The article presents a new proposal to supplement v. 12 of the anonymous hexametric piece containing, most likely, the lament of Ariadne abandoned by Theseus on Naxos. The suggestion offered here (οὐκ or, better, οὐδ’ αἰδ]ὼς ἐν ὀνείρωι... more
The article presents a new proposal to supplement v. 12 of the anonymous hexametric piece containing, most likely, the lament of Ariadne abandoned by Theseus on Naxos. The suggestion offered here (οὐκ or, better, οὐδ’ αἰδ]ὼς ἐν ὀνείρωι instead of δήλ]ωσεν ὀνείρωι or ὡς ἐν ὀνείρωι developed by other scholars) allows us to guess that the piece may have expressed Ariadne’s contradictory feelings and her moral dilemma.
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Research Interests: Philosophy and Paideia
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The passage placed at the very beginning of the sixth chapter of the Ps.-Plutarchean treatise On Music is seen as one of the most important ancient sources providing the definition of nomos. On the grounds of what is said there scholars... more
The passage placed at the very beginning of the sixth chapter of the Ps.-Plutarchean treatise On Music is seen as one of the most important ancient sources providing the definition of nomos. On the grounds of what is said there scholars have persisted in considering nomoi to be compositions governed by strict rules and possessing a determinate, unvarying τάσις. The scope of this invariability has given scholars, however, a great deal of trouble. Consequently, the question of the correct understanding of Ps.-Plutarch's passage has not definitely been solved yet. In this article I shall attempt to find an interpretation of the seemingly incoherent beginning of ch. 6, the immediate concern of which is with the history of citharody in general, not only as the majority of investigators are now prone to think with the generic outlook of nomos. To achieve this aim, I propose to look at the context of the nomos' definition, since some words and expressions used within sentences which precede and follow it, are in my opinion of crucial importance for a proper understanding of the definition itself. Moreover, one should remember that the definition does not, by any means, form a separate or autonomous statement. The definition is obviously part of the argumentation carried out within the train of sentences, an example supporting the point just being made by the author. In ch. 6 (1133 Β) of Mus. we read: To δ' όλον ή μεν κατά Τέρπανδρον κιθαρωδία και μέχρι της Φρύνιδος ηλικίας παντελώς άπλη τις ούσα διετέλεΐ' ού γάρ έξήν τό παλαιόν οΰτω ποιεϊσθαι τάς κιΌαραιδίας ώς νυν, ουδέ μετριφέρειν τάς αρμονίας και τους ρυθμούς· έν γάρ τοις νόμοις έκάστψ διετήρουν την οί,κείαν τάσιν. διό και ταύτην έπωνυμίαν είχον νόμοι γάρ προσηγορεύθησαν, έπειδή ουκ έξήν παραβήναι καθ' εκαστον νενομισμένον είδος της τάσεως.
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Cicero seems to have avoided the first-person plural of the present indicative of fero and of its compounds: a search on the PHI Latin Texts CD 5.3 (1991) shows only one occurrence of ferimus, none of adferimus, auferimus, conferimus, or... more
Cicero seems to have avoided the first-person plural of the present indicative of fero and of its compounds: a search on the PHI Latin Texts CD 5.3 (1991) shows only one occurrence of ferimus, none of adferimus, auferimus, conferimus, or similar compound forms. Since fero and its numerous compounds are common words, this is unlikely to be coincidence. Of course, some forms will be rare because an author will have had little occasion to use them; Cicero may, for instance, have wanted to say ‘let us endure’ or ‘we shall endure’ more often than ‘we are enduring’. The table below (which compares words with similar meanings) suggests that this is not the explanation for the extreme rarity here.1
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The article offers a new interpretation of Anaxandrides’ comic fragment (16 K.-A), preserved at Athenaeus 14.638c-d as a part of an extended discussion of the authors of disreputable poetry and the decline of music. It has been argued... more
The article offers a new interpretation of Anaxandrides’ comic fragment (16 K.-A), preserved at Athenaeus 14.638c-d as a part of an extended discussion of the authors of disreputable poetry and the decline of music. It has been argued that in this fragment – in fact the only remaining from Anaxandrides’ play entitled Heracles – the spotlight is focused not, as has been hitherto assumed, on the comparison between a musically talented person and an unskilful one, but rather on the complaint about the musical style represented by pieces composed and performed by a certain Argas and artists of his ilk. The point of the ironic “praise” of the unnamed musician, presumably refect-ing the taste of the audience, is to sarcastically treat him as an artistic nobody.In Anaxandridis fabulis multa invenias, quae simul ad comoediae mediae ac novae materiam proxime accedunt. Inter ea, quae naturae et indoli mediae comoediae congruunt, sunt opiniones ad musicam eiusque cultorum ingenium et mores spe...
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Taniec z tradycją jak z wazą François : rozmowa o Gardzienicach i "Metamorfozach" / Krystyna Bartol, Anna Wyka, Zbigniew Benedyktowicz, Jerzy Danielewicz, Jacek Dobrowolski, Ireneusz Guszpit, Dariusz Kosińki, Tomasz Kubikowski, Włodzimierz Lengauer, Czesław Robotycki, Tomasz Rodowicz, Zbigniew Ta...more
Research Interests: Art History and Art
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W artykule przedstawiono najwcześniejsze greckie sposoby myślenia o zbieraniu, zestawianiu i wyliczaniu w odniesieniu do literatury i jej funkcjonowania. Obecna od początków dziejów greckiej poezji skłonność do posługiwania się katalogami... more
W artykule przedstawiono najwcześniejsze greckie sposoby myślenia o zbieraniu, zestawianiu i wyliczaniu w odniesieniu do literatury i jej funkcjonowania. Obecna od początków dziejów greckiej poezji skłonność do posługiwania się katalogami jako integralnymi częściami utworów, porządkującymi różne rzeczy, sprawy i zjawiska i ułatwiającymi ich zapamiętywanie, już w V w. p.n.e. znalazła wyraz w tworzeniu zbiorów (syllogai) poetyckich dokonań, które były układane według różnorakich kryteriów (tematycznych, gatunkowych, autorskich, funkcjonalnych). Towarzysząca zbieraniu utworów aksjologiczna postawa redaktorów syllogai wobec tych utworów doprowadziła w czasach hellenistycznych do powstania antologii, czyli wyborów dzieł uznanych za artystycznie najlepsze, a więc dostarczające odbiorcy przyjemności przede wszystkim estetycznej. Prześledzenie najwcześniejszych dziejów antologizowania pokazuje, że wszechobecne w życiu Greków zasady: użyteczności i przyjemności odgrywały znaczącą rolę w kszt...
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This article discusses Marco Perale’s readings in P.Oxy. LXIV 4410, fr. 1 and 2.1-5. It also suggests another possible reading and presents an alternative explanation of the meaning of the text.
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This article explores the thematic and stylistic function of the anaphora in the anonymous fragment of Old Comedy (741 K.-A.). It also analyses an interpretation of Plutarch’s comment on these lines.
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he adduces modern parallels, including sightings of Martin Mormann, Lord Lucan and Elvis (pp. 340–1 on 58.25.1). M.’s Dio adopts ‘the persona of the critical historian, reporting a range of views, while delivering his own judgement’ (p.... more
he adduces modern parallels, including sightings of Martin Mormann, Lord Lucan and Elvis (pp. 340–1 on 58.25.1). M.’s Dio adopts ‘the persona of the critical historian, reporting a range of views, while delivering his own judgement’ (p. 116). Although Tiberius drives the narrative, the historian also records moments where elites transgress the expectations of their social class (e.g. 57.14.3), and takes an interest in high-status senatorial objects like the skimpodia (p. 229 on 57.17.6). As a possible sufferer of gout, he is attentive to those afflicted (p. 228 on 57.17.4), and he has an interest in trivial details (57.13.2; 58.19.2). Speeches and folkloric anecdotes provide opportunities for Dio to draw out broader themes (cf. p. 320 on 58.19.3– 4; p. 256 on 57.21.5–7 [Xiph.]). Yet, the historian can also lump too many events together, leaving an impression of sloppiness, confusion and possible historical mistakes (e.g. p. 331 on 58.21.4). Dio’s focus on the emperor means that his account is fundamentally different from Tacitus. Where possible, M. introduces each year with a chart comparing the two historians. Dio espouses similar themes as Tacitus, but rarely deviates from res internae and does not have Tacitus’ extended dramatic scenes. His account of affairs in Parthia in AD 35 is so condensed as to be ‘barely intelligible’ (p. 342). In his impressionistic representation of the aftermath of Sejanus’ execution Dio is ‘the anti-Tacitus’ (p. 306 on 58.14.1–16.7). Book 58 culminates in an ‘anticlimactic anodyne obituary’ of Tiberius, and Dio artfully closes with the name of Gaius, the subject of the next book (p. 352 on 58.28.5). In four appendices M. continues his discussions of Dio’s literary career, the chronology of August–October AD 14, the two meetings of the senate in September of AD 14 and the family of Tiberius. The events of AD 14 return to the central historical inquiry at the opening of Book 57: why Tiberius delayed in accepting the principate. The volume ends with an extensive bibliography and indexes. It is difficult to imagine anything missing from this commentary, which is sure to become standard.
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The article, focusing primarily on the Odyssey 5. 135–6, offers a set of remarks designed to foreground the qualities that make the Calypso episode not only interesting as an example of how the epic poet exploits traditional themes and... more
The article, focusing primarily on the Odyssey 5. 135–6, offers a set of remarks designed to foreground the qualities that make the Calypso episode not only interesting as an example of how the epic poet exploits traditional themes and phrases, but exciting as a story of a man’s desire.
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Senecio and Larensis the Diners. Two Non-Greek Intellectuals at the Heart of the Hellenic Symposion This paper compares accounts of Senecio's actions in Plutarch's Table Talk with the relation of Larensis' comportment in... more
Senecio and Larensis the Diners. Two Non-Greek Intellectuals at the Heart of the Hellenic Symposion This paper compares accounts of Senecio's actions in Plutarch's Table Talk with the relation of Larensis' comportment in Athenaeus' Deipnosophists. The results of the examination suggest that the extent of self-awareness of both characters is what should be understood as the symbolic accommodation between Greek and Roman in the High Empire times.
I argue in this article that the scholiast's claim (schol. in Pi. O. 6.88) that Pindar was ἰσχνόφωνος meant that he was believed to be a stammerer rather than a weak-voiced person. I have attempted to show how later commentators... more
I argue in this article that the scholiast's claim (schol. in Pi. O. 6.88) that Pindar was ἰσχνόφωνος meant that he was believed to be a stammerer rather than a weak-voiced person. I have attempted to show how later commentators developed some points of Alexandrian critics’ judgement of Pindar's poetry into a conventional biographical reference to the poet's speech defect.
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In the article the author proposes to examine Simonides' famous dictum promoting the link between poetry and painting as presented by Plutarch within his Moralia. Three main problems have been discussed: 1. Plutarch's opinion... more
In the article the author proposes to examine Simonides' famous dictum promoting the link between poetry and painting as presented by Plutarch within his Moralia. Three main problems have been discussed: 1. Plutarch's opinion concerning the authorship of the saying. 2. Are the Plutarchean passages the verbatim quotations of Simonides?, 3. The meaning of the apophthegm. It seems that Plutarch favoured Simonides' authorship of the saying. His treatment of the apophthegm in some places of his work as a common saying as well as the attribution of it to one from among the σoφoi do not contradict the Simonidean authorship. It highlights the widespread approval of the saying. We may assume that Plutarch came quite close to the verbatim quotation of Simonides although there are the discrepancies in the lectiones of the quotation. The serious obstacle preventing us from treating the Plutarchean citation as genuine Simonidean words is the fact that poetry is called πoiητiΧη here which is completely unsuitable for the poets of the early period. Simonides in his famous saying about the relationship between the arts intended to highlight the importance of imitation in painters' and poets' art. Dio of Prusa additionally noticed the difference between the means and ways of imitation in both kinds of the arts. It does not seem, however, that also Simonides made them distinguishable and that Plutarch intended to emphasize this very aspect of the association of painting and poetry.
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The Homeric Hymn to Aphrodite. Introduction, text, and commentary by Andrew Faulkner. Oxford: Oxford UP 2008. XV, 342. S. (Oxford Classical Monographs.) 65 £.
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Timothy Power: The Culture of Kitharôidia. Washington, D. C.: Center for Hellenic Studies; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard UP 2010. XIV, 638 S. (Hellenic Studies. 15) 14,95 £.