Jelka Zorn

IZVLEČEK Avtonomija in nadzor migracij v evropskih »tamponskih conah« Dva ključna koncepta, s pomočjo katerih avtorici v članku mislita migracije in se prepletata skozi celot-no besedilo, sta nadzor nad priseljevanjem in avtonomija migracij, pri čemer poudarita, da je v praksi prvi odgovor na drugega in ne obratno. Koncept avtonomije migracij omogoča razumeti begunce/ begunke in migrante/migrantke onstran viktimizacije in varnostnega diskurza. Nadzor razčlenita s po-močjo prikaza tipičnih diskurzov (ločevanje beguncev in ekonomskih migrantov, varnostni diskurz, diskurz žrtve, zloraba azila) in značilnih ukrepov (zapiranje »nelegalnih« migrantov in eksternalizacija evropskih meja). Ključni argument je, da v praksi nadzor nad priseljevanjem ne blokira le avtonomi-je migracij, temveč tudi sistem mednarodne zaščite. Omenjeni koncepti in prakse se odslikavajo na eksternaliziranih evropskih mejah-»tamponskih conah«-ki naj bi prevzele evropski sistem med-narodne zaščite ter varovale EU pred migracijami. Prakse v »tamponskih conah« avtorici obravnavata s perspektive avtonomije migracij, torej tudi onstran zatiranja in neučinkovitega sistema zaščite. ABSTRACT Autonomy and Control of Migration in European "Buffer Zones" Two key concepts that intertwine throughout the text are immigration control and the autonomy of migration. It is important to emphasize that in practice, the former is a response to the latter and not the other way around. The concept of the autonomy of migration makes it possible to consider refugees and migrants without resorting to victimization and security discourse. Control is broken down by presenting typical discourses (the distinction between refugees and economic migrants, security discourse, victim discourse, asylum abuse) and countermeasures (incarcerating "illegal" migrants and the externalization of European borders). The main argument is that in practice, immigration control blocks not only the autonomy of migration, but also the system of international protection (asylum). These concepts and practices are reflected in Europe's externalized borders-"buffer zones" which are supposed to support the European asylum system and also protect the EU from migrations. The paper views practices in these buffer zones from the perspective of the autonomy of migration, and thus goes beyond the narrow framework of oppression and the ineffective system of protection.

Članek razpravlja o tihotapljenju ljudi v kontekstu evropskega mejnega režima. Oriše teptanje pravice do azila, razčleni demonizacijo tihotapcev in prikaže paradoks kriminalizacije solidarnosti. Kot tržna nelegalna storitev se tihotapljenje ljudi bistveno razlikuje od solidarnosti z ljudmi na poti. Protitihotapska zakonodaja pa ukinja razlike med tihotapljenjem in solidarnostnimi praksami, saj materialna korist ni nujen element kriminalizacije pomoči pri migraciji. Ugotavlja, da »nasilne meje« in državni pregon antagonizem tihotapstvo-solidarnost umeščajo na isti kontinuum in da so solidarnostne prakse upor proti nasilnim mejam, tihotapljenje pa njihov učinek.

Differently from studies that analyze antideportation struggles in relation to concepts of state sovereignty and (un)making of citizenship, this paper focuses more on intersection of politics and body. It discusses struggle for the “place in the world” as an embodied experience. Ahmad Shamieh came to Slovenia in 2016 through the humanitarian corridor on the Balkan route. The Slovene Ministry of the Interior refused to examine his asylum claim and instead issued him a Dublin Regulation decision, stating that he was to be deported to Croatia. Ahmad’s and his supporters’ legal and political struggle, which lasted several years, prevented his deportation. In contrast to state’s politics of exclusion, causing dehumanization and traumatization the grassroots community struggle developed the politics of inclusion, solidarity and care from below, in practice transforming the conditions of belonging.

Avtonomijo socialnega dela ogroža varnostnizacija, ki je oblika strukturnega nasilja nad migranti in begunci. Policijska potiskanja na evropskih mejah so kršitev mednarodnih standardov in pravice do pravic ljudi na poti. V takem rasističnem družbenem kontekstu so tudi skupine in posamezniki, ki se solidarizirajo z migranti, preganjani in ustrahovani. Oblast solidarnost prikaže kot zločin. V članku avtorica na podlagi metod opazovanja z udeležbo in avtoetnografije išče mesto socialnega dela, ki neenakosti in nasilja ne bo povečevalo, temveč upoštevalo načela stroke.

Being undocumented does not mean being without ties to one’s host society: undocumented immigrants might work and have family and friends; they might be active in community life, etc. However, due to a lack of formal status, they are vulnerable to detention and deportation. Instead of vilifying migrants for their irregular situation, the article sees immigration controls as a source of unjust policies and practices. Immigrant detention means administrative imprisonment without the normal due process safeguards commonly demanded in liberal democracies. Its consequences are separated families and broken individuals. Social work is seen as a profession developing ethical considerations and arguments to advocate for the right to belong to an organized political community, the right to social security, and the right to personal liberties being applicable to all people, regardless of their immigration status.

The aim of this article is to shed light on the situation of refugees (formally designated as asylum seekers) and undocumented migrant workers, who are among the most vulnerable inhabitants of Europe. Both groups face the threat of detention and deportation. The normative framework, which consists of legal standards and residential institutions, will be critically examined. Despite international standards for respecting the human rights of refugees and undocumented workers, policies of detention and deportation and the mass rejection of asylum claims leave little hope for the empowerment, autonomy and social inclusion of these persons. Instead of a straight-forward argument for closing down all detention centres and putting an end to forcible deportations, the article investigates small scale structural possibilities for inclusive – non-selective – responses to these non-citizens.

Differently from studies that analyze antideportation struggles in relation to concepts of state sovereignty and (un)making of citizenship, this paper focuses more on intersection of politics and body. It discusses struggle for the “place in the world” as an embodied experience. Ahmad
Shamieh came to Slovenia in 2016 through the humanitarian corridor on the Balkan route. The Slovene Ministry of the Interior refused to examine his asylum claim and instead issued him a Dublin Regulation decision, stating that he was to be deported to Croatia. Ahmad’s and his supporters’ legal and political struggle, which lasted several years, prevented his deportation. In contrast to state’s politics of exclusion, causing dehumanization and traumatization the grassroots community
struggle developed the politics of inclusion, solidarity and care from below, in practice transforming the conditions of belonging.

so tudi priseljeni delavci in delavke, begunci in druge osebe, ki niso državljani države, v kateri delajo oziroma živijo. Nekatere znane skupine oziroma omrežja aktivistov in aktivistk so No Borders, No One Is Illegal, Invisible Workers of the World, Sans-Papiers, izbrisani idr. Ome-njena in druga gibanja priseljencev in beguncev so (bila) vidna in aktivna omrežja široke plat-forme gibanj za pravičnejšo globalizacijo, ki jih povezujemo z upori proti G20 in s svetovnimi socialnimi forumi (spomnimo se protestov v Seattlu leta 1999, Genovi leta 2001, Londonu, Portu Alegre itd.) (Bojadžijev 2009). Gotovo ni naključje, da je v Sloveniji giba-nje izbrisanih vzniknilo prav v času vse večje vidnosti gibanja za pravičnejšo globalizacijo. Alterglobalisti so organizirali proteste proti ksenofobiji in poudarjali pravice prosilcev za azil, bosanskih beguncev, proti sestanku med Bushem in Putinom itd. (Zadnikar 2004). Po-zneje so posamezni aktivisti in aktivistke svoj boj nadaljevali skupaj z izbrisanimi, še pozneje pa so se nekateri pridružili Nevidnim delavcem sveta. Omenjene aktivistične skupine (No Borders, izbrisani, Nevidni delavci sveta ipd.) na teoretski ravni problematizirajo legitimnost globalnega režima nadzora priseljevanja in s tem v zvezi tudi globalnega kapitalističnega sistema. Nadzor nad mejami je v središču ka-pitalističnih odnosov-ti odnosi pa temeljijo na odnosih prilaščanja in izkoriščanja. Na praktični, osebni ravni pa opozarjajo na sistemske ovire življenja v novi državi; te ovire so posledica politike ločevanja prebivalstva na državljane in nedržavljane. Prvi so upravičenci socialnih, političnih in drugih pravic, drugi pa Uvod Kot je ugotovil že Foucault (1980: 142), so odnosi moči prežeti z uporom; zatiranje namreč vselej izzove različne oblike nasprotovanj in protestov. Upor je možen tako na individualni kot na kolektivni ravni-kadar je kolektiven, lahko preraste v družbeno gibanje. V tej številki revije Socialno delo se ukvarjamo z gibanji, ki naspro-tujejo ustaljenim praksam, postopkom, ideolo-gijam ipd. in jih zato imenujemo protisistemska (Arrighi et al. 1989). Lahko si prizadevajo priti na oblast in tako vplivati na spremembe ali pa vztrajajo pri »spreminjanju sveta brez boja za oblast« (Holloway 2004, Gregorčič 2011). Primera sodobnih družbenih gibanj, ki sta pomembno preoblikovala družbo, sta parti-zansko gibanje med drugo svetovno vojno in feministično-mirovniško-antirasistično gibanje v poznih šestdesetih letih 20. stoletja v Zahodni Evropi in ZDA. Partizansko si je prizadevalo priti na oblast in to je delu gibanja, ki se je združilo v Komunistični partiji, tudi uspelo, drugo pa je delovalo kot kritika obstoječih odnosov moči, ideologij, praks in zakonodaje (zahtevali so enakopravnost žensk, gejev in lez-bijk, ljudi z ovirami, temnopoltih državljanov, uprli so se vojni v Vietnamu ipd.). V zadnjem času je vse bolj prepoznavno gibanje za pravičnejšo globalizacijo, ki ima različne izraze, kot je Occupy Movement (de-nimo zasedba Filozofske fakultete v Zagrebu in Ljubljani), priče pa smo tudi vstajam v posameznih mestih ali državah (protesti proti varčevalnim ukrepom in neustreznim vladam v Sloveniji, Grčiji, Španiji idr.). Pomemben kos mozaika v množici upornih skupin in omrežij

Social work is seen as a profession developing ethical considerations and arguments to advocate for the right to belong to an organised political community, the right to social security and the right to personal liberties as applicable to all people, regardless of their immigration status. Immigration control is thus seen as a source of unjust policies and practices. Those who find themselves undocumented are supposed to remain invisible and without claims on state or society. This article considers some examples of collective mobilisations (the Erased, No Border, Invisible Workers of the World), empowerment and political subjectivisation of non-citizens and the ways in which activism can challenge the notions of belonging, citizenship and access to social rights. When resisting, people create networks of solidarity and invent new ways of belonging. This could be seen as 'regularisation from below': the growing autonomy of the city (as opposed to state definitions of belonging) and de-illegalisation at the micro level (at the city level, access to municipal social services, rights with employers etc).

When Slovenia became a sovereign state in 1991, it had to define who its citizens were. Were all residents of Slovenia, regardless of their ethnic belonging, equal in this respect? This article provides an answer to this question by elucidating certain parts of the secession legislation-the initial designation of citizenry and one of its indirect outcomes, the erasure from the register of permanent residents. The ethnic/ civic dichotomy will be applied in order to demonstrate opposing nationalist claims made by the ruling elite. In terms of specific processes, Slovene nationalism will be presented in three distinct phases: counter-state nationalism (before the break-up of Yugoslavia), state-building nationalism (the initial designation of citizenry), and the nationalising state (after the secession; marked by the erasure and threats to revoke citizenship statuses of naturalised citizens).

IZVLEČEK Evropski mejni režim: Tihotapljenje ljudi in paradoks kriminalizacije solidarnosti Članek razpravlja o tihotapljenju ljudi v kontekstu evropskega mejnega režima. Oriše teptanje pravice do azila, razčleni demonizacijo tihotapcev in prikaže paradoks kri-minalizacije solidarnosti. Kot tržna nelegalna storitev se tihotapljenje ljudi bistveno razlikuje od solidarnosti z ljudmi na poti. Protitihotapska zakonodaja pa ukinja raz-like med tihotapljenjem in solidarnostnimi praksami, saj materialna korist ni nujen element kriminalizacije pomoči pri migraciji. Ugotavlja, da »nasilne meje« in državni pregon antagonizem tihotapstvo-solidarnost umeščajo na isti kontinuum in da so solidarnostne prakse upor proti nasilnim mejam, tihotapljenje pa njihov učinek. ABSTRACT The European Border Regime: People Smuggling and the Paradox of the Criminalization of Solidarity The article discusses people smuggling within the European border regime, namely, the right to asylum, the demonization of smugglers, and the paradox of the crim-inalization of solidarity. As a commercial, illegal service, people smuggling can be seen as the opposite of solidarity with people on the move. Anti-smuggling laws blur their differences since the material benefit of helping people on the move does not qualify as criminal activity. The author presents the embeddedness of the smuggling-solidarity antagonism within the context of violent borders and state persecution. She concludes that solidarity practices are protests against, whereas smuggling is the effect of violent borders. Dr. sociologije-socialnega dela v skupnosti, izredna profesorica, Fakulteta za socialno delo Univer-ze v Ljubljani, Topniška ulica 31, SI-1000 Ljubljana; jelka.zorn@fsd.uni-lj.si, https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8438-7596-Članek je nastal v okviru projekta »Evropski režim iregulariziranih migraciji na periferiji EU: Od etnografije do pojmovnika« (Hrvatska zaklada za znanost, IP-2019-04-6642) in raziskovalnega projekta »Socialno delo kot nosilec procesov družbenega vključevanja in socialne pravičnosti v Sloveniji« (ARRS, P5-0058).-Za dragocene komentarje se zahvaljujem Uršuli Lipo-vec Čebron, Eli Meh, Maji Ivačič in Asji Hrvatin. Za možnost intervjujev z obsojenimi in s socialnim delavcem se zahvaljujem Upravi RS za izvrševanje kazenskih sankcij.