Ovid (Classics)

The opposition between the naked and the clothed body is one of the most productive elements of cultural history and is often associated with the dichotomy between nature and culture. According to tradition, nudity stimulates the imagination and is the imaginary origin of art. The article examines this narrative in Ovid’s Metamorphoses and in the eighteenth century in Rousseau, the Encyclopédie, and Winckelmann, in order to show its poetic productivity, but also its colonial entanglements.

For Scylla buffs, from the archive: a paragraph-long 1984 note scanned from Liverpool Classical Monthly 9(1984) 79.  LCM was the much-loved stencil-sheet journal founded and edited by John Pinsent which anticipated the features of blog and internet journal from 1976 until 1995.

http://giemmardelplata.org/archivos/librosyactas/
Capítulo publicado en: Florio, Rubén (dir.) Varia et diversa: Sus contactos con la Historia, Mar del Plata, UNMPdP / UNL, 2018, pp. 157-206. // The main purpose of this research is proposing a new critical approach to the reading of the poem entitled De Raptu Helenae, which was written by Blossius Aemilius Dracontius in the 5th Century. We will particularly examine its exordium, in order to suggest that there is a strong formal connection between the compositional technique of centonal poems’ authors and certain narrative strategies adopted by Dracontius when he inscribes his text in the epic proemium’s tradition. Once established that the invocation of Homer and Virgil substitutes the conventional request to the Muse for inspiration, we shall demonstrate that the apparent praise constitutes actually a veiled attack to those pagan authors, structured by the semantic inversion of different quotes and allusion taken from Virgil, Ovid, Lucan, Prudentius and Ausonius, among other poets.
Centonal compositions - epic proems - Dracontius

Depuis quelques années on enregistre un regain d’intérêt de la critique pour l’Ovide moralisé, poème anonyme du début du XIVe siècle, qui représente la première traduction intégrale en vers français des Métamorphoses d’Ovide, dans laquelle chaque « fable » ovidienne est assortie de commentaires évhéméristes, allégoriques ou moraux1. La fortune récente de ce poème longtemps négligé malgré quelques rares études, comme la monographie de Paule Demats2, se situe dans le sillon des articles écrit par Marc-René Jung à la fi n des années 19903. Ces études montraient de façon éloquente la nécessité d’une nouvelle édition de l’Ovide moralisé, qui remplacerait celle qui avait été préparée au début du vingtième siècle par Cornelis De Boer. Les dimensions du poème et la complexité de la tradition manuscrite ont pourtant découragé pendant longtemps les chercheurs.

Resumen: A propósito de la celebración del bimilenario de la muerte de Ovidio, acaecida el 17 d.C., me propongo analizar el exilio del poeta como un fenómeno histórico con resonancias literarias y culturales. A partir de las formas de exilio aplicadas en el mundo romano, se revisan las implicancias que tuvo el destierro como medida de coerción durante la Pax impulsada por el emperador Octavio Augusto.

Abstract: Considering bimillennium of Ovid's death, on 17 AD, I propose to analyse the exile of the poet as a historical phenomenon from a literary and cultural point of view. Starting from different forms of exile applied in the Roman world, implications of his exile such as measure coercion during Pax Romana by Augustus emperor are revised.

One of a few pdfs from my backlist which I'm adding to my academia page, given constrained access to libraries, in case anyone needs a moment of OVID in a time of COVID. 

(I'm assuming the goodwill of rights holders in these unusual times in posting this pdf to my page)

Classical Quarterly 71.1 (2021): 259-75. This article examines the Roman tradition that Numa once negotiated with Jupiter about human sacrifice. Complete versions of the myth survive in Ovid, Plutarch and Arnobius (citing Valerius Antias). Previous studies of this tradition have proposed four main interpretations of it, which have done important service in modern reconstructions of the character of Roman religion. These scholarly treatments raise several questions. First, are they actually supported by, or the most convincing way of reading, the surviving ancient sources? If so, have they been correctly attributed? Why might a specific ancient author present the myth of Numa and Jupiter in a manner which suggests one interpretation rather than another? What ideological and theological work does the story do for Ovid, for Plutarch and for Arnobius? Finally, can this myth, in whatever version, support the weight of the implications put on it for the character of Roman religion? This article seeks to enhance our understanding of this myth in its surviving versions, not just by analysing the evidence for each of the modern interpretations, but also by considering why ancient authors tell the myth of Numa and Jupiter the way they do. It is argued that their choices illustrate best not one meaning of the myth nor one Roman way of piety but the richness and diversity of religious reflection in antiquity. ***How does Cambridge Core Share work? Cambridge Core Share allows authors, readers and institutional subscribers to generate a URL for an online version of a journal article. Anyone who clicks on this link will be able to view a read-only, up-to-date copy of the published journal article.

It has been argued that there were groups of artists called poetae Vergiliani and poetae Ovidiani. While this may be the case, re-examination of commonly adduced epigraphic evidence shows that these inscriptions cannot be used to support this view.

Publiusz Owidiusz Nazon (43 p.n.e. – 17 n.e.) został w roku 8 n.e. wygnany z Rzymu do Tomis (dziś Konstanca w Rumunii) na rozkaz cesarza Augusta. Przyczyny wygnania nie są jasne, sam poeta wskazywał jedynie na tajemnicze carmen et error. Mimo życiowej klęski Owidiusz nie przestał w Tomis tworzyć. W okresie między 8 a 17 rokiem n.e. napisał pięć ksiąg „Tristia”, cztery księgi „Epistulae ex Ponto”, inwektywę „Ibis” oraz poemat ichtiologiczny „Halieutica”. Razem tworzą one obszerny korpus dzieł wygnańczych, który stanowi niejako trzecią, ostatnią już część literackiego oeuvre poety. Owidiusz nie doczekawszy ułaskawienia zmarł w Tomis w 17 roku n.e.
W swojej pracy chciałem skupić się na obrazie kraju wygnania oraz jego mieszkańców zamieszczonym w elegiach ze zbioru „Tristia”. Utwory te – podobnie jak cała pontyjska twórczość poety – podporządkowane były praktycznemu celowi, jakim było uzyskanie rewizji wyroku i powrót do Italii. Poprzez podkreślanie swojej ciężkiej sytuacji w Tomis starał się Owidiusz wzmocnić swoją argumentację. Opisy barbarzyńców i ich kraju dobrze wpasowują się w tę strategię perswazyjną. Ukazanie okolic Tomis jako dalekiej, północnej krainy o mroźnym klimacie zamieszkiwanej przez dzikie i groźne plemiona Scytów, Getów i Sarmatów wzbudzić miało w odbiorcach współczucie dla zesłanego Nazona. Poeta przedstawiając te zagadnienia znacznie wyolbrzymił negatywne cechy Pontu i jego mieszkańców. Ta przesada miała jednak swoje korzenie w długiej, sięgającej Herodota tradycji literackiego opisu Scytii jako krainy dzikiej i mroźnej. Owidiusz odniósł się także w swojej wizji Scytii do znanej z jego twórczości topiki elegijnej. Zaprezentowany obraz kraju wygnania i jego mieszkańców jest więc oryginalnym konstruktem artystycznym sięgającym po istniejącą grecko-rzymską tradycję literacką i twórczo ją przekształcającym.
Praca składa się ze wstępu, trzech zasadniczych rozdziałów oraz zakończenia. W rozdziale pierwszym przedstawiam problem wygnania Owidiusza, a także krótko charakteryzuje jego utwory powstałe w okresie pobytu nad Morzem Czarnym. Tematem rozdziału drugiego są odniesienia do krainy pontyjskiej zawarte w zbiorze „Tristia”. Skupiam się szczególnie na zagadnieniu geograficznego umiejscowienia kraju wygnania oraz na opisie jego klimatu. Rozdział trzeci poświęcony jest analizie odniesień do zamieszkujących obszar nad Morzem Czarnym barbarzyńców. Dotyczą one przede wszystkim ich dzikich obyczajów oraz braku znajomości greki i łaciny. Owidiusz wiele miejsca poświęca także zagrożeniu, jakie barbarzyńskie najazdy sieją w okolicach Tomis. W zakończeniu podsumowuję całość moich rozważań. Praca została napisana w oparciu o samodzielnie dokonany przekład i analizę wygnańczych elegii Owidiusza oraz obszerną literaturę naukową.

Publius Ovidius Naso (43 BC – 17 AD) was exiled from Rome to Tomis (today Constanța in Romania) at Augustus' behest in 8 AD. The reasons of the exile are not clear. The poet indicated only the mysterious carmen et error. Despite his life disaster the poet did not cease to write. Between 8 and 17 AD he composed five books of "Tristia", four books of "Epistulae ex Ponto", invective "Ibis" and ichthyological poem "Halieutica". They all form a considerable corpus of exilic poetry which is the third part of his literary oeuvre. Ovid did not live his pardon and died in Tomis in 17 AD.
In my thesis I would like to focus on the view of exile's land and it's inhabitants presented in the elegies from "Tristia". These pieces – like the whole literary outpout created in Pontus – were subordinated to author's practical aim i.e. revision of the emperor's sentence and return to Italy. Emphasizing his own hardships in Tomis Ovid made an effort to strengthen his argumentation. The descriptions of the barbarians and their land do fit this strategy of persuasion. The presentation of Tomis' environs as a distant, northern realm of eternal frost inhabited by savage and dangerous tribes of Scythae, Getae and Sarmatians was planned so as to excite the compassion to the exiled Naso in his readers. The poet exaggerated the drawbacks of Pontus and it's dwellers in his description. The exaggeration was ingrained in old, dated back from Herodotus tradition of literaty account of Scythia as a savage and frosty area. Ovid in his vision of Scythia made also references to the elegiac commonplaces known from his earlier works. The picture of the exile's land and it's dwellers is therefore an original artistic construct that takes advantage of the existing Greek and Roman literary tradition and transforms it in a creative way.
The following thesis consists of a preface, three elementary chapters and the conclusion. In the first chapter I present the problem of Ovid's exile and describe his works created during his stay on the coast of Black Sea. The subject of the second chapter are references to do land of Pontus included in "Tristia". I focus particularly on the issue of geographical place of the exile's land and on the description of it's climate. The third chapter is devoted to the analysis of the references to the barbarians living in Black Sea regions. First of all they concern barbarians' savage customs and the lack of acquaintance with Greek and Latin. Ovid wrote a lot about the dangers caused by the barbarian raids in the regions of Tomis. In the conclusion I sum up my entire deliberation. The thesis is based on my own translation and analysis of Ovid's exilic poetry and on the comprehensive study of academic literature on this subject.

This chapter examines the story of Salmacis and Hermaphroditus from book 4 of Ovid’s Metamorphoses, whose two bodies are merged into one. A series of connections are drawn between Hermaphroditus and the representation of the primordial universe at the beginning of the Metamorphoses, where there is a continual oscillation between binary oppositions. By placing the Hermaphroditus narrative alongside the other ‘mythological’ stories of corporeal transformation, Ovid highlights how the apparent boundaries which exist in terms of textual genre are as fluid and unstable as those which are perceived to exist between genders. Ovid conveys this through the use of multiple allusions to ‘scientific’ accounts of ‘intersex’ beings in Empedocles, Plato’s Symposium and Lucretius’ De Rerum Natura. Ovid’s portrayal of Hermaphroditus expresses the breakdown of corporeal distinction through blurring the divisions between truth and falsehood, while undermining the use of opposition as a basic organizing principle across the cultural spectrum.

The first part of this paper argues that Orpheus' telling of Hyacinth's story in Ov. Met. 10, 162-219 is a reworking of his own personal grief for Eurydice, narrated by Ovid shortly before. The second part analyses the extant Hellenistic models for the Ovidian version of the myth.

En el siguiente trabajo se analizarán distintos fragmentos de la obra de Ovidio donde el autor reelabora el tópico non omnis moriar, probablemente relacionado con la Oda 30,3 de la obra Odas (Horacio). Se intentará observar qué tipo de relación se establece entre la aparición de estos fragmentos en sus escritos y el contexto en el que se produjeron. La relación con Augusto parece cobrar gran importancia a la hora de interpretar las reelaboraciones y usos del tópico como una forma de persistir más allá de lo político y social.

Der Artikel stellt eine Unterrichtsreihe zum Ariadne-Mythos bei Ovid für den Lateinunterricht in der gymnasialen Oberstufe vor. Beigefügt sind ein Tafelbild sowie Kopiervorlagen mit den für den Unterricht aufbereiteten Textstellen, Abbildungen, einer Karte und eine Übersicht über den notwendigen Aufbauwortschatz.

What does it mean to have a feminine voice in a literary world dominated by male authors? What would it mean for the contemporary reader of ancient and medieval texts to be responsive to the distinctiveness of the feminine voice? This article addresses these questions by focusing on an eleventh- century epistolary exchange between the poet and clergyman Baudri of Bourgueil and Constance, a young nun at Le Ronceray Abbey in Angers. This amatory correspondence develops through a dialogue with a multiplicity of voices that are part of the classical erotic tradition. Examining the inter- textual web created by these letters, the essay shows why intertextuality is a key for deciphering a text’s articulation of the feminine.

Returning to the work begun in Amy Richlin's seminal essay on the unsettling topic of sexual violence in Ovid's work, "Reading Ovid's Rapes," this paper takes another look at the rich interpretive problems posed by the incessantly recurring theme of sexual violence in the "Metamorphoses." Though the perpetrators are almost exclusively divine, roughly a third of the myths recounted by the Roman poet features some form of sexual assault. When read in the context of conservative Augustan-era marriage legislation like the "Lex Julia de adulteriis," Ovid's insistence on the theme can be read as an indictment of Augustus himself, who after all insisted on likening himself in official imperial iconography to the cult of such gods as Apollo and Jupiter, two of the most egregious assailants throughout the long poem. However, each reiteration of the theme also reveals a series of other important concomitant concerns that arise from cases of sexual violence, including questions pertaining to illegitimate children and other unanticipated repercussions in the victim's family, that actually reveal Ovid to be more seriously engaged in thinking about the subject than he is commonly given credit for. Taking Ovid to task for the grave issues he tackles can actually provide fodder for productive discussion of topical issues effecting life on campus and in our country today. It is absolutely imperative that certain topics be addressed in productive and adult ways with our students if we expect to raise the level of our public discourse. Far from aestheticizing these topics as mere literary artifacts, Ovid's complex text demands to be read on a number of levels that are all pertinent to the world in which we live today.

Dieu est né en exil, Fayard, Paris, 1960.
Traducere de Ileana Cantuniari.
Prefață de Daniel Rops

„Il romanzo è una riscrittura delle opere che il poeta romano Ovidio compose durante il suo esilio a Tomi (nell'attuale Romania), le Tristia e le Pontiche, opere costituite da lettere dell'autore ai suoi amici, molto simili per la loro forma a un diario.
Il narratore è Ovidio stesso. Il suo "diario segreto" è diviso in otto capitoli, ognuno corrispondente a un anno d'esilio.
Il primo sentimento del poeta giunto a Tomi è la disperazione, per essere stato relegato in un luogo remoto presso gente che per la maggior parte non sa parlare latino e non conosce la sua opera. Lentamente però si adatta alla nuova situazione, pur senza rinunciare alla speranza di ritornare un giorno a Roma grazie a un gesto di clemenza di Augusto. A Tomi gli sono assegnati la giovane nativa Dokia come governante e il soldato romano Onorio come sorvegliante; con questi sviluppa un rapporto simile all'amicizia, come con le prostitute Artemide e Gaia e con l'oste greco Erimone. Costui, insoddisfatto del proprio matrimonio e invaghito di una giovane di nome Lydia, ricorre alle abilità poetiche di Ovidio per conquistare la sua nuova fiamma.
In compagnia del daco Comozu, Ovidio compie un pellegrinaggio sui monti Carpazi al santuario di Zalmoxis, l'unico dio venerato dalla popolazione locale del quale aveva sentito parlare in primis da Dokia. Lì incontra un anziano sacerdote che lo colpisce con la sua fede e con la sua personalità.
Un altro personaggio che ha una profonda influenza spirituale sul poeta è il medico greco Teodoro: questi, che aveva studiato in Egitto, era entrato in contatto col culto della triade costituita da Osiride, Iside e Horus e ne era stato inizialmente affascinato, ma poi, trasferitosi in Palestina, si era rivolto verso la fede professata dagli Ebrei. A Betlemme si era trovato ad assistere ai Magi che adoravano un bambino e aveva deciso che sarebbe stato presente alle gesta del Messia quando questi fosse cresciuto.
Nel frattempo Augusto muore e gli succede Tiberio. Tomi diventa sede di una guarnigione romana, il cui comandante Valerio mostra una forte dissidenza verso il poeta esule, tanto più che Onorio, come altri militi romani, ha disertato dopo avere sposato Dokia, che gli ha dato una figlia. Erimone, che ha ucciso la moglie malata perché desidera sposare Lydia, si uccide per il rimorso. Ovidio, ormai rassegnato a non tornare più in patria, progetta di fuggire da Tomi per stabilirsi presso Onorio e la sua famiglia, ma cade gravemente ammalato e il suo diario s'interrompe.”
(https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dio_%C3%A8_nato_in_esilio)

Based  on  the  experience  of  telling  mythological  stories    from Metamphorphoses by Ovid, this study investigates transformational and referential aspects that are present in the act of storytelling. Furthermore, we examine the continuous process of resignification of myths and we explore the ovidian concept of metamorphose, “omnia mutantur, nihil interit” (Met. XV, 165). The purpose of this paper is to approach the inverse process by which mythological narratives were established (from orality to writing), highlighting the relevance of the contact with literature through storytelling.


RESUMO: Com base na contação de histórias mitológicas das Metamorfoses, de Ovídio, o presente estudo analisa o caráter transformador e, ao mesmo tempo, referenciador que perpassa esse (re)contar. Para tanto, investiga-se o movimento contínuo de ressignificação dos mitos e explora-se a própria concepção ovidiana de metamorfose, “omnia mutantur, nihil interit” (Met. XV, 165). Nesse sentido, o trabalho destaca um processo inverso àquele em que as próprias narrativas mitológicas se estabeleceram (da oralidade para a escrita), assim como a relevância do contato literário via contação.

Palavras-chave: contação; mitologia; oralidade; Metamorfoses; Ovídio.

Augustus’ success in implementing monarchical rule at Rome is often attributed to innovations in the symbolic language of power, from the star marking Julius Caesar’s deification to buildings like the Palatine complex and Forum Augustum to rituals like triumphs and funerals. This book illumines Roman subjects’ vital role in creating and critiquing these images, in keeping with the Augustan poets’ sustained exploration of audiences’ role in constructing verbal and visual meaning. From Vergil to Ovid, these poets publicly interpret, debate, and disrupt Rome’s evolving political iconography, reclaiming it as the common property of an imagined republic of readers. In showing how these poets used reading as a metaphor for the mutual constitution of Augustan authority and a means of exercising interpretive libertas under the principate, this book offers a holistic new vision of Roman imperial power and its representation that will stimulate scholars and students alike. (forthcoming with Cambridge University Press, spring 2018)

The author is trying to retrace the structural pattern responsible for the coherence of Jan Kochanowski's "Elegiarum libri quattuor", a collection of 46 Latin elegies by Polish most prominent Renaissance poet. In order to achieve this he takes into account the characters hailing from the Trojan myth (Paris, Hector, Ifigenia, Ulysse...) as they apparently play a serious role in the poetic expression of different stages of the collection' s protagonist's emotional journey he takes as Lydia's infortunate lover but, more importantly, an adolescent becoming a grown man