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This book is still in manuscript status. The new edition of Ioannes Xiphilinus' Epitome of Cassius Dio features two new innovations: a) New readings from the previously unused manuscript from Mount Athos (Iviron 812), providing... more
This book is still in manuscript status.

The new edition of Ioannes Xiphilinus' Epitome of Cassius Dio features two new innovations:

a) New readings from the previously unused manuscript from Mount Athos (Iviron 812), providing corrections to the text and filling some of the previously existed lacunae.

b) Completely new reference system (with division to chapters, paragraphs and sections) modified to correspond the present edition of Cassius Dio. The aim of the new reference system is to make comparisons between Xiphilinus and Cassius Dio as simple as possible.

Thus, the section brakes in the new edition are identical with those sections of Cassius Dio edition, where the text of Xiphilinus has been used to reconstruct the lost text of Dio.

For example: Dio 64.1.1-3 = Xiph. 9.1.1-3 (editio nova)
Research Interests:
The paper takes an in-depth look into the Roman defeat at Elegeia (Armenia) in 162 CE, which is presently assumed to have involved an unnamed legion that was lost in the course of this battle. A closer examination of Ioannes Xiphilinus'... more
The paper takes an in-depth look into the Roman defeat at Elegeia (Armenia) in 162 CE, which is presently assumed to have involved an unnamed legion that was lost in the course of this battle. A closer examination of Ioannes Xiphilinus' description of the event and the used terminology shows that the term στρατόπεδον does not appear to mean a legion in the used structural context either by Ioannes Xiphilinus or his primary source Cassius Dio. Thus, alternative interpretations are explored on the basis of the fragmentary contemporary sources (Lucian of Samosata and M. Cornelius Fronto) who provide some additional details of the event.
Ever since the days of Augustus, the Roman propaganda cultivated an image of professional soldiers dedicated solely to the military service. This ideal state of affairs was supported by set of prohibitions, which debarred the soldiers... more
Ever since the days of Augustus, the Roman propaganda cultivated an image of professional soldiers dedicated solely to the military service. This ideal state of affairs was supported by set of prohibitions, which debarred the soldiers from such distractions as (legal) marriage and family-life. The evidence related to the soldiers themselves (tombstones, judicial papyri and discharge diplomas) shows that this was wishful thinking at best, especially in the case of the auxiliary soldiers, who tended to form marital alliances with local (usually peregrine) women and raised children with them. But although some marital alliances did occur, the general tendencies of the troops during service time remain a disputed issue as the available evidence tends to provide only one-sided information.
It could be argued that the discharge diplomas provide a true insight to the actual reality of the marital relations on the frontiers, as they were given to both bachelors and men with families, thus being much more democratic in nature than the official historiography or legislation. Also, as the number of discovered diplomas has soared in the recent years, a more detailed examination of the statistics in the marital patterns of the auxiliary soldiers upon discharge is now a more feasible task. Thus, this paper will provide a full examination of the available material and investigates the regional and periodical differences in marital patterns as they are indicated by the diplomata.
Among the questions that are attempted to answer are: what were the proportions between the bachelors and family men upon discharge; what could have been the reasons that would explain the periodical differences in the statistics and whether the results are only an anomaly related to the nature of the evidence or if they represent the actual historical realities on the frontiers? In addition, the challenges related to the research of the Roman discharge diplomas and the dangers to the interpretation of the larger marital patterns on the basis of this single type of evidence alone are explored; as is also the question whether other types of evidence can be seen to support or contradict the patterns suggested by the diplomas.
The paper discusses the precise meaning of the Latin term 'stercus' in Roman military papyri. The present interpretation of the term as indicating latrine duty (in ChLA I 7a,b) is challenged on the basis of the Latin terminological usage... more
The paper discusses the precise meaning of the Latin term 'stercus' in Roman military papyri. The present interpretation of the term as indicating latrine duty (in ChLA I 7a,b) is challenged on the basis of the Latin terminological usage (in Latin literature, epigraphy and onomastics) and alternative interpretations for the term is being presented. The daily duties of Roman soldiers in military camps and the function of toilets in camps is also addressed.
Queen Cleopatra appears in a very different light in the works of Cassius Dio and his eleventh century Byzantine epitomizer Ioannes Xiphilinus. This paper provides an examination of both of these views and explores the reasons behind... more
Queen Cleopatra appears in a very different light in the works of Cassius Dio and his eleventh century Byzantine epitomizer Ioannes Xiphilinus. This paper provides an examination of both of these views and explores the reasons behind these differences. It will be argued that in addition to following a pro-Augustan propaganda, the image of Cleopatra presented by Cassius Dio is also influenced by his slight misogynistic predispositions which are not shared by his later epitomizer. In addition, a closer examination of Xiphilinus' work in general shows that it has several similarities with Michael Psellus' Historia Syntomos which raises questions whether the Epitome should be seen as a continuation to the educational program intended for the benefit of the emperor Michael VII Doukas. As the education of the prince apparent was a shared responsibility between Psellus and the future emperor's mother – the empress Eudokia Makrembolitissa – it is possible that Xiphilinus' views towards strong, independent female rulers of the past had been (at least in part) influenced by the personality of the empress Eudokia, who was closely connected with the Xiphilinus family. Also, as the life of empress Eudokia contained several aspects similar to Xiphilinus' treatment of queen Cleopatra, it is reasonable to ask whether the image of the Egyptian queen in Xiphilinus' Epitome was in part a reflection of the contemporary monarch of the epitomizer.
The proposed paper is a continuation to David Kennedy’s alternative explanation (ZPE 53 [1983], 214-216) to the numerals of cohors XX Palmyrenorum and cohors XII Palaestinorum. It will suggest that cohors IX Maurorum belongs to the same... more
The proposed paper is a continuation to David Kennedy’s alternative explanation (ZPE 53 [1983], 214-216) to the numerals of cohors XX Palmyrenorum and cohors XII Palaestinorum. It will suggest that cohors IX Maurorum belongs to the same recruitment pattern as the two other units and thus its numeral indicates the size of the auxiliary garrison in the province of its origin and the ethnic name refers to the original cadre of recruits. Instead of associating the place of recruitment with any of the African provinces as has been occasionally done, it will be argued that the unit was recruited in the very province from where we have the only evidence of its existence – namely the province of Mesopotamia. The contradiction between the ethnic name and the province of origin will be explained by a further suggestion that the original cadre was drawn from the men serving in the numeri Maurorum, which are well documented in the Eastern provinces, just as cohors XX Palmyrenorum was most likely created from troops already serving in numeri Palmyrenorum, instead of raw recruits. If accepted, the hypothesis would seem to imply that the early Severan garrison of Mesopotamia included in addition to the two legions (i.e. I and III Parthica) originally eight auxiliary cohorts, which were soon supplemented by creation of the ninth unit.
The article examines the life of the Armenian Tiridates, who, according to Cassius Dio, caused disturbances in Armenia during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and who behaved violently towards the Roman legate Martius Verus when the latter... more
The article examines the life of the Armenian Tiridates, who, according to Cassius Dio, caused disturbances in Armenia during the reign of Marcus Aurelius and who behaved violently towards the Roman legate Martius Verus when the latter reproached him for his conduct. Although Dio mentions this man only en passant in relation to a minor incident, the fifth-century Armenian historian Movses Khorenats'i records in his work History of the Armenians a local folklore tradition of another Tiridates, who also seems to have been a contemporary of Marcus Aurelius and whose arrogance matched that of the Tiridates mentioned by Dio.
A closer examination of the details in these two stories would seem to suggest that both Cassius Dio and Movses are talking about one and the same individual. The combined details of these two stories help us to understand the incident recorded by Cassius Dio in its proper context. It also enables us to see the incident as another example of the challenges the Roman Empire faced in its more remote frontiers. Furthermore, the folklore tradition recorded by Movses would seem to provide us with valuable clues for our understanding of the situation in Armenia on the eve of the Parthian war of Lucius Verus, as well as the causes of this conflict and possibly the identities of some of its key players.
The paper examines the lacuna in Cassius Dio's books covering the reigns of Antoninus Pius and the first half of Marcus Aurelius. On the basis of evidence showing that the narrative of the years 138-169 was lost to the later epitomizers... more
The paper examines the lacuna in Cassius Dio's books covering the reigns of Antoninus Pius and the first half of Marcus Aurelius. On the basis of evidence showing that the narrative of the years 138-169 was lost to the later epitomizers of Dio, it is argued that the two excerpts of Dio (69.15.3 & 71.3.1a), which are presently edited within the lacuna should instead be allocated into the sections prior and after the lacuna. The first case - the visit of Pharasmanes to Rome - is explainable on the basis of Cassius Dio's writing method; while the latter case - the invasion of Pannonia by the Langobardi and Obii - is explained to be more understandable when allocated to the year 169. In addition, serious doubt is cast on the origin of the two fragments from the Suda (s.v. Martius; Zeugma) that are presently edited into Dio's book 71.

Keywords: Cassius Dio; Ioannes Xiphilinus; terminology; Pharasmanes; Marcomannic wars; Macrinius Vindex; Parthian war
The excerpt of Cassius Dio, which describes the arrival of two embassies to Hadrian, has been traditionally associated with the final years of this Emperor’s reign. This paper questions this assumption on the basis of circumstantial... more
The excerpt of Cassius Dio, which describes the arrival of two embassies to Hadrian, has been traditionally associated with the final years of this Emperor’s reign. This paper questions this assumption on the basis of circumstantial evidence concerning Hadrian’s relations with the Senate, Cassius Dio’s writing method, the known evidence related to the conflict with the Iazyges and the duration of the Ibero-Albanian conflict, and argues instead that the middle years of Hadrian’s reign (125-127 CE) would provide much more suitable occasion for the arrival of the embassies.

Full article available at

- Digizeitschriften (http://www.digizeitschriften.de/dms/img/?PID=PPN345204425_0062%7CLOG_0014)

- IngentaConnect (http://www.ingentaconnect.com/content/fsv/histori/2013/00000062/00000001/art00005)

- JSTOR (http://www.jstor.org/stable/24433625)
Review of John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Byzantine History 811–1057. Translation by John Wortley, with Introduction by Jean-Claude Cheynet and Bernard Flusin and Notes by Jean-Claude Cheynet. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge – New... more
Review of John Skylitzes: A Synopsis of Byzantine History 811–1057. Translation by John Wortley, with Introduction by Jean-Claude Cheynet and Bernard Flusin and Notes by Jean-Claude Cheynet. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge – New York 2010. ISBN 978-0-521-76705-7. XXXIII, 491 pp.
Review of Kingdoms and Principalities in the Roman Near East. Oriens et Occidens 19. Edited by Ted Kaizer – Margherita Facella. Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart 2010. ISBN 978-3-515-09715-4. 453 pp.
The paper takes an in-depth look into the Roman defeat at Elegeia (Armenia) in 162 CE, which is presently assumed to have involved an unnamed legion that was lost in the course of this battle. A closer examination of the sources... more
The paper takes an in-depth look into the Roman defeat at Elegeia (Armenia) in 162 CE, which is presently assumed to have involved an unnamed legion that was lost in the course of this battle. A closer examination of the sources mentioning this incident reveals that the present interpretation suggesting a legion lost in battle is based purely on a singular piece of evidence, namely that of Ioannes Xiphilinus' Epitome of Cassius Dio, and the manner how the modern translations of Cassius Dio have understood the Greek term στρατόπεδον. The precise meaning of the term in its narrative context is not without doubt, and alternative suggestions have been presented on previous occasions. Thus, the present study will first elaborate how both Cassius Dio and his later epitomizer Ioannes Xiphilinus understood this term.
How the other, more contemporary sources, such as Lucian of Samosata and Marcus Cornelius Fronto, presented the incident and how it can understood against the background of the larger political narrative of the Parthian war of Lucius Verus (162–166 CE) will be examined in detail. These sources would seem to suggest that contemporary individuals did not consider the Roman reverse in Armenia as such a massive military defeat as the modern interpretations would make it. Instead, the incident seems to have been taken to have been severe, but not catastrophic from the Roman point of view. The reactions of the Roman government, and especially the actions of Lucius Verus, the newly appointed co-emperor of Marcus Aurelius, would also seem to confirm this view and they seem to cast a serious doubt to any assumptions of a massive military defeat at Elegeia.
The location of Elegeia in eastern Turkey and its strategic importance on the Roman eastern frontier will also be explored. The geophysical realities would seem to suggest that the location played a vital role in the control of the Cappadocian-Armenian frontier, and thus, the history of the site from its first mention in the ancient sources related to the Trajanic times (114 CE) until its disappearance from the sources with the incident in 162 CE will be briefly examined. Taking in consideration all the available evidence, the present interpretation of the incident is challenged and an alternative one presented, one that is in more in line with the terminological tendencies of Dio/Xiphilinus and that can be supported by contemporary evidence.
Ever since the days of Augustus, the Roman propaganda cultivated an image of professional soldiers dedicated solely to the military service. This ideal state of affairs was supported by set of prohibitions, which debarred the soldiers... more
Ever since the days of Augustus, the Roman propaganda cultivated an image of professional soldiers dedicated solely to the military service. This ideal state of affairs was supported by set of prohibitions, which debarred the soldiers from such distractions as (legal) marriage and family-life. The evidence related to the soldiers themselves (tombstones, judicial papyri and discharge diplomas) shows that this was wishful thinking at best, especially in the case of the auxiliary soldiers, who tended to form marital alliances with local (usually peregrine) women and raised children with them. But although some marital alliances did occur, the general tendencies of the troops during service time remain a disputed issue as the available evidence tends to provide only one-sided information.
It could be argued that the discharge diplomas provide a true insight to the actual reality of the marital relations on the frontiers, as they were given to both bachelors and men with families, thus being much more democratic in nature than the official historiography or legislation. Also, as the number of discovered diplomas has soared in the recent years, a more detailed examination of the statistics in the marital patterns of the auxiliary soldiers upon discharge is now a more feasible task. Thus, this paper will provide a full examination of the available material and investigates the regional and periodical differences in marital patterns as they are indicated by the diplomata.
Among the questions that are attempted to answer are: what were the proportions between the bachelors and family men upon discharge; what could have been the reasons that would explain the periodical differences in the statistics and whether the results are only an anomaly related to the nature of the evidence or if they represent the actual historical realities on the frontiers? In addition, the challenges related to the research of the Roman discharge diplomas and the dangers to the interpretation of the larger marital patterns on the basis of this single type of evidence alone are explored; as is also the question whether other types of evidence can be seen to support or contradict the patterns suggested by the diplomas.
The proposed paper is a continuation to David Kennedy’s alternative explanation (ZPE 53 [1983], 214-216) to the numerals of cohors XX Palmyrenorum and cohors XII Palaestinorum. It will suggest that cohors IX Maurorum belongs to the same... more
The proposed paper is a continuation to David Kennedy’s alternative explanation (ZPE 53 [1983], 214-216) to the numerals of cohors XX Palmyrenorum and cohors XII Palaestinorum. It will suggest that cohors IX Maurorum belongs to the same recruitment pattern as the two other units and thus its numeral indicates the size of the auxiliary garrison in the province of its origin and the ethnic name refers to the original cadre of recruits. Instead of associating the place of recruitment with any of the African provinces as has been occasionally done, it will be argued that the unit was recruited in the very province from where we have the only evidence of its existence – namely the province of Mesopotamia. The contradiction between the ethnic name and the province of origin will be explained by a further suggestion that the original cadre was drawn from the men serving in the numeri Maurorum, which are well documented in the Eastern provinces, just as cohors XX Palmyrenorum was most likely created from troops already serving in numeri Palmyrenorum, instead of raw recruits. If accepted, the hypothesis would seem to imply that the early Severan garrison of Mesopotamia included in addition to the two legions (i.e. I and III Parthica) originally eight auxiliary cohorts, which were soon supplemented by creation of the ninth unit.