- Dmitri Teperik has over 10-years-experience in contributing as a director or a leading subject-matter-expert to vario... moreDmitri Teperik has over 10-years-experience in contributing as a director or a leading subject-matter-expert to various international research projects, interdisciplinary studies, development cooperation programmes, professional trainings and outreach activities on comprehensive resilience and complex measures against hostile influence and disinformation. Among the key topics, he has studied socio-psychological factors shaping societal resilience and cohesion, cognitive security, cross-sectoral crisis management, media consumption, situational awareness in information environment, malicious effects of social media as well as interdependencies between strategic communication and civic behaviour patterns. His main focus areas include Ukraine, the Baltic states and Post-Communist countries of Eastern Europe.
During 2016-2023, Dmitri Teperik has been leading the development cooperation programme “Resilient Ukraine” which focused on assessing and strengthening national resilience in vulnerable communities in Ukraine.
In 2016, Dmitri Teperik was a co-founder of the international training and cooperation platform Resilience League which focused on empowering young professionals and experts with practical skills and tools for developing cognitive resilience against hostile disinformation, societal polarisation and harmful radicalisation. Dmitri Teperik has been Programme Director of the autumn and spring schools – international training events organised under the auspices of the Resilience League during 2026-2022.
Dmitri Teperik holds a MS degree from the University of Tartu, Estonia and has taken part in various professional advanced trainings in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Georgia, Belgium, Germany, France, Spain, the Netherlands, the US and Canada as well as NATO and EU.edit
Building Whole-of-Society Security in Ukraine
Research Interests:
The relevance of this study has been further heightened following Russia’s escalated military aggression against Ukraine, prompting increased anxiety and concern about the Baltic states’ resilience and readiness. Consequently, an analysis... more
The relevance of this study has been further heightened following Russia’s escalated military aggression against Ukraine, prompting increased anxiety and concern about the Baltic states’ resilience and readiness. Consequently, an analysis of resilience provides valuable insights that complement existing public opinion surveys and security policy reports. The authors offer a detailed examination of the traits and behaviours that foster resilience, the impact of supportive relationships and communities, and the systemic factors that either support or undermine resilience.
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Research Interests:
The study highlights several key shortcomings in Estonian society’s resilience capabilities. Firstly, the lack of constructive responsiveness to warnings about plausible severe risks (i.e., power cuts) and low scores on preparedness for... more
The study highlights several key shortcomings in Estonian society’s resilience capabilities. Firstly, the lack of constructive responsiveness to warnings about plausible severe risks (i.e., power cuts) and low scores on preparedness for future energy crises show that the Estonian society does not have a mindset of crisis preparedness. Secondly, society’s lack of confidence in the government’s ability to successfully navigate such crises has the potential to undermine the relationship of trust and cooperation in similar episodes in the future. Another breakdown in resilience in the response to the energy crisis was related to the failure to maintain a just and equal distribution of risk, vulnerability, and cost. As the narrative related to the profits of the energy companies—especially state-owned ones—shows, the sense of unfair distribution of costs and benefits was pervasive and highly antagonising.
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The report recommends strengthening the monitoring and analysis of China’s information agenda in the Baltic states and studying this agenda in the context of China’s employment of other instruments of “sharp power”. It urges policy... more
The report recommends strengthening the monitoring and analysis of China’s information agenda in the Baltic states and studying this agenda in the context of China’s employment of other instruments of “sharp power”. It urges policy stakeholders to enhance strategic communication exposing China’s long-term geopolitical motives, means and ways of influence, and benefits it draws from Russia’s disinformation activities. Special attention should be devoted to societal groups most vulnerable to disinformation as well as on the issues where the public lacks clear opinion. The report also calls for strengthening resilience of the Baltic states’ societies to economic coercion and, most importantly, their self-confidence in the ability of small democratic states to protect their fundamental values and interests through coalition-building and active foreign policymaking.
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Global conflicts and geopolitical tensions are causing mass displacement, making refugee integration a pressing issue. The aftermath of Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine has resulted in over 5 million internally displaced Ukrainians and... more
Global conflicts and geopolitical tensions are causing mass displacement, making refugee integration a pressing issue. The aftermath of Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine has resulted in over 5 million internally displaced Ukrainians and more than 8 million refugees settling across Europe. The success of their integration relies on the hospitality and attitudes of citizens of host nations. This study investigates factors influencing attitudes toward Ukrainian refugees in seven nearby countries, focusing on resilience, and both positive and negative coping mechanisms.
Authors: Arielle Kaim, Shaul Kimhi, Maya Siman-Tov, Dalia Bankauskaite, Maria Baran, Tomasz Baran, Anatolie Cosciug, Yohannan Eshel, Salome Dumbadze, Manana Gabashvili, George Jiglau, Krzysztof Kaniasty, Alice Koubova, Hadas Marciano, Matkeviciene Renata, Marius Matichescu, Scholder Naomi, Dmitri Teperik, Jemal Sukhashvili, Bruria Adini.
Authors: Arielle Kaim, Shaul Kimhi, Maya Siman-Tov, Dalia Bankauskaite, Maria Baran, Tomasz Baran, Anatolie Cosciug, Yohannan Eshel, Salome Dumbadze, Manana Gabashvili, George Jiglau, Krzysztof Kaniasty, Alice Koubova, Hadas Marciano, Matkeviciene Renata, Marius Matichescu, Scholder Naomi, Dmitri Teperik, Jemal Sukhashvili, Bruria Adini.
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Since credo for a better and safer future is one of the essential elements for societal survivability and national endurance, the Baltic resilience model can – bearing in mind the lessons from Ukraine – be named as the BEACON of hope to... more
Since credo for a better and safer future is one of the essential elements for societal survivability and national endurance, the Baltic resilience model can – bearing in mind the lessons from Ukraine – be named as the BEACON of hope to address the following focal and fundamental elements for “everydayzation” of resilience practices
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Resilience provides a solid framework for many policy domains, including sustainable governance, safety, and national security. Likewise, deep divisions that characterise polarised societies are proven to undermine resilience, exposing... more
Resilience provides a solid framework for many policy domains, including sustainable governance, safety, and national security. Likewise, deep divisions that characterise polarised societies are proven to undermine resilience, exposing populations to crises and consequences thereof.
This analysis explores the deviations along two principal characteristics associated with the most visible gaps in perceptions: ethnolinguistic background and political views that, in the context of Estonia, also form stable social groups with their own self-identities. The data collected illustrates that, regardless of the changing socio-political context in 2022-23, the perceptions of socio-economic threats and wellbeing in local Russian speakers differ significantly from those of ethnic Estonians. Since attitudes-based perceptions shape one’s reality, the perception of being disadvantaged can magnify the sense of insecurity, thereby fuelling uncertainty and diminishing hope – the prerequisites of a resilient society.
It, therefore, presents a significant challenge to all the stakeholders – i.e., politicians, policymakers, government officials, expert community, and opinion leaders – and warrants cohesion policies that aim at minimising the gaps in the resilience-related perceptions across the ethnolinguistic groups in Estonia. The solution necessitates both long-term comprehensive measures to promote inclusive advancement and some short-term practical instruments of integration. Openness, inclusiveness, and empathy in society – all these features nurture democratic resilience and demand we maintain a fine balance between the plurality of political views, public opinions, and social trends on the one hand, and variances of intragroup perceptions and ideological attitudes on the other hand.
This analysis explores the deviations along two principal characteristics associated with the most visible gaps in perceptions: ethnolinguistic background and political views that, in the context of Estonia, also form stable social groups with their own self-identities. The data collected illustrates that, regardless of the changing socio-political context in 2022-23, the perceptions of socio-economic threats and wellbeing in local Russian speakers differ significantly from those of ethnic Estonians. Since attitudes-based perceptions shape one’s reality, the perception of being disadvantaged can magnify the sense of insecurity, thereby fuelling uncertainty and diminishing hope – the prerequisites of a resilient society.
It, therefore, presents a significant challenge to all the stakeholders – i.e., politicians, policymakers, government officials, expert community, and opinion leaders – and warrants cohesion policies that aim at minimising the gaps in the resilience-related perceptions across the ethnolinguistic groups in Estonia. The solution necessitates both long-term comprehensive measures to promote inclusive advancement and some short-term practical instruments of integration. Openness, inclusiveness, and empathy in society – all these features nurture democratic resilience and demand we maintain a fine balance between the plurality of political views, public opinions, and social trends on the one hand, and variances of intragroup perceptions and ideological attitudes on the other hand.
Research Interests:
The study examined the resilience and coping of samples from Ukraine and five nearby countries during the war in Ukraine. The research focused on (1) the levels of community and societal resilience of the Ukrainian respondents compared... more
The study examined the resilience and coping of samples from Ukraine and five nearby countries during the war in Ukraine. The research focused on (1) the levels of community and societal resilience of the Ukrainian respondents compared with the populations of five nearby European countries and (2) commonalities and diversities concerning coping indicators (hope, well-being, perceived threats, distress symptoms, and sense of danger) across the examined countries. A cross-sectional study was conducted, based on data collection through Internet panel samples, representing the six countries' adult populations. Ukrainian respondents reported the highest levels of community and societal resilience, hope, and distress symptoms and the lowest level of well-being, compared to the population of the five nearby European countries. Hope was the best predictor of community and societal resilience in all countries. Positive coping variables, most notably hope, but also perceived well-being are instrumental in building resilience. While building resilience on a societal level is a complex, multifaceted task, various dimensions must be considered when planning actions to support these states. It is essential to monitor the levels of resilience, during and following the resolution of the crisis, both in Ukraine and in the neighboring countries.
Authors: Shaul Kimhi, Arielle Kaim, Dalia Bankauskaite, Maria Baran, Tomasz Baran, Yohannan Eshel, Salome Dumbadze, Manana Gabashvili, Krzysztof Kaniasty, Alice Koubova, Hadas Marciano, Renata Matkeviciene, Dmitri Teperik, Bruria Adini.
Authors: Shaul Kimhi, Arielle Kaim, Dalia Bankauskaite, Maria Baran, Tomasz Baran, Yohannan Eshel, Salome Dumbadze, Manana Gabashvili, Krzysztof Kaniasty, Alice Koubova, Hadas Marciano, Renata Matkeviciene, Dmitri Teperik, Bruria Adini.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
As Russia’s military aggression has escalated since late February 2022, Ukraine’s war of defence has become truly patriotic. It managed to mobilise many citizens across the social spectrum because Ukrainians more often perceive it as... more
As Russia’s military aggression has escalated since late February 2022, Ukraine’s war of defence has become truly patriotic. It managed to mobilise many citizens across the social spectrum because Ukrainians more often perceive it as their war of independence—or even decolonisation. In many respects, the Ukrainian people see this armed conflict through the prism of a national liberation war, which inevitably challenges the country’s security and national resilience at various levels. With Russia’s attacks on civil infrastructure and civilian population strongly resembling terrorist tactics, resilience — as a complex multi-layered and multi-phased concept — provides a comprehensive framework for managing known vulnerabilities, mitigating emerging risks, and addressing further security challenges. In particular, it applies to human security and vulnerable populations. Additionally, it enhances a practical understanding and contributes to better coordination between actors and stakeholders in security, resilience, and non-security politics. Debate on resilience framework should, therefore, be inclusively cross-sectoral and interdisciplinary as it addresses many interconnected aspects, such as resources, capacities, socio-psychological attitudes, networking, learning, and future planning.
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The Baltic states, although not immune to disinformation, have accumulated unique experience and developed effective methods to resist and combat this malice. This report is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews and supplementary... more
The Baltic states, although not immune to disinformation, have accumulated unique experience and developed effective methods to resist and combat this malice.
This report is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews and supplementary surveys conducted with the representatives of several clusters – media, civil society organisations, state institutions, think-tanks/academia and business communities. It aims to assess risks and vulnerabilities, as well as the three nations’ preparedness to counteract foreign-led disinformation. This report also reviews the existing indices that lead to a greater understanding of the intricate nature and interdependences of resilience-shaping factors at various levels, while contributing the unique Baltic perspective to the evolving, global study of disinformation.
Multiple overlapping crises of 2020-21 – ripple effects from the political upheaval in Belarus, surge in illegal migration engineered by the regime in Minsk, the COVID-19 pandemic and accompanying socio-political perturbations, as well as China’s economic and diplomatic coercion against Lithuania – served as a reminder that no country could afford neglecting national resilience. The start of a major inter-state conventional war in Europe in 2022 has triggered a multitude of changes in the information environment of the Baltic states and prompted some radical adjustments and responses. Although the report does not cover the developments since 24 February, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion against Ukraine, neither foreign exploitation of vulnerabilities nor the responses of the Baltic governments that have been on display since then come in a vacuum. This report provides useful background and context that will help to understand what conceptual, legal, policy, institutional, political and societal precursors shape the current situation and determine successes or failures of disinformation and counter-disinformation efforts.
The general strength of the Baltic states arises from their historical memory of totalitarianism and occupation, as well as their unique regional context. However, Western-focused internationalisation in all spheres of life has proven beneficial to combatting foreign-led disinformation, which strengthens electoral integrity and ensures continued democratic traditions. That said, efforts to improve civic education and strengthen cognitive security of the societies must be redoubled. National resilience to disinformation must be maintained and further increased by investing in national and especially local high-quality media. Resilience – as a whole-of government and whole-of society effort – requires all stakeholders to continuously cooperate, creating a multi-layered cross-sectoral network, or a team-of-teams approach, able to identify and counter malignant influence campaigns. These and other insights and experiences of the Baltic states highlighted in the report remain as relevant in the post-24/02 world as during the global and regional crises of 2020-21.
This report is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews and supplementary surveys conducted with the representatives of several clusters – media, civil society organisations, state institutions, think-tanks/academia and business communities. It aims to assess risks and vulnerabilities, as well as the three nations’ preparedness to counteract foreign-led disinformation. This report also reviews the existing indices that lead to a greater understanding of the intricate nature and interdependences of resilience-shaping factors at various levels, while contributing the unique Baltic perspective to the evolving, global study of disinformation.
Multiple overlapping crises of 2020-21 – ripple effects from the political upheaval in Belarus, surge in illegal migration engineered by the regime in Minsk, the COVID-19 pandemic and accompanying socio-political perturbations, as well as China’s economic and diplomatic coercion against Lithuania – served as a reminder that no country could afford neglecting national resilience. The start of a major inter-state conventional war in Europe in 2022 has triggered a multitude of changes in the information environment of the Baltic states and prompted some radical adjustments and responses. Although the report does not cover the developments since 24 February, when Russia launched a full-scale invasion against Ukraine, neither foreign exploitation of vulnerabilities nor the responses of the Baltic governments that have been on display since then come in a vacuum. This report provides useful background and context that will help to understand what conceptual, legal, policy, institutional, political and societal precursors shape the current situation and determine successes or failures of disinformation and counter-disinformation efforts.
The general strength of the Baltic states arises from their historical memory of totalitarianism and occupation, as well as their unique regional context. However, Western-focused internationalisation in all spheres of life has proven beneficial to combatting foreign-led disinformation, which strengthens electoral integrity and ensures continued democratic traditions. That said, efforts to improve civic education and strengthen cognitive security of the societies must be redoubled. National resilience to disinformation must be maintained and further increased by investing in national and especially local high-quality media. Resilience – as a whole-of government and whole-of society effort – requires all stakeholders to continuously cooperate, creating a multi-layered cross-sectoral network, or a team-of-teams approach, able to identify and counter malignant influence campaigns. These and other insights and experiences of the Baltic states highlighted in the report remain as relevant in the post-24/02 world as during the global and regional crises of 2020-21.
Research Interests:
The policy paper analysis explores a set of emerging human-driven vulnerabilities of the media landscapes in Estonia and Latvia to develop an evidence-based policy approach to increase the practical resilience and preparedness of... more
The policy paper analysis explores a set of emerging human-driven vulnerabilities of the media landscapes in Estonia and Latvia to develop an evidence-based policy approach to increase the practical resilience and preparedness of Russian-language newsrooms and local journalists working in those areas and regions of high informational vulnerability.
Research Interests:
At this critical moment, and against the backdrop of a series of dramatic events – the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014, the subsequent annexation of Crimea, and the armed conflict in the east of the country that developed from... more
At this critical moment, and against the backdrop of a series of dramatic events – the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014, the subsequent annexation of Crimea, and the armed conflict in the east of the country that developed from artificially provoked separatist sentiments directed from outside the region – people showed a strong will to self-organise, albeit for a short period of time. Thus, one can say that the birth of the mass volunteer movement played a decisive role in preserving the integrity of the Ukrainian state, thereby meeting the demands of the period of crisis. The patriotically-minded population, aware of the significant dangers posed by ongoing events, sought to fill the gaps of leadership that existed not only in political and socio-economic realms, but also in defence and national security. The voluntary movement thus partly assumed several functions of a government that had shown itself unable to respond effectively to hybrid threats – making it a unique phenomenon in the history of modern Europe. But just who were these volunteers? What motivated them and brought them together? How could ordinary people spontaneously organise themselves to contain the military threat – and to be first on the front lines? To explore such questions, ICDS established an interdisciplinary research team to study the involvement of volunteers in defending Ukraine against Russia’s aggression. Recognising that our study cannot cover every single aspect of this complex phenomenon, our objective instead has been a more modest one: to provide the public with an outside perspective that can foster deeper understanding of how a volunteer military movement can be formed during a chaotic period of active military operations. We hope that this analysis will be also useful to the Baltic states, where volunteers are already extensively involved in national defence. As expected, when we started the project we found that the phenomenon of military volunteers in Ukraine had been rather thinly studied. It is thus welcome that some publications covering and highlighting this topic have been released during our research period. It should also be noted that the personal stories of those who were “first on the front lines” still carry enormous emotional weight. In a country that is de facto still at war, it is difficult to track, fully understand, or reliably analyse complex processes such as the volunteer movement. Accordingly, our work required the development of an effective and objective approach to analysing the processes of creating, developing and integrating volunteer units. We hope that this report will serve as a starting point for further research and expert discussion.
Research Interests:
This large-scale study of the opinions and attitudes of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia was conducted by undertaking an anonymous survey among nearly 2,800 young adults aged 16 to 20 in Harju County and Ida-Viru County. The study... more
This large-scale study of the opinions and attitudes of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia was conducted by undertaking an anonymous survey among nearly 2,800 young adults aged 16 to 20 in Harju County and Ida-Viru County. The study investigates several broad subject areas: personal values and reference points, media consumption, geopolitics and present-day conflicts, and national defence and internal security. The primary reason for the study focusing on Russian-speaking young people in Estonia lay in the group’s vulnerability to the influence of hostile information and the potential use of this group as a target of hostile external influence.
The National Centre of Defence and Security Awareness has conducted independent surveys of the opinions of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia since 2012, and the present analysis provides a unique opportunity to assess trends on... more
The National Centre of Defence and Security Awareness has conducted independent surveys of the opinions of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia since 2012, and the present analysis provides a unique opportunity to assess trends on some key positions through 2012, 2014, 2017 and 2019. The data presented in this analytical review provide a sufficiently detailed insight into the views and opinions of Russian-speaking young people of Estonia about worldviews, media, geopolitics, national security and defence; as well as giving comparative arguments with the sole purpose of raising new research questions and developing a deeper understanding of the worldview characteristics of this target group in Estonian society.
Research Interests:
5.2. Immuunmodulaatorite toime LPS-indutseeritud NO sünteesile ................................. 28 ... 5.3. Uuritavate ainete toime L-arginiini transpordile rakkudesse...................................... 31 ... 6.2. Immuunmodulaatorite... more
5.2. Immuunmodulaatorite toime LPS-indutseeritud NO sünteesile ................................. 28 ... 5.3. Uuritavate ainete toime L-arginiini transpordile rakkudesse...................................... 31 ... 6.2. Immuunmodulaatorite toime LPS-indutseeritud NO sünteesile ja L-arginiini
The report combines an overview of key legal documents that address the topic of resilience in Ukraine; a description of the socio-political features of the south and east of the country; and the results of an empirical study based on... more
The report combines an overview of key legal documents that address the topic of resilience in Ukraine; a description of the socio-political features of the south and east of the country; and the results of an empirical study based on data from focus groups and in-depth expert interviews, as well as significant excerpts from the analysis of public user data and discussions on social media networks. The conclusions and recommendations reflect the main practical task of this report – to improve the understanding of stakeholders in Ukraine of the mosaic-like structure and non-linear dynamics of the development of national resilience, especially its individual components in the regional context. Thus, this report is an important starting point for further applied research, as well as for practical steps to take to strengthen the informational, digital, communication, and cognitive security of Ukraine.
The analytical study concentrated on the community level, since the mosaic of national resilience consists of such elements as trust between different social groups and trust in institutions, as well as a readiness for cooperation. Direct transparent interaction between civil society, the state, and the business sector is especially important in times of crisis when the system of values is under threat which, under external pressure, can be destroyed in a chain reaction or change entirely during internal socio-political cataclysms. We believe that it is the horizontal rather than vertical ties in a society that are mainly responsible for strengthening resilience.
The analytical study concentrated on the community level, since the mosaic of national resilience consists of such elements as trust between different social groups and trust in institutions, as well as a readiness for cooperation. Direct transparent interaction between civil society, the state, and the business sector is especially important in times of crisis when the system of values is under threat which, under external pressure, can be destroyed in a chain reaction or change entirely during internal socio-political cataclysms. We believe that it is the horizontal rather than vertical ties in a society that are mainly responsible for strengthening resilience.
Research Interests:
Whether they like it or not, the European Union, and more generally the community of Western liberal democracies, are now compelled to acknowledge the renewed intensity of malign actions undertaken under the threshold of open aggression... more
Whether they like it or not, the European Union, and more generally the community of Western liberal democracies, are now compelled to acknowledge the renewed intensity of malign actions undertaken under the threshold of open aggression by a number of state powers (Russia, China, Iran) and non-state actors (terrorists, violent extremists, radical groups), unhappy with the current international order. This phenomenon has been called many names – hybrid threats, gray zone conflict
or unrestricted warfare – but all converge to a single idea: it has been especially challenging to face up to these threats as they reside in an ambiguous strategy which aims at blurring the distinction between war-like hostilities and peaceful competition.
or unrestricted warfare – but all converge to a single idea: it has been especially challenging to face up to these threats as they reside in an ambiguous strategy which aims at blurring the distinction between war-like hostilities and peaceful competition.
Research Interests:
Disinformation Resilience Index (DRI) aims at scrutinising the level of national resilience to foreign, foremost Kremlin-engineered, information influence across 14 CEE countries. The sum of the national resilience of the 14 countries... more
Disinformation Resilience Index (DRI) aims at scrutinising the level of national resilience to foreign, foremost Kremlin-engineered, information influence across 14 CEE countries. The sum of the national resilience of the 14 countries reveals the degree of the defence immune system of the whole region. As noted by the ICDS Chief Executive, Dmitri Teperik: “DRI comprehensive methodology allows conducting multifaceted and robust analysis of communication activities of the Kremlin’s information and psychological campaigns in the selected countries, as well as assess the impact of the Kremlin-led propaganda”.
Research Interests:
At this critical moment, and against the backdrop of a series of dramatic events – the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014, the subsequent annexation of Crimea, and the armed conflict in the east of the country that developed from... more
At this critical moment, and against the backdrop of a series of dramatic events – the Revolution of Dignity in 2013–2014, the subsequent annexation of Crimea, and the armed conflict in the east of the country that developed from artificially provoked separatist sentiments directed from outside the region – people showed a strong will to self-organise, albeit for a short period of time. Thus, one can say that the birth of the mass volunteer movement played a decisive role in preserving the integrity of the Ukrainian state, thereby meeting the demands of the period of crisis. The patriotically-minded population, aware of the significant dangers posed by ongoing events, sought to fill the gaps of leadership that existed not only in political and socio-economic realms, but also in defence and national security. The voluntary movement thus partly assumed several functions of a government that had shown itself unable to respond effectively to hybrid threats – making it a unique phenomenon in the history of modern Europe. But just who were these volunteers? What motivated them and brought them together? How could ordinary people spontaneously organise themselves to contain the military threat – and to be first on the front lines?
To explore such questions, ICDS established an interdisciplinary research team to study the involvement of volunteers in defending Ukraine against Russia’s aggression. Recognising that our study cannot cover every single aspect of this complex phenomenon, our objective instead has been a more modest one: to provide the public with an outside perspective that can foster deeper understanding of how a volunteer military movement can be formed during a chaotic period of active military operations. We hope that this analysis will be also useful to the Baltic states, where volunteers are already extensively involved in national defence.
As expected, when we started the project we found that the phenomenon of military volunteers in Ukraine had been rather thinly studied. It is thus welcome that some publications covering and highlighting this topic have been released during our research period. It should also be noted that the personal stories of those who were “first on the front lines” still carry enormous emotional weight. In a country that is de facto still at war, it is difficult to track, fully understand, or reliably analyse complex processes such as the volunteer movement. Accordingly, our work required the development of an effective and objective approach to analysing the processes of creating, developing and integrating volunteer units. We hope that this report will serve as a starting point for further research and expert discussion.
To explore such questions, ICDS established an interdisciplinary research team to study the involvement of volunteers in defending Ukraine against Russia’s aggression. Recognising that our study cannot cover every single aspect of this complex phenomenon, our objective instead has been a more modest one: to provide the public with an outside perspective that can foster deeper understanding of how a volunteer military movement can be formed during a chaotic period of active military operations. We hope that this analysis will be also useful to the Baltic states, where volunteers are already extensively involved in national defence.
As expected, when we started the project we found that the phenomenon of military volunteers in Ukraine had been rather thinly studied. It is thus welcome that some publications covering and highlighting this topic have been released during our research period. It should also be noted that the personal stories of those who were “first on the front lines” still carry enormous emotional weight. In a country that is de facto still at war, it is difficult to track, fully understand, or reliably analyse complex processes such as the volunteer movement. Accordingly, our work required the development of an effective and objective approach to analysing the processes of creating, developing and integrating volunteer units. We hope that this report will serve as a starting point for further research and expert discussion.
Research Interests:
The analysis highlights instrumentalisation of resilience for mitigating security threats, especially in the discourse on NATO deterrence and defence. As a military alliance, NATO has agreed seven baseline requirements for national... more
The analysis highlights instrumentalisation of resilience for mitigating security threats, especially in the discourse on NATO deterrence and defence. As a military alliance, NATO has agreed seven baseline requirements for national resilience against which preparedness can be measured; however, these are narrow and are oriented towards enabling and facilitating successful military defence. Even so, whatever the field of study, resilience has a shared set of characteristics making it even more useful in the context of hybrid threats to a modern society. In addition to tracking the concept’s definitional history and its migration across various fields, this analysis highlights instrumentalisation of resilience for mitigating security threats, especially in the discourse on NATO deterrence and defence.
Research Interests:
The brief explores reasons why the concerns, grievances and perceptions of all vulnerable societal groups should receive adequate attention if further harm inflicted by fact-free and/or fact-twisting ‘alternative realities’ is to be... more
The brief explores reasons why the concerns, grievances and perceptions of all vulnerable societal groups should receive adequate attention if further harm inflicted by fact-free and/or fact-twisting ‘alternative realities’ is to be averted.
As some intergroup differences fall notably along the lines related to age, levels of educational attainment, overall welfare and life satisfaction, perceptions of inclusion, and geography, the pervasiveness of misconceptions and social myths as well as their impact on the attitudes, perceptions, and behaviour of citizens can be considered as reliable indicators of societal resilience in Estonia.
As some intergroup differences fall notably along the lines related to age, levels of educational attainment, overall welfare and life satisfaction, perceptions of inclusion, and geography, the pervasiveness of misconceptions and social myths as well as their impact on the attitudes, perceptions, and behaviour of citizens can be considered as reliable indicators of societal resilience in Estonia.
Research Interests:
The National Centre of Defence and Security Awareness has conducted independent surveys of the opinions of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia since 2012, and the present analysis provides a unique opportunity to assess trends on... more
The National Centre of Defence and Security Awareness has conducted independent surveys of the opinions of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia since 2012, and the present analysis provides a unique opportunity to assess trends on some key positions through 2012, 2014, 2017 and 2019. The data presented in this analytical review provide a sufficiently detailed insight into the views and opinions of Russian-speaking young people of Estonia about worldviews, media, geopolitics, national security and defence; as well as giving comparative arguments with the sole purpose of raising new research questions and developing a deeper understanding of the worldview characteristics of this target group in Estonian society.
Research Interests:
This large-scale study of the opinions and attitudes of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia was conducted by undertaking an anonymous survey among nearly 2,800 young adults aged 16 to 20 in Harju County and Ida-Viru County. The study... more
This large-scale study of the opinions and attitudes of Russian-speaking young people in Estonia was conducted by undertaking an anonymous survey among nearly 2,800 young adults aged 16 to 20 in Harju County and Ida-Viru County. The study investigates several broad subject areas: personal values and reference points, media consumption, geopolitics and present-day conflicts, and national defence and internal security. The primary reason for the study focusing on Russian-speaking young people in Estonia lay in the group’s vulnerability to the influence of hostile information and the potential use of this group as a target of hostile external influence.
Unprecedented insight into Russian-language online communities, who are inundated by a toxic mix of disinformation and propaganda. Analysis revealed presence of a relatively small but significant proportion of active ideological users in... more
Unprecedented insight into Russian-language online communities, who are inundated by a toxic mix of disinformation and propaganda. Analysis revealed presence of a relatively small but significant proportion of active ideological users in every network in each of the Baltic states—the ones who primarily create, support, and disseminate pro-Russian rhetoric, exploiting the increasingly well-developed connections among users as well as the growth in the number of public groups featuring ideological content.
Research Interests:
The book chapter refrains from making predictive assertions about the post-war landscape of Russia after the conflict with Ukraine. Instead, it serves as an intellectual exercise aimed at stimulating a more open debate, challenging some... more
The book chapter refrains from making predictive assertions about the post-war landscape of Russia after the conflict with Ukraine. Instead, it serves as an intellectual exercise aimed at stimulating a more open debate, challenging some wishful thinking regarding Russia-related perceptions and beliefs in Western public discourse. However, this chapter operates under the important assumption that there will be at least some kind of a post-war Russia (or rather a post-wars Russia, considering Russia’s involvement in other armed conflicts as proxy wars). Collapse, disintegration, and degradation can equally may evoke a mix of inspiration and fear, as one cannot simply imagine (and therefore instinctively fears) the degradation of a nuclear power and the subsequent chaos in post-Russian territories. However, some optimistically await a new geopolitical world order without the Russian state as traditionally known. Nevertheless, those thrilling scenarios are not explored in this chapter, as they remain underrepresented in the public global projections regarding a post-war Russia which, undoubtedly holds diverse potential prospects.
Research Interests:
ISBN 978-9934-8684-3-6