- Firenze
- Université Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV), Lettres Classiques (Latin), Department Memberadd
La scheda è relativa alle librerie dell’area occidentale dell’Impero romano. Comprende una descrizione generale delle librerie romane e del loro funzionamento; un approfondimento su tre librerie di Roma (la libreria dei Sosii presso il... more
La scheda è relativa alle librerie dell’area occidentale dell’Impero romano. Comprende una descrizione generale delle librerie romane e del loro funzionamento; un approfondimento su tre librerie di Roma (la libreria dei Sosii presso il vicus Tuscus o l’Argiletum, quella di Secondo e quella di Atrecto, entrambe presso l’Argiletum) e su due librerie fuori dalla capitale (una a Lione e una a Brindisi).
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Nella scheda vengono trattati i luoghi in cui Plinio il Giovane conservava i suoi libri: la villa Laurentina, situata nella zona di Ostia, e la domus sull'Esquilino a Roma, entrambe di sua proprietà probabilmente dal 79 al 111 o 112 d.C.... more
Nella scheda vengono trattati i luoghi in cui Plinio il Giovane conservava i suoi libri: la villa Laurentina, situata nella zona di Ostia, e la domus sull'Esquilino a Roma, entrambe di sua proprietà probabilmente dal 79 al 111 o 112 d.C. È presa in esame anche la consistenza della collezione libraria di Plinio il Giovane, con particolare attenzione al lascito librario di Plinio il Vecchio e all'intenso rapporto di scambio letterario tra i due. Viene discussa, inoltre, la possibilità che a Miseno Plinio il Vecchio avesse una piccola collezione libraria, a cui Plinio il Giovane ebbe accesso prima della morte dello zio.
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This article takes into consideration two main themes developed in Lucretius’ theorical explanation on the origins of epidemics (VI 1096-1137). Firstly, it deals with the poet’s strategy to debunk the belief that the plague was a godsent... more
This article takes into consideration two main themes developed in Lucretius’
theorical explanation on the origins of epidemics (VI 1096-1137). Firstly, it deals with the poet’s strategy to debunk the belief that the plague was a godsent punishment against wicked individuals. On a literary level, Lucretius makes this antitheological argument by referencing and subverting not only the widely recognized model of Iliad Book I, but also two Hesiodic passages (op. 96-104 and 240-243). Secondly, the paper deals with the apocalyptic
scope given to epidemics by employing some of the tropes deployed in the poem’s previous eschatological passages. Lucretius makes an argument for the plague as evidence of the corruptibility of the air and, thus, of the mortality of the world and its impending end. The presence of the same argument in Theophrastus’ fr. 184 FHSG shows that Lucretius in
the analytical exposition of the origin of epidemics further engages with the philosophical debate on the destructibility of the cosmos.
theorical explanation on the origins of epidemics (VI 1096-1137). Firstly, it deals with the poet’s strategy to debunk the belief that the plague was a godsent punishment against wicked individuals. On a literary level, Lucretius makes this antitheological argument by referencing and subverting not only the widely recognized model of Iliad Book I, but also two Hesiodic passages (op. 96-104 and 240-243). Secondly, the paper deals with the apocalyptic
scope given to epidemics by employing some of the tropes deployed in the poem’s previous eschatological passages. Lucretius makes an argument for the plague as evidence of the corruptibility of the air and, thus, of the mortality of the world and its impending end. The presence of the same argument in Theophrastus’ fr. 184 FHSG shows that Lucretius in
the analytical exposition of the origin of epidemics further engages with the philosophical debate on the destructibility of the cosmos.
Research Interests:
This article focuses on the role of Egypt in Juvenal’s critique on Roman society, particularly with reference to satire 15. Whereas Juvenal’s satires frequently address the presence of Egyptians in Rome, in satire 15 the poet leaves Rome... more
This article focuses on the role of Egypt in Juvenal’s critique on
Roman society, particularly with reference to satire 15. Whereas
Juvenal’s satires frequently address the presence of Egyptians in
Rome, in satire 15 the poet leaves Rome aside to recount an episode
of cannibalism occurred in a far-away area of Egypt. Before starting
to tell this gruesome story, Juvenal refers to Egypt as both a fearsome
and a lascivious place (15, 44-46). This remark falls within a wellestablished
literary tradition about the paradoxical nature of Egypt,
not only a threatening province, but also a despicable land of pleasures,
as highlighted by an intertextual reference to Lucan. A close
reading of the description of an Egyptian festivity (15, 38-51) illustrates
Juvenal’s literary construction of Egyptian debauchery: to
depict it the poet enhances stereotypically negative aspects of Roman
banquets well embedded in the moralistic critique to Roman society.
By doing so, the satiric gaze turns from Egypt back to Rome, forcing
the centre of the Empire to see its reflection in a remote corner of its
most infamous province.
Roman society, particularly with reference to satire 15. Whereas
Juvenal’s satires frequently address the presence of Egyptians in
Rome, in satire 15 the poet leaves Rome aside to recount an episode
of cannibalism occurred in a far-away area of Egypt. Before starting
to tell this gruesome story, Juvenal refers to Egypt as both a fearsome
and a lascivious place (15, 44-46). This remark falls within a wellestablished
literary tradition about the paradoxical nature of Egypt,
not only a threatening province, but also a despicable land of pleasures,
as highlighted by an intertextual reference to Lucan. A close
reading of the description of an Egyptian festivity (15, 38-51) illustrates
Juvenal’s literary construction of Egyptian debauchery: to
depict it the poet enhances stereotypically negative aspects of Roman
banquets well embedded in the moralistic critique to Roman society.
By doing so, the satiric gaze turns from Egypt back to Rome, forcing
the centre of the Empire to see its reflection in a remote corner of its
most infamous province.
Research Interests:
This article focuses on the Pythia Phemonoe as described in Lucan’s Book v (mainly Lucan. v 120-157). It will be argued that the use of the epithet Phoebas prompts us to detect a reference to the character of Cassandra. To distance... more
This article focuses on the Pythia Phemonoe as described in Lucan’s Book v (mainly Lucan. v 120-157). It will be argued that the use of the epithet Phoebas prompts us to detect a reference to the character of Cassandra. To distance himself from Virgil’s Sibylline episode (a widely recognized model), Lucan patterns the beginning of the Delphic episode after an Ovidian tale of rape. This erotic and violent dimension can be construed as evocative of Cassandra’s relationship with Apollo, whose sexual advances she resisted. Moreover, an in-depth analysis of the intertextual references to Seneca’s Agamemnon (specifically Sen. Ag. 710-725) shows how Cassandra’s inability to persuade others of her truthfulness is subverted in the Pythia’s deliberate deceitfulness. Taking into account the influence of the model of Cassandra on Phemonoe reveals that Lucan has enhanced the differences from Virgil’s Sibyl by giving the character of the Pythia an innovative tragic and mythological depth.
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This article aims at showing the presence of a literary allusion to Virgil in Petron. 68, 1-2. The changing of the individual tables assigned to Trimalchio’s guests and his subsequent wordplay are a well-constructed reference to the... more
This article aims at showing the presence of a literary allusion to Virgil in Petron. 68, 1-2. The changing of the individual tables assigned to Trimalchio’s guests and his subsequent wordplay are a well-constructed reference to the prodigy of the eating of the tables described in Aen. VII 107-129 and to Celaeno’s oracle in Aen. III 250-257. In this passage, through his actions and words, Trimalchio is once again trying to show off his literary knowledge by challenging the superior culture of the scholastici invited for dinner.
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This article focuses on the literary background of the characterization of Egyptians in Juvenal’s 15th satire, and particularly the role of Lucretius as a model. Indeed, the study of intertextual elements reveals that the satire was... more
This article focuses on the literary background of the characterization of Egyptians in Juvenal’s 15th satire, and particularly the role of Lucretius as a model. Indeed, the study of intertextual elements reveals that the satire was directly influenced by Lucretius’ description of primitive mankind (Lucr. 5, 925 ff.). A number of other literary models are also pressed into service to contribute to the caricature of the Egyptians as a barbaric nation.
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This article focuses on Trajan’s overhaul of the vicesima hereditatium discussed by Pliny in paneg. 37-40. In Pliny’s view, the inheritance tax breaks family ties generating a social disruption equivalent to a bellum civile. By reforming... more
This article focuses on Trajan’s overhaul of the vicesima hereditatium discussed by Pliny in paneg. 37-40. In Pliny’s view, the inheritance tax breaks family ties generating a social disruption equivalent to a bellum civile. By reforming the vicesima and granting the cognationis iura to his citizens, Trajan is cast as the unifier of dismembered households and as the guardian of family continuity. Furthermore, by cancelling his citizens’ past debts, Trajan corrects retroactively the unfair legislation of the past. This measure is intended by Pliny as a correction of the past itself. Since not even the gods are able to change the past, Trajan is celebrated as superior even to the gods.
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Two distinctive elements of Scaeva’s epic aristeia (Lucan. vi 169-179) are taken into consideration in this article: the use of “irregular” weapons (a pile of allied corpses and the ruins of the crumbling wall of a fort), and the attack... more
Two distinctive elements of Scaeva’s epic aristeia (Lucan. vi 169-179) are taken into consideration in this article: the use of “irregular” weapons (a pile of allied corpses and the ruins of the crumbling wall of a fort), and the attack made on two enemies, crushing one’s head with a stone and setting the other’s hair and beard on fire. Firstly, the assortment of weapons used by Scaeva enhances the hyperbolic nature of his actions to the point of equating them to those of an entire army. Secondly, an in-depth analysis of lines 176-179 prompts us to detect a complex intertextuality between Lucan’s passage and both the Aeneid (a widely recognised model), and Ovid’s Centauromachy (specifically Ov. met. xii 287-289, and Ov. met. xii 271-279). Furthermore, Ovid’s model allows Lucan to ultimately make a literary allusion to Hom. Od. ix 378-394. I argue that in Sceva’s aristeia the perversion of civilized values caused by the civil war is reflected both in the kind of weapons used by Scaeva and in his actions, which differ from those of the Homeric and Virgilian hero.