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Seth Alexander Thévoz
  • http://www.sethalexanderthevoz.com

Seth Alexander Thévoz

An overview of my ongoing research in this area, particularly on sources and new methods of analysis.
An overview of the evolution of political culture in London clubs, from the Regency to their decline during the First World War.
An examination of the concept of "realignment of the left" in Britain's Labour Party and Liberal Democrats, its significance, and its reinterpetation from the mid-1950s to the early 21st century. Delivered as part of a 90-minute panel... more
An examination of the concept of "realignment of the left" in Britain's Labour Party and Liberal Democrats, its significance, and its reinterpetation from the mid-1950s to the early 21st century.

Delivered as part of a 90-minute panel with Prof. Michael Freeden and Peter Sloman, both of Oxford University, with the panel's focus on the liberal progressive tradition.
A 45-minute overview of the development of clubs as a social, cultural and political institution.
Examining the political activities of this Protestant Conservative grouping at a crucial period after the Maynooth Grant; including electioneering, pamphleteering, fundraising, and building social & political networks across Britain.
A presentation illustrating how parliamentary history can move beyond prosopography, through using the records of political clubs to build a picture of the social and cultural history of the period.
A short 15 minute overview of my PhD research, to be delivered to a History of Parliament Trust colloquium on parliamentary politics in the 1832-68 period.
This paper will look at how Churchill's view of the British empire - and the role it played in world affairs - was heavily influenced by Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain. Much has been said of Churchill's break with Chamberlain over... more
This paper will look at how Churchill's view of the British empire - and the role it played in world affairs - was heavily influenced by Colonial Secretary Joseph Chamberlain. Much has been said of Churchill's break with Chamberlain over free trade, but this paper aims to look at how Churchill still owed much to Chamberlain's imperial legacy.
The paper will look at the political and religious impact of the National Club, a London gentlemen's club founded by MPs and peers in 1846 to "defend the Protestant principles of the constitution", which published and campaigned... more
The paper will look at the political and religious impact of the National Club, a London gentlemen's club founded by MPs and peers in 1846 to "defend the Protestant principles of the constitution", which published and campaigned extensively on key issues of the day.
London clubs are often woefully neglected for their social, cutural, political, and architectural significance. Yet their membership by the end of the nineteenth century was vast, and their grip on the popular imagination was... more
London clubs are often woefully neglected for their social, cutural, political, and architectural significance. Yet their membership by the end of the nineteenth century was vast, and their grip on the popular imagination was considerable. In London in particular, their strong concentration meant that a substantial portion of the adult male enfranchised population corresponded closely with club membership.

This talk looks at both the "gentlemen's clubs" of London's West End, and the growing working men's clubs throughout London, and discerns the many social and cultural trends which can be observed throughout London in how they engaged with patriotism and national identity. In particular, it questions how far the perception of clubs as hotbeds of xenophobia and reactionary opinion hold true.
The dramatic 1922 general election result in Dundee - when Winston Churchill's 15,500 majority in a seat he'd held for 14 years was overturned into a 12,000-vote deficit - is often misintepreted. Uusually framed in terms of 'Churchill's... more
The dramatic 1922 general election result in Dundee - when Winston Churchill's 15,500 majority in a seat he'd held for 14 years was overturned into a 12,000-vote deficit - is often misintepreted. Uusually framed in terms of 'Churchill's swing to the right', or 'the rise of socialism', traditional explanations have failed to account for the full extent of the swing in this dramatic result.

Using the first combined analysis of archival material held in Scotland and England, this dramatic reappraisal of 1920s Scottish politics considers the role of previously undetected factors - in particular, the role of the ex-servicemen's vote in returning candidates of the left.
Despite `Club Government' being referenced in most major political histories of the period, it is a topic which has never before enjoyed a full-length study. Making use of previously-sealed club archives, and adopting a broad range of... more
Despite `Club Government' being referenced in most major political histories of the period, it is a topic which has never before enjoyed a full-length study. Making use of previously-sealed club archives, and adopting a broad range of analytical techniques, this work of political history, social history, sociology and quantitative approaches to history seeks to deepen our understanding of the distinctive and novel ways in which British political culture evolved in this period. The book concludes that historians have hugely underestimated the extent of club influence on `high politics' in Westminster, and though the reputation of clubs for intervening in elections was exaggerated, the culture and secrecy involved in gentleman's clubs had a huge impact on political culture in Britain.
[The chapter is] “rather amazing . . . provides a good statistical analysis of the heyday of the Whig party in the aftermath of the Reform Bill” The Spectator.
This thesis examines the political role played by the private members' clubs of the St. James's district of London, between the first two Reform Acts. The thesis looks at the institutional history of such establishments and their... more
This thesis examines the political role played by the private members' clubs of the St. James's district of London, between the first two Reform Acts. The thesis looks at the institutional history of such establishments and their evolution insofar as it affected their political work. It then analyses the statistical trends in club membership among Members of Parliament, the overwhelming majority of whom belonged to political clubs. The crucial role of clubs in whipping is detailed, including analysis of key divisions. The distinctive political use of space by clubs is then set out, including an overview of the range of meetings and facilities offered to parliamentarians. Finally, the thesis seeks to address the broader impact of clubs on national electoral politics in this period.
Despite `Club Government' being referenced in most major political histories of the period, it is a topic which has never before enjoyed a full-length study. Making use of previously-sealed club archives, and adopting a broad range of... more
Despite `Club Government' being referenced in most major political histories of the period, it is a topic which has never before enjoyed a full-length study. Making use of previously-sealed club archives, and adopting a broad range of analytical techniques, this work of political history, social history, sociology and quantitative approaches to history seeks to deepen our understanding of the distinctive and novel ways in which British political culture evolved in this period. The book concludes that historians have hugely underestimated the extent of club influence on `high politics' in Westminster, and though the reputation of clubs for intervening in elections was exaggerated, the culture and secrecy involved in gentleman's clubs had a huge impact on political culture in Britain.
Trust in political institutions has declined across developed democracies. One of the main reasons cited for this lack of trust in public opinion polls has been the role of money in politics. The Supreme Court decisions in Citizens... more
Trust in political institutions has declined across developed democracies.  One of the main reasons cited for this lack of trust in public opinion polls has been the role of money in politics.  The Supreme Court decisions in Citizens United and McCutcheon, amongst others, have increased the political salience of potential campaign finance reforms, and the Great Recession has reinvigorated a public debate on regulatory capture by Wall Street.  So too scholars have taken up the topic with renewed vigor.  Political scientists have tried to tackle the issue in two main steps: firstly, by showing that money can buy access to legislators; and secondly, that legislators are thereby more responsive to the wishes of donors when writing and voting on laws.  Researchers have used experiments and other techniques to show that Congressional staffs are more responsive to requests from donors compared to others, and have also shown aggregate trends in responsiveness to the preferences of the wealthier. In this paper we try and go one step further: to show that donors can become legislators.  We do this by looking at a novel example: the United Kingdom's appointed Second Chamber, the House of Lords.  Compiling an original dataset of large donations and nominations for "peerages" that allow them to take a seat in the Lords, the authors show that, when the "usual suspects" for a position, like former MPs and party workers, are accounted for, donations seem to play an outsize role in accounting for the remaining peers.  Given the widespread concern at undue influence accorded to large donors, understanding the extent of how donations influence politics and evaluating proposals for democratic renewal should be a major concern of political scientists.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
A study of Conservative Party Treasurers in the House of Lords over the last thirty years
Research Interests:
Research Interests: