D Graham J Shipley

I have scanned this master's dissertation as a service to Spartaphiles from my own copy, given by the author in the 1990s. It is in principle in the public domain, as I understand it; but appears impossible to trace anywhere, even from the U. of Amsterdam. I have tried to contact Mr Overbeek but have not managed it so far. I'd be glad to hear from him and hope he does not object to my sharing his work.
Graham Shipley

"The text of the Periplous or 'circumnavigation' that survives under the name of Skylax of Karyanda is in fact by an unknown author of the 4th century BC. It describes the coasts of the Mediterranean and Black Sea, naming hundreds of towns with geographical features such as rivers, harbours and mountains. But, argues Graham Shipley, it is not the record of a voyage or a navigational handbook for sailors. It is, rather, the first work of Greek theoretical geography, written in Athens at a time of intellectual ferment and intense speculation about the nature and dimensions of the inhabited world. While other scientists were gathering data about natural science and political systems or making rapid advances in philosophy, rhetorical theory, and cosmology, the unknown author collected data about the structure of the lands bordering the seas known to the Greeks, and compiled sailing distances and times along well-frequented routes. His aim was probably nothing less ambitious than to demonstrate the size of the inhabited world of the Greeks.
This is the first full edition of the Periplous for over 150 years, and includes a newly revised Greek text and specially produced maps along with the first complete English translation.
Interest in ancient geographical writings has never been so strong, yet many of the key texts are inaccessible to those who do not read Greek. With its relatively limited vocabulary and simple, yet varied, syntax, it will provide a useful text for those moving beyond the elementary study of ancient Greek language."

The Exeter Press has been producing the volume to 'Print on Demand', but has now passed its 'Bristol Phoenix Press' list to Liverpool University Press, which plans to reprint the volume in autumn 2014.

Uploaded here are a list of corrigenda to the first and second impressions, and the jacket design for the 2014 reprint (not yet published as at 14/8/14).

This paper surveys the terminology of ‘compass directions’ in Greek geographical writings, in order to determine how best to translate them into English. It begins from the observation that Greek has two words for each cardinal point,which are also meaningful terms (e.g. boreas, ‘north wind’, and arktoi, ‘bears’). The terminology of harbours (especially limēn, hormos, salos, hyphormos) and seas(especially thalassa, pelagos, pontos) illustratesthe fluidity of certain terms and the possible need to introduce less familiar English words (e.g. ‘roadstead’, ‘main’). Regarding directions, whena single word is used metonymically the simple equivalent should be used (e.g. boreas, ‘north’). Multi-word expressions should be translated to reflect the original sensesof the words (e.g. boreasanemos, ‘north wind’; hēliou dysmai, ‘settings of the sun’). This includes phrases with astronomical modifiers (e.g. isēmerinē anatolē, ‘equidiurnalsunrise’, referring to the equinoxes; therinai anatolai, ‘summer sunrises’, referring to the solstice). Names of winds, except when used as simple direction markers, should be left as names (e.g. ‘Euros’), not converted into directional expressions (e.g. ‘the east-south-east wind’). Translators may sometimes need to explain their practice using notesor parentheseis (e.g. ‘east (ēōs) ...east (anatolē)’; ‘Thraskias (NNW wind)’)

This paper considers the origin of Eastern Sigillata A (ESA) in its historical context. It argues that the reasons why, and the means by which, a new high-quality ware is developed and introduced deserve investigation no less than its subsequent pattern of distribution; that, in the light of the geopolitical context within which ESA was created in the mid-second century BC, its introduction may have resulted from decisions taken at the highest level; and that in a period of economic growth the increasing popularity of a ware does not necessarily indicate a fall in its status, since aspiration expressed through consumer choice may be as important as emulation and status differentiation

This paper argues that the material culture of hellenistic Greece, particularly the domestic, small-scale material culture of ‘Old Greece’ (the Greek homeland), is urgent need of being viewed synoptically by archaeologists and historians in the light of developments in material culture theory that are being applied to other periods and places. Where the archaeological evidence permits, artefacts should be interpreted in the context of the assemblages of which they form part, in order to begin to understand the value and meaning they held for those who used them. Imaginative reconstruction, such as that attempted by Deetz, may also be of value1.

Shipley, G., 1996. Site catalogue of the survey. In W. Cavanagh, J. Crouwel, R. W. V. Catling, and G. Shipley, The Laconia survey: Continuity and change in a Greek rural landscape, Vol.2, Archaeological data (London: British School at Athens) pp. 315-438

Page 1. BETWEEN MACEDONIA AND ROME Political Landscapes and Social Change in Hellenistic Greece An Inaugural Lecture delivered in the University of Leicester 18 November 2003 by D. GRAHAM J. SHIPLEY Professor of Ancient History 2003 Page 2. ...

Shipley, G. 1993. Distance, development, decline? World-systems analysis and the "hellenistic" world. In P. Bilde, T. Engberg-Pedersen, L. Hannestad, J. Zahle, and K. Randsborg (eds), Centre and periphery in the hellenistic world (Studies in hellenistic civilization, Vol.4 ; Aarhus : Aarhus University Press), pp. 271-284.

their handy translated quotations from ancient sources, including long excerpts from Galen On the Properties of Foods, a major text not available in English. (But at 6.669, when Galen says 'all Greeks eat kokhliai every day', he is talking about snails, not tortoises: so translated already in my Siren Feasts (1996), p. 62. As to tortoises, some Greeks ate them, some didn't, which is the point of the gnomic verse by Terpsion (Athenaeus 337b).) The chapter 'You are with whom you eat' is sketchy on Greek symposia, good on civic banquets, weak on Roman dining: the classification of 'client dinner', 'protege dinner' and 'peergroup dinner' is, I suspect, unreal. From a very marrowy book let me take one statement that still requires enrichment: 'Anxiety over food is manifested ... in the ... centraliry of the cycle of religious rituals ... in honour of foodassociated deities such as Demeter ... [and] by the laws issued ... to safeguard the supply and distribution of food. An ... indication of the ... vulnerability of the mass of ordinary people to dearth and hunger is to be found in the very obsession of the sources with food and its lavish consumption by the rich. The conspicuous consumption of food was an important index of wealth, status and power. This was appropriate in a social context where food was a relatively scarce, highly valued and unequally distributed commodity' (2-3, sharply abridged). 'Anxiety over food' is thus demonstrated; its relative scarcity is not. Comparison may show whether food-associated rituals, laws, literary obsessions, and conspicuous consumption exist less, or not at all, in well-nourished societies; only then could we use such evidence to show the relative scarcity of ancient food. Garnsey is right to rubbish the easy assumption that the ancient 'Mediterranean diet' was, for most people, nutritionally healthy and sufficient. It might have been, if the poor (especially women and children) had been able to get it and if the rich had stuck to it. Wheat and barley with the traditional pulses of the Old World made a good staple (12-21); but if vegetables were fairly accessible, the other crucial components of such a diet olive oil, fresh fruit, fish sauce and fish, wine, cheese, meat in small quantity were not equally available to all. Still, the unguarded statement (123 with references) that meat, being 'only available' at religious ceremonies, 'did not make a significant contribution to the regular diet', misleads: (a) what price the sausage-seller? (b) do we know the frequency of private sacrifices? Garnsey has for some years led a research team on ancient food and nutrition at Cambridge. In identifying his own special contribution to the field (if it is fair thus to pin him down) one cites his 1988 classic Famine and Food Supply in the Graeco-Roman World: Responses to Risk and Crisis. A decade later, we are offered the result of new thinking on this crucial subject. Garnsey showed then that famine was of fairly regular occurrence in the ancient world. He is now ready to demonstrate that 'endemic under-nourishment or chronic malnutrition underlay those periodic shortages' (2), and does so effectively. As always, he draws skilfully and almost seamlessly on archaeology, ancient written sources, nutritional science and anthropology. Not only will this be an indispensable handbook for students; all ancient historians will learn from it.

This collection of essays represents one of the very few large-scale applications of feminist theory to Greco-Roman antiquity. It is unusual in that texts and works of art are considered jointly. The essays consider Greek tragedy and major figures such as Aristophanes, the Roman historian Livy and the poet Ovid from a feminist perspective; they take into account the new work being done on ancient novels; and they deal with previously neglected topics such as the anthologist Athenaeus, and the fragments of erotic handbooks (the ancient pornographers).

In the time of Herodotus and Thucydides, the island city of Samos was a leading Greek community, and under the later Hellenistic kingdoms its reputation remained high. Despite its importance, however, this is the first comprehensive study since sustained archaeological investigation began in the 1960s. In reconstructing social and economic trends as well as political and military events, Shipley balances archaeological and geographical evidence with the equally important written sources, including inscriptions and coins. He isolates relatively constant factors in Samos's history (such as its strategic location and its plentiful natural resources) and sets these against substantive developments (such as the loss of independence after Alexander and the decisive influence of Samian emigres on Alexandrian intellectual culture) to provide a broader perspective on the history of Samos.

This paper was published as History Today, 1996, 46 (9), pp. 62-63. Copyright © History Today. This material is posted here with the permission of History Today. It is available from http://www.historytoday.com/MainArticle.aspx?m=10206&amid=10206

Shipley, G., 2002. Hidden landscapes: Greek field survey data and hellenistic history. In D. Ogden (ed.), The hellenistic world: new perspectives (Swansea, Classical Press of Wales, 2002), pp. 177-198. This item may be available at: http://www.classicalpressofwales.co.uk/Hellworld.htm

Shipley, Graham., 2002. Rural landscape change in hellenistic Greece. In K. Ascani, V. Gabrielsen, K. Kvist, and A. H. Rasmussen (eds), Ancient history matters: studies presented to Jens Erik Skydsggard on his 70th birthday (Analecta Romana Instituti Danici, supplementum 30; Romae: 'l'Erma' di Bretschneider), pp. 39-45. This may be available at: http://www.lerma.it/D_Search_new.asp?FLT=0&CLR=1

In W. Cavanagh, J. Crouwel, R. W. V. Catling, and G. Shipley, 'Continuity and change in a Greek rural landscape: the Laconia survey', (London : British School at Athens, 2002), [pp. 257-337]. This may also be available at http://www.bsa.ac.uk/index.php?cat_id=1

Shipley, G., 1993. Periokos : the discovery of classical Lakonia. In J. M. Sanders (ed.), Philolakon [Φιλολάκων] : Lakonian studies in honour of Hector Catling (London : British School at Athens), pp. 211-226. Reprinted of pp. 221-226 in M. Whitby (ed.), Sparta (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2002), pp. 182-189). This item may be available at: http://www.oxbowbooks.com/bookinfo.cfm/ID/6644

The pace of research into the history and archaeology of Sparta and Laconia is ever-quickening, with scholars worldwide engaged in a continual rethink of old positions. Archaeologists, particularly Greek, Dutch, and British, are gathering new data to enrich the material and topographical contexts in which we study ancient Sparta, its predecessors, and its successors. Our honorand occupies a place of distinction in Laconian studies with his important monograph on early Spartan history2 and a co-authored volume of fieldwork in Kythera,3 not to mention a series of notable papers on ancient4 and post-classicaP Laconia. In this paper, I return to a topic that has interested us both: the Lakedaimonian and Messenianperioikoi'.' Much historical work in recent years has successfully sought to clarify, and sometimes to disprove, ancient and modern myths about Spartan society. Hodkinson, for example, has convincingly argued that, contrary to received opinion, Spartans were not all equa...

This study reassesses the reforms of the mid-third-century Spartan kings. It examines first the possible landscape impacts of oliganthropy and demotion to ‘Inferior’ status. Possible attempts, by state or individuals, to combat inequality by cultivating unused land or ignoring the prohibition on manual labour did not solve the problem. Since Sparta and perioikic poleis possessed distinct territories, ‘Malea(s)’ in Plutarch’s account of Agis’s land reforms should mean Mt Parnon, not Cape Malea; it was only Sparta’s own chōra that Agis IV and Kleomenes III could redesign. Disadvantaging the perioikoi was impossible, given the relative increase in their power within Laconia.