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Each hexagram in the Yi zhan (Changes-related Divination)corresponds to“a certain number in a certain direction intersects... more
Each hexagram in the Yi zhan (Changes-related Divination)corresponds to“a certain number in a certain direction intersects
 a certain number in a certain direction”.This is a direction system which divides the four directions of the north,south,east
and west into sixteen degrees respectively.Each hexagram occupies eight degrees,and two hexagrams correspond to one side.Sixty-
four degrees corresponds to the azimuth system of sixty-four hexagrams.Jiao means intersect,and its meaning is related to the
two 64degree plate rotations correspondingly.According to the rule for number arrangement,the intepreter’s supplementary text
can be revised.The auspicious months are arranged by sixteen,which is consistent with the related four dimensional diagram in
chapter Astronomy of Huainan zi,reflecting its connection with divinatory board.“A certain number in a certain direction intersects
 a certain number in a certain direction”can be included in the fortunes or misfortunes reason system related to seasons,so as
to realize the unity of heaven(time)and earth(space).No matter for the sixty-four positions or sixteen seasons,the deviation between
 the 30hexagrams in part I and 34hexagrams in part II should be considered when matching them with the hexagrams.It can
be inferred from this that the specific divinatory method in the Yi zhanshould also be a combination of yarrow-stalk divination mehtod
 and divinatory board system.
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Zheng Xuan and Wang Bi were the most important commentators on the Yijing in the Six Dynasties period. Li Dingzuo has said that Zheng Xuan preferred the principles of Heaven while Wang Bi focused on human affairs. However, this judgment... more
Zheng Xuan and Wang Bi were the most important commentators on the Yijing in the Six Dynasties
period. Li Dingzuo has said that Zheng Xuan preferred the principles of Heaven while Wang Bi focused on
human affairs. However, this judgment is questionable: we need to study what did Zheng Xuan meant by“the
principles of Heaven”. When he spoke of what is“beyond form or beneath form”, he was trying to show a
spatial meaning besides an ontological or temporal meaning. That is, Zheng Xuan developed a spatial
metaphor. Heaven which was above was the originator of human beings, while the implements which were
below were the production of human beings. Therefore “above-form”and “below-form”are not about the
difference between the abstract and idiographic, but the relationship between the source and the current.
Zhengxuan's Yaochen-learning, which explained the hexagram diagrams using lunar mansions, can thus be
understood more clearly. We can also distinguish Zheng and Wang Bi's learning more clearly.
惠棟著《易漢學》,稿凡五六易。其主要版本,按改訂時間排列,有陸錫熊家藏本(《四庫全書》的底本)、復旦大學所藏稿本、王昶藏本、《經訓堂叢書》刻本等。惠棟的改訂,可以分為以下幾類:條例的增加、例證的增訂、引據文獻的改訂、解釋的改易、出於思想和立場的修改。除了《易漢學》本身的修訂之外,從《易漢學》到《易例》的轉變更體現了惠棟求通、以及求微言大義的經學志向。《易漢學》是惠棟易學成熟的起點,而《易例》並非其終點。
易学可以分为两部分:理论的层面和术数的层面。学界以往对易学的术数层面关注较少,一是缘于学者对"术数"的偏见,二是术数学自身缺少系统性反思的理论大师。三国时的管辂便是试图对术数学进行理论说明的人。牟宗三曾经藉由管辂来研究中国传统的一类知识系统,但尚有许多内容待发掘。管辂说"善易者不论《易》",这是对术数易地位的辩护,同时也是对经学易和玄学易的回应。这种反对,不能从象数和义理对立的角度去理解,而应从文本和实践的区别来认识。管辂认为,术数的根本在于"神",这个神不是玄学或思辨意义上... more
易学可以分为两部分:理论的层面和术数的层面。学界以往对易学的术数层面关注较少,一是缘于学者对"术数"的偏见,二是术数学自身缺少系统性反思的理论大师。三国时的管辂便是试图对术数学进行理论说明的人。牟宗三曾经藉由管辂来研究中国传统的一类知识系统,但尚有许多内容待发掘。管辂说"善易者不论《易》",这是对术数易地位的辩护,同时也是对经学易和玄学易的回应。这种反对,不能从象数和义理对立的角度去理解,而应从文本和实践的区别来认识。管辂认为,术数的根本在于"神",这个神不是玄学或思辨意义上的"玄之又玄",而是实践意义中的通感和知几能力,它奠基于人自身的命限和气质中。但对于神的体悟又不能仅仅等同于"直觉"和"神秘主义",因为它对于表现的通孔——象,以及工夫论基础,都有明确的要求。在这里,我们看到了不隶属于理性、直觉或神秘主义的一种独特思维方式。
I Ching-learning could be divided into two parts: one was the theory and the other was divination o[…]
摘自:管辂易学研究——兼论术数学的思维方式
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张惠言是晚清今文学兴起中的关键人物,他的学问介于朴学与晚清今文学的交界点上,他做的汉《易》学上承惠栋。然而根据现有材料,以考证的方法来复原虞翻《易》学,只能是破碎的。张氏不取考证学的方法,而是抽绎出虞翻《易》学的精义,再加入自己的体会,建构出虞翻卦象的结构体系,再凭借这个体系来笺释虞翻《易》注。这种方法富有创造性,也算是今文经学的一个重要特点。同时,张惠言的礼学,也非考证礼学,而是与公羊家的礼学相通。他会通《易》与礼,其实也蕴含着公羊学在其中。张惠言的方法传给刘逢禄,同时对黄... more
张惠言是晚清今文学兴起中的关键人物,他的学问介于朴学与晚清今文学的交界点上,他做的汉《易》学上承惠栋。然而根据现有材料,以考证的方法来复原虞翻《易》学,只能是破碎的。张氏不取考证学的方法,而是抽绎出虞翻《易》学的精义,再加入自己的体会,建构出虞翻卦象的结构体系,再凭借这个体系来笺释虞翻《易》注。这种方法富有创造性,也算是今文经学的一个重要特点。同时,张惠言的礼学,也非考证礼学,而是与公羊家的礼学相通。他会通《易》与礼,其实也蕴含着公羊学在其中。张惠言的方法传给刘逢禄,同时对黄以周、曹元弼等也有影响。 Zhang Huiyan was a critical figure in the rising of Jinwen xue (New Text classicism), whose learning
stood in the interface between puxue (plain learning) and Jinwen xue in the late Qing Dynasty. His study of I Ch⁃ing learning of the Han Dynasty inherited Hui Dong. However, the textual research, with the current materials, which were used to restore Yu Fan’s I Ching learning, were only broken. Rather than following the textual research, Zhang Huiyan constructed the structural system in Yu Fan’s Gua (hexagrams) through expounding the essence in Yu Fan’s I Ching learning mingled with his own understandings, which was further employed to make commentaries on Yu Fan’s annotations of I Ching. This creative explanation was one of the most important characteristics in the New Text classicism. Moreover, Zhang’s study of rituals was not the rituals of textual research, but in harmony with that of the Gongyang Scholars in the Spring and Autumn period. Actually, Zhang Huiyan’s mastery of I Ching and ritual learning also implied the learning of Gongyang School. Methods adopted by Zhang Hui⁃yan were handed down to Liu Fenglu, and further affected Huang Yizhou, Cao Yuanbi and the others.
骏声除了小学之外,尤其擅长易学。本文先考察了其易学的主要著作和特色。其中,《六十四卦经解》是汇集前人注解、间申己意的著作。若对此书的内容不加甄别,很容把书中其他人的易学当作朱氏本人的。至于甄别的标准,不能凭大字、小字来判断,而是要根据实际内容进行核实。朱氏长于训诂,其解《易》的首要特色便是以文字声韵之学进行解释;其次,朱氏精通天算,这鲜明地反映在《六十四卦经解》和《传经室文集》中。通过分析,朱氏解《易》表现出鲜明的历史主义和文本主义的特色,可以说是民国间高亨等解《易》路径的先... more
骏声除了小学之外,尤其擅长易学。本文先考察了其易学的主要著作和特色。其中,《六十四卦经解》是汇集前人注解、间申己意的著作。若对此书的内容不加甄别,很容把书中其他人的易学当作朱氏本人的。至于甄别的标准,不能凭大字、小字来判断,而是要根据实际内容进行核实。朱氏长于训诂,其解《易》的首要特色便是以文字声韵之学进行解释;其次,朱氏精通天算,这鲜明地反映在《六十四卦经解》和《传经室文集》中。通过分析,朱氏解《易》表现出鲜明的历史主义和文本主义的特色,可以说是民国间高亨等解《易》路径的先驱。我们由此可以看到经学“瓦解”的过程。另外,朱氏对王夫之易学有评价。
黄式三、黄以周父子在清末虽然以礼学著称,但易学亦是其经学研究的着力点,乃至是其出处进退之依据与信仰所在。其易学研究,亦可以称得上是清代易学的重镇。黄氏的易学特点,一是汉宋兼采,一是以条例治易,一是注重易学与政治哲学和伦理学之关系。这都对清末民初的思想家产生了重大影响,这种影响尤其通过黄以周执教南菁书院而发挥出来。其中的佼佼者,为唐文治与曹元弼。是故,对黄氏父子的易学进行研究,对于清民之际的经学之变,有重要意义。
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对焦循《周易补疏》的前见进行揭示和检讨,对其训释和义理的失误进行辨析、
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Understandings of Wang Fuzhi in modern China have been prone to the influence of two preexisting notions. One highlights his ethnic theory and uses it to promote the anti- Manchu revolution, and the other regards him as an Enlightenment... more
Understandings of Wang Fuzhi in modern China have been prone to the influence of two preexisting notions. One highlights his ethnic theory and uses it to promote the anti- Manchu revolution, and the other regards him as an Enlightenment thinker. However, an examination of his Complete Works of Wang Fuzhi shows that it contains little Enlightenment thought and instead shows Wang as something of a reactionary in the context of the enlightening trends of his day. Both the philosophical legacy of Wang Yangming and Qing text-critical research, though different or even opposite in form, functioned to deconstruct the traditional rank hierarchy, whereas Wang Fuzhi was a defender of hierarchy and took it as the basis for his theory of human nature and ethics.(Translated by Wang Xiaonong)
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船山对于阳明及其后学的批评十分激烈,其中包括知行学说、无善无恶、赤子之心等方面。如果严格地从哲学史角度来考察,船山的批评确有过激之处,对阳明的理解也有不精确的地方。但除了哲学史的澄清,我们还应当在船山的批评中挖掘更深层的意义,亦即其中所展现出的与阳明的对立。这种对立是实际存在的:... more
船山对于阳明及其后学的批评十分激烈,其中包括知行学说、无善无恶、赤子之心等方面。如果严格地从哲学史角度来考察,船山的批评确有过激之处,对阳明的理解也有不精确的地方。但除了哲学史的澄清,我们还应当在船山的批评中挖掘更深层的意义,亦即其中所展现出的与阳明的对立。这种对立是实际存在的: 从对人性的看法来说,船山主张性日生日成,可以视为一种“开放主义”,而与阳明的“本来主义”有区别。这种日生日成的学说,隐含着性不必然同一的观点。性有差等,与“满街都是圣人”所构建的政治哲学是两种类型。船山所期望的政治,与明后期受阳明后学鼓荡的政治局势截有别。也正是分析到这一步,船山批评的针对性也才豁显出来。
船山对《春秋》的解释别具特色,一方面,他探求孔子“属辞”的深意,另一方面却强烈反对立“例”以说经。复次,在他看来,孔子修《春秋》是因鲁史之旧文,并且有一部分特意保留了鲁史之旧。比如鲁史因怠惰而阙略者孔子不更加补苴;鲁史因产生了忠敬哀悯之心而记载特别详细者孔子亦不加删削;对于一些犯罪者,孔子甚至“如其意而书之”,此可谓“不修之修”。这就决定了我们在理解《春秋》时,不能把每一条都直接看做是圣人的教诲,而是有时要正着读,有时要反着读。这种别具特色解经方法也出现于《诗经》、《周易》等... more
船山对《春秋》的解释别具特色,一方面,他探求孔子“属辞”的深意,另一方面却强烈反对立“例”以说经。复次,在他看来,孔子修《春秋》是因鲁史之旧文,并且有一部分特意保留了鲁史之旧。比如鲁史因怠惰而阙略者孔子不更加补苴;鲁史因产生了忠敬哀悯之心而记载特别详细者孔子亦不加删削;对于一些犯罪者,孔子甚至“如其意而书之”,此可谓“不修之修”。这就决定了我们在理解《春秋》时,不能把每一条都直接看做是圣人的教诲,而是有时要正着读,有时要反着读。这种别具特色解经方法也出现于《诗经》、《周易》等。船山还区别了大义与微言,认为大义的坚守比微言的阐发更为重要。这在明清之际的春秋学中都是比较有特色和意义的。Wang Fuzhi’s interpretation of Chunqiu(Spring and Autumn) had some special features. On one hand, he explored profound meaning in Confucius’ rhetoric. On another he objected that some scholars explained Chunqiu with some ossified rules. Considering that Confucius retained many original text when he compiled the Chunqiu, not all the words stood for Confucius’ view. In fact, Confucius wanted to demonstrate and denounce the crimes by retaining some records of evil. Wang Fuzhi called this “to revise without revising”. This method also could be found in the explaining of Shijing and Zhouyi. Wang Fuzhi discriminated the principle meaning and the esoteric meaning, in which the former was more important. His interpreting method is instructive for today’s hermeneutics.
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講周易疏論家義記  興福寺  鈔本  文獻學  周易  義疏學
宋《中兴国史艺文志》,赵士炜曾据《文献通考》等加以辑佚。其中经部易类仅得数条。胡一桂作《周易本义启蒙翼传》,多据《中兴国史艺文志》,这使得後者的复原成#可能。复原工作需要建立一些规则。... more
宋《中兴国史艺文志》,赵士炜曾据《文献通考》等加以辑佚。其中经部易类仅得数条。胡一桂作《周易本义启蒙翼传》,多据《中兴国史艺文志》,这使得後者的复原成#可能。复原工作需要建立一些规则。
首先有两个限定:一、《中兴国史艺文志》的基础是《中兴馆阁书目》与《续书目》,故凡《翼传》所载亦在《中兴书目》著录之列者,必据《中兴国史艺文志》;二、《中兴国史艺文志》收书下限在嘉定年间。其次,以元人所修《宋史·艺文志》作参照,因#此书收纳了宋代的四部《国史艺文志》,自然也包括《中兴国史艺文志》。通过努力,此次复原在著者、卷数上接近了《中兴国史艺文志·经部易类》的原貌。
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李充、皇侃等人对于《论语·述而》“甚矣吾衰也。久矣吾不复梦见周公”一句的解释非常特殊, 展示了其哲学思想的典型特色。郑玄、朱子认为孔子就是实际的圣人, 是在唯一的凡俗之世中不断成长的、诚实如一地展示其修证境界的圣人。李充认为圣人一方面“无想, 何梦之有”, 一方面又展示出有梦、有壮、有衰的气质性存在。这里的衰、梦只是“寄言”, 是孔子为了便于世人理解自己, 随顺世俗而俯仰的方法。皇侃也认为,... more
李充、皇侃等人对于《论语·述而》“甚矣吾衰也。久矣吾不复梦见周公”一句的解释非常特殊, 展示了其哲学思想的典型特色。郑玄、朱子认为孔子就是实际的圣人, 是在唯一的凡俗之世中不断成长的、诚实如一地展示其修证境界的圣人。李充认为圣人一方面“无想, 何梦之有”, 一方面又展示出有梦、有壮、有衰的气质性存在。这里的衰、梦只是“寄言”, 是孔子为了便于世人理解自己, 随顺世俗而俯仰的方法。皇侃也认为, 这是是“同物而示衰”。李充的想法暗含着凡人皆可以向上提升,以至于成圣。不过,这是李充思路的一种理论上的可能。他之后的皇侃,尽管在佛学方面或接受阐提可以成佛的观点,但仍以下愚为不可成圣者。这说明,古典人性论的思维惯性仍起着作用。随着圣人形象成为关注的重点,以及圣人性质的变化,圣人之“教”的方式和内涵也发生了变化。
杨时的易学,在程门弟子中水平最高。其易学论述,一是《易说》,保存在《大易粹言》等书中,一是《语录》、《文集》中的相关议论。从解《易》的思想来看,他受到了二程天理观的影响;其解《易》的方法,也多与《周易程氏传》一致。但这并不是说杨时就仅仅是二程易学的复述者。事实上,杨时易学展现出了"程—朱"主流脉络之外的另一种可能性。杨时易学在一些主要的概念如易、神,以及由此展开的生死观方面,都受到了张载的影响,并与佛、道有丰富的互动。 Yang Shi 's study of I... more
杨时的易学,在程门弟子中水平最高。其易学论述,一是《易说》,保存在《大易粹言》等书中,一是《语录》、《文集》中的相关议论。从解《易》的思想来看,他受到了二程天理观的影响;其解《易》的方法,也多与《周易程氏传》一致。但这并不是说杨时就仅仅是二程易学的复述者。事实上,杨时易学展现出了"程—朱"主流脉络之外的另一种可能性。杨时易学在一些主要的概念如易、神,以及由此展开的生死观方面,都受到了张载的影响,并与佛、道有丰富的互动。
Yang Shi 's study of I Ching stands the highest level in Cheng brothers ' students. His discussions such as The Interpretation of I Ching are preserved in the dayi cuiyan (Main Interpretations of I Ching) and other relative discussions in his Quotations and Anthology. Yang Shi' s thoughts are influenced by "the theory of heavenly principle"of his teachers Cheng brothers,and his way to explanation of I Ching is also in accord with Cheng Yi' s Interpretation of I Ching. However,it does not mean that Yang Shi just repeats his teachers' views. In fact,Yang Shi' s study on I Ching shows another possibility of neo-Confucianism beside Cheng-Zhu system. His thoughts are influenced by Zhang Zai,and also interacted with the Buddhism and Taoism in many important philosophical conceptions such as "Yi" (易) , "Shen" (神) and the views of life-death.
a new suspicion
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Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Study on Kong Yingda's Zhou Yi Zheng Yi (orthodox commentary of the I Ching)
a study and exegesis of Wang Fuzhi's  Zhou Yi Wai Zhuan (Exoteric Commentary of Zhouyi)
Research Interests:
在王船山之前,《易》学有义理与占筮(象数)两个流派,这在宋代易学中亦然,具体的表现就是程颐易学与邵雍—朱子易学的张力。船山则以为,此二者不仅不可偏废,需要并重;而且当融而为一,故提出了“即占即学”的观点。如果说《周易外传》《周易内传》是学中见占,船山记录其卜筮过程的《章灵赋》则是占中见学。对于船山易学而言,此篇文本是有其重要意义的。