- Harvard University, Government, Graduate Studentadd
At the psychological level, ethnic conflict can be seen as an extreme result of normal group identification processes. Bridging perceived intergroup boundaries is therefore key to improving intergroup relations. In contrast to the... more
At the psychological level, ethnic conflict can be seen as an extreme result of normal group identification processes. Bridging perceived intergroup boundaries is therefore key to improving intergroup relations. In contrast to the dominant association of nationalism with racism, chauvinism, xenophobia, and intolerance, we highlight the constructive potential of national identification. In a survey experiment, we find that the increased salience of a shared (Indian) national identity increases donations by members of a dominant ethnic group (Hindus) to members of a rival, minority group (Muslims). This effect is moderated by social status (caste). We suggest that national identification leads to a greater transformation in the behavior of low-status members of an ethnic group because they are more likely to be drawn to national identity as an enhancement of their social standing. Our study has implications for theories of social identity and interethnic cooperation, as well as for th...
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We review the characteristics of the Belarusian party system, with a view to explaining how the restrictive political context within which parties operate affects their organizational structure. We examine the legal framework governing... more
We review the characteristics of the Belarusian party system, with a view to explaining how the restrictive political context within which parties operate affects their organizational structure. We examine the legal framework governing party development, and discuss variation in structure across the pro-regime and pro-opposition parties.
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How do historical legacies shape contemporary political outcomes? The article proposes a novel attitudinal mechanism through which distant interethnic competition can influence political preferences in the present. It theorizes that... more
How do historical legacies shape contemporary political outcomes? The article proposes a novel attitudinal mechanism through which distant interethnic competition can influence political preferences in the present. It theorizes that historically conditioned predispositions at the local level can moderate the effects of national-level framing of a policy issue. Using Poland as a test case, I show that subnational variation in support for EU accession was influenced by populist claims about the increase in Jewish influence in the postaccession period. Anti-Semitic cues resonated with voters in areas with historically large Jewish populations and a contentious interethnic past, where latent anti-Semitism persisted throughout the communist period. To provide evidence for this argument, the article draws on rich historical and contemporary data at the county, town, and individual level of analysis and utilizes novel research methods.
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Based on an original large-N dataset of individual Ukrainian oligarchs and qualitative evidence, this article tests competing perspectives on the political power of big capital. We find, surprisingly, that neither the assumption of direct... more
Based on an original large-N dataset of individual Ukrainian oligarchs and qualitative evidence, this article tests competing perspectives on the political power of big capital. We find, surprisingly, that neither the assumption of direct power by the oligarchs, nor the mobility of oligarchic assets, help tycoons protect their fortunes against shocks. Instead, the indirect strategies of party support and media ownership significantly enhance business wealth. Empirically, we profile postcommunist oligarchs by examining the political and economic activities of 177 oligarchs from 2006 to 2012. Theoretically, we contribute to the literatures on instrumental and structural power of capital, and on the interactions between extreme wealth, rule of law, and democracy. In doing so, we contrast the logic of flexibility, according to which oligarchs benefit from political adaptability and deniability, with the logic of commitment compensation, according to which oligarchs benefit from direct power when the rule of law is weak.
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For decades, external observers have dismissed Belarus as a country with a weak or contested national identity and an underdeveloped civil society. Academic articles about the country often remark on how little it has changed since the... more
For decades, external observers have dismissed Belarus as a country with a weak or contested national identity and an underdeveloped civil society. Academic articles about the country often remark on how little it has changed since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Belarus was the domino few expected to fall when a series of color revolutions swept the region in the 2000s. When Russia invaded Ukraine in 2014, some analysts even took heart in Belarus’s predictable lack of change.
The current moment is different. People from all walks of life have come together to demand free and fair elections – having truly experienced this only once, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka was first elected in 1994. More than a week after the election, nonviolent protests continue across Belarus. They include all cross-sections of society, including the smallest towns and villages, and have spread to state-owned industries. The use of disproportionate violence by the regime – two protesters have died and at least 7,000 were detained and brutally beaten in custody – has backfired, bringing more people into the streets. A few policemen, soldiers, and a diplomat have already switched sides, all highly symbolic actions. Despite provocations and brutal crackdowns, protesters have remained peaceful and orderly, thanks in part to coordination on Telegram, a messaging app. [...]
The current moment is different. People from all walks of life have come together to demand free and fair elections – having truly experienced this only once, when Alyaksandr Lukashenka was first elected in 1994. More than a week after the election, nonviolent protests continue across Belarus. They include all cross-sections of society, including the smallest towns and villages, and have spread to state-owned industries. The use of disproportionate violence by the regime – two protesters have died and at least 7,000 were detained and brutally beaten in custody – has backfired, bringing more people into the streets. A few policemen, soldiers, and a diplomat have already switched sides, all highly symbolic actions. Despite provocations and brutal crackdowns, protesters have remained peaceful and orderly, thanks in part to coordination on Telegram, a messaging app. [...]