל יורש העצר מוחמד
בן סלמאן מאז  ,2017ובהן ההיתר לנשים לנהוג והפחתה הדרגתית של סמכויות
האפוטרופסות הגברית על נשים.
כדי להבין את ההקשר ההיסטורי־תרבותי של הרפורמות, המאמר מתחקה על
השינויים החברתיים־תרבותיים שהתחוללו בסעודיה החל מאמצע שנות השבעים
ובוחן כיצד אלה השפיעו על השיח החברתי בממלכה מאז. המאמר מתמקד בארבעה
אירועי מפתח בהיסטוריה המודרנית של סעודיה: תקרית ההשתלטות על המסגד הגדול
במכה, מלחמת המפרץ, פיגועי האחד־עשר בספטמבר והאביב הערבי. הוא
מראה כיצד, בשילוב בין פעפוע של השיח הציבורי "מלמטה" לבין צעדים שהוכתבו
מלמעלה," הוכשרה הקרקע לרפורמות שסעודיה חווה כיום. המאמר בוחן גם את"
זיקתן של הרפורמות לעתידה של סעודיה כפי שמשתקף ב"חזון סעודיה 2030". טענת
המחבר היא כי את הרפורמות יש לראות כצעד של קידום נשים והעצמתן לטובת חזון 2030, כהיענות לדרישות החברה בנושאים מגדריים וכחלק מרה-ארגון שיטתי של המרחב הדתי הסעודי, שנועד לסלול את הדרך ליישום מיטבי של חזון 2030 ולהטות את
מאזן הכוחות לטובת השלטון במערכת היחסים המורכבת שבינו לבין הממסד הדתי.
The gender ideology promoted within Saudi political culture constructs a model of the 'ideal Muslim woman'. This ideal woman is a wife and a mother whose place is in the private sphere, and men are her guardians. Women who remain in their... more
The gender ideology promoted within Saudi political culture constructs a model of the 'ideal Muslim woman'. This ideal woman is a wife and a mother whose place is in the private sphere, and men are her guardians. Women who remain in their homes, raising the next generation and preserving the traditional values, constitute the quintessential emblem of the unique Saudi national identity. Based on a critical analysis of some 30 Saudi novels written between 1980 and 2000, this study focuses on the changes in the model of the ideal Muslim woman, alongside changes in Saudi attitudes toward women's education and employment. I argue that whereas the regime cultivated the traditional perception of the ideal woman and conservative attitudes toward women's education and employment, the novels presented and constructed hybrid perceptions of these issues, and gradually developed a sharply critical perspective on them.
This article examines the issue of the ‘other’ in the Saudi novel from the 1980s to 2000 against the background of the social changes taking place in Saudi Arabia. It is based on the reading of some thirty Saudi novels and offers a... more
This article examines the issue of the ‘other’ in the Saudi novel from the 1980s to 2000 against the background of the social changes taking place in Saudi Arabia. It is based on the reading of some thirty Saudi novels and offers a critical analysis of selected novels, based on the assumption that fictional-literary texts can serve as a valuable source for the understanding of various social processes. My main contention is that at the beginning of the period, the discourse towards the Western ‘other’ was very dichotomous and stereotypical, but over time changes in discourse could be identified that indicate developments in the perception of the ‘self’ versus the ‘other’ that reflected a dynamic dialogue between Saudi society and Western society. Later novels presented a more complex and genuine picture of East-West relations, and even served as a platform for internal criticism.
After the events of June 30 and July 3, 2013, that brought the Muslim Brotherhood rule to an end, Egyptian President ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ al-Sīsī has been carried aloft on waves of adulation of most of the Egyptian people. This phenomenon was... more
After the events of June 30 and July 3, 2013, that brought the Muslim Brotherhood rule to an end, Egyptian President ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ al-Sīsī has been carried aloft on waves of adulation of most of the Egyptian people. This phenomenon was reflected in popular expressions and in the Egyptian media, and any criticism of it was minimal. Interestingly, it was the portrayal of al-Sīsī in a children’s magazine, Samīr (February 1, 2014), that generated vocal public debate on issues of the exposure of children to political content and their indoctrination. This article examines why this case provoked such harsh criticism even though political content and indoctrination in children’s magazines are not a new phenomenon in Egypt but rather a continuation of past traditions, and discusses what insights can be gleaned from the affair with regard to Egyptian society today.
Ahmad al-Katib is an Iraqi Shiʿi dissident intellectual and an interesting voice in the religious, intellectual, social and political discourse of the Shiʿite world today. He is a fairly well-known figure in Shiʿite circles but is... more
Ahmad al-Katib is an Iraqi Shiʿi dissident intellectual and an interesting
voice in the religious, intellectual, social and political discourse of the Shiʿite world today. He is a fairly well-known figure in Shiʿite circles but
is virtually unknown to western academic research. This paper examines
al-Katib’s life and writings and attempts to understand how a devout Shiʿi came to question the axioms upon which he was educated and raised. The doctrine of the Rule of the Jurisprudent is discussed, the criticism of it reviewed and al-Katib’s claims for it are evaluated. The ecumenical dialogue between Shiʿa and Sunna in al-Katib’s writings is discussed and the theoretical and practical aspects of his approach are reviewed. This will be followed by a discussion of al-Katib’s “Shi’ite Manifesto”, and an examination of the problems in al-Katib’s thought.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Most of the media in the Arab world is hostile toward Israel. A slew of condemnations, some with undeniably antisemitic overtones, have been flooding the print, electronic, and social media since October 7. Most ignore the Hamas killing... more
Most of the media in the Arab world is hostile toward Israel. A slew of condemnations, some with undeniably antisemitic overtones, have been flooding the print, electronic, and social media since October 7. Most ignore the Hamas killing and captivity of women, children, and elderly Israelis. Those who do admit that Hamas perpetrated atrocities justify them by citing Israel’s occupation of the West Bank, its prolonged siege of Gaza, and its soldiers’ alleged deliberate killing of Palestinians. But there are other voices, too. Although the predominantly negative media coverage drowns out these, they must not be ignored.
On August 6, the new Suez Canal was inaugurated with great pomp and circumstance. In honor of the historic event, there were two ceremonies, attended by both Egyptian and foreign dignitaries, that recalled the festive dedication of the... more
On August 6, the new Suez Canal was inaugurated with great pomp and circumstance. In honor of the historic event, there were two ceremonies, attended by both Egyptian and foreign dignitaries, that recalled the festive dedication of the original canal in 1869. Numerous media reports discussed the political and economic aspects of this event, but they missed the aspect that was simultaneously most interesting and most surprising: Islamic and Arab identity are both out, while pharaonic culture is returning in a big way. One could say the most salient trend at both ceremonies was their presentation of the new Egypt as marching forward while also connecting to its pharaonic past. As President Abdel-Fattah al-Sissi put it in his speech, " Egypt is a great country and has a civilization of 7,000 years.
Research Interests: